Sunday, November 22, 2009

Fort Hood 1968: A center of Black GI rebellion

Fort Hood 1968: A center of Black GI rebellion

http://www.workers.org/2009/us/fort_hood_1968_1126/

By John Catalinotto
Published Nov 20, 2009

The televised scenes and photos from Fort Hood, Texas, following the
Nov. 5 shooting at the "Soldier Readiness Center" that left 13 dead,
brought back memories of another time when that enormous military
base was a center of political struggle. It was a different political
period, when millions of young people were resisting the war against
Vietnam and when African Americans in particular were in open
rebellion against racism.

In that atmosphere of general mass upsurge, government provocations
resulted not simply in individual acts, but in organized resistance.
At Fort Hood, the result was a rebellion of Black GIs, most of them
back from a year in Vietnam.

This was the political background: On July 23, 1967, a rebellion in
Detroit's African-American community began. U.S. troops from the 82nd
Airborne Division were sent in. Forty-three people were killed and
thousands injured.

In January 1968, the Tet Offensive shook U.S. forces in Vietnam and
gave notice that the liberation of that country from U.S. imperialism
was inevitable. A workers' general strike nearly led to revolution in
France. Back in the U.S. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated
in April and Black rebellions erupted in 160 U.S. cities and towns.
Among the forces used to suppress these rebellions were 15,000 Army
and 45,000 National Guard troops.

Following Dr. King's killing, some 5,000 GIs from Fort Hood were sent
to Chicago. There the notoriously racist Mayor Richard Daley, a
Democrat and father of the current mayor, ordered "looters and
arsonists" shot on sight. At least nine Black civilians died.

By August 1968, Chicago was preparing for massive anti-war
demonstrations set to confront the Democratic National Convention.
Fort Hood was preparing to send to Chicago troops from the First
Armored Division, many of them combat veterans recently returned from
Vietnam. There they were to be ready to use maximum force in the
Black community, should it join the protests.

Assembly of protest

When Black troops heard of these orders, they spent the night of Aug.
23, 1968, in an all-night assembly of protest that the division's
commander allowed. When morning came, however, military police
arrested 43 of the troops for failure to report for reveille.
Twenty-five of the 43 were combat veterans.

The GIs immediately got support from the outside. A GI "coffee
house," the Oleo Strut, was in Killeen, Texas, near the base to
support dissident GIs. A member of the American Servicemen's Union at
Fort Hood called the ASU office in New York. A Black MP supplied the
names of the 43 soldiers to the union. The ASU was an anti-war and
anti-racist GIs' organization, based on the class differences between
ordinary soldiers and officers, whose aim was to break the chain of command.

Within three days, the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee and the
American Civil Liberties Union were supplying legal help while the
ASU went to the base to visit the arrested troops and get their
stories for publicity and to build support.

The courts martial took place in groups of five or six soldiers. The
six troops the military brass considered the ringleaders of the
assembly were tried at the end of October 1968. Their civilian
attorney was the ECLC's Michael Kennedy. Life Magazine's Roger Vaughn
was at the trial covering the case.

Instead of trying to crush the movement with repression, the brass
settled on giving short sentences and letting many of the GIs off on
a technicality. In the October trial, two were given three-month
sentences and bad-conduct discharges, two got just bad discharges,
and two were acquitted.

Mass resistance grows inside military

Mass resistance both to the war and to institutional racism continued
to grow within the military. The Pentagon got more "assemblies" of
the Fort Hood type, from Europe to Vietnam. One, which became known
as the Darmstadt 53, wound up in a victory for the troops. Four of
the Black troops were even able to visit Paris and meet with the
famous Vietnamese negotiator Madame Nguyen Thi Binh.

Later, in November 1974, the then racist apartheid South African army
advanced through Angola to replace the Portuguese who were leaving.
Revolutionary Cuba came to help the Angolans. The South Africans
screamed for help that the U.S. had promised. The 509th Airborne
Infantry, the Rapid Deployment Force of those days, stationed in
Vicenza in northern Italy, was readied.

Some 45 percent of the GIs there were African American or Latino. In
their GI paper, "Getting the News," they wrote, "We don't know much
about Angola, but if we are sent there we will shoot it if it's
white." Their officers, many of whom were white, suggested that the
509th Airborne not be sent to Africa. It wasn't. The Cubans and
Angolans smashed the South African offensive. The apartheid leaders
complained bitterly, as dissident South African soldiers later told
Max Watts, one of the key supporters of GI groups in Europe.

The history of those days shows that when a general mood of struggle
grips a broad section of the population, serious military resistance
can even stop an imperialist offensive. Can such a movement develop
in today's volunteer army? After the Fort Hood killings, as the Obama
administration weighs escalating the U.S.-led war in Afghanistan,
this possibility has to be under consideration.
--

Catalinotto was a civilian organizer for the ASU from 1967 to 1970.
He helped organize the defense of the Fort Hood 43 and attended the
October 1968 trial.

.

My Lai Massacre Exposed 40 Years Ago Today

My Lai Photographer Ron Haeberle Exposed a Vietnam Massacre
40 Years Ago Today in The Plain Dealer

http://www.commondreams.org/headline/2009/11/20-6

http://www.cleveland.com/living/index.ssf/2009/11/plain_dealer_published_first_i.html

by Evelyn Theiss
Published on Friday, November 20, 2009 by The Plain Dealer (Ohio)

Forty years ago today, black-and-white photographs of slaughtered
women, children and old men in a Vietnamese village shocked the world
-- or that portion of the world willing to believe American soldiers
could gun down unarmed peasants and leave them to die in streets and ditches.

The Plain Dealer, in an international exclusive, was the first news
outlet to publish the images of what infamously became known as the
My Lai massacre, which had taken place on March 16, 1968.

"A clump of bodies," read the description on the front page of The
Plain Dealer's Nov. 20, 1969, edition. At first some people were in
denial about how these South Vietnamese civilians were killed, even
after seeing the pictures.

Photographer remembers My Lai Massacre

It was too hard, too painful, to comprehend.

But the atrocities committed by soldiers in the U.S. Army's Charlie
Company were captured by combat photographer Sgt. Ron Haeberle, a
Fairview High School graduate who'd been drafted after college.

The Army did not begin investigating My Lai until the spring of 1969,
a year after the killings, after a former member of Charlie Company
sent a letter to government officials, including President Richard
Nixon and numerous members of Congress.

Army investigators came to Cleveland to interview Haeberle in August
1969. Upon his honorable discharge from the Army the previous year,
he'd returned here and was occasionally giving slide-show talks to
Kiwanis and Lions clubs about his war experience in general. Those
groups would never expect the horrific scenes he'd documented.

"First, I showed all the good we did there, what the medics did, and
photos of Vietnamese people smiling. And then I'd go to the My Lai
photos, and there'd be dead silence," says Haeberle today, in one of
his first U.S. interviews in many decades.

"They'd say, 'No, this can't have happened. That can't be true.' "

They didn't want to believe it, as many people didn't when the photos
were published, but it was true.

Unbelievable massacre still reverberates

On March 16, 1968, American soldiers, "the good guys," who were not
under fire, entered a village where residents were eating breakfast,
rousted them from their homes, raped young girls and then killed
them, their siblings, parents and grandparents. When the injured
moved among the corpses they lay with, they were shot again until
they were still.

The U.S. Army set the number killed at 347; the memorial in My Lai
lists the names of 504 dead.

The story of the My Lai massacre became a significant part of our
nation's history. Twenty-six soldiers of the 50-member unit were
initially charged with criminal offenses for their actions, but only
Lt. William Calley was convicted of premeditated murder. He served
three years of a life sentence under house arrest after President
Nixon reduced his sentence.

Calley was silent about My Lai for 40 years, until making a public
apology in August.

But the term "My Lai" still reverberates: It's mentioned when there
are civilian casualties at the hands of U.S. or allied troops in Iraq
or Afghanistan.

The Plain Dealer got the explosive My Lai photographs in November
1969 soon after Haeberle, then 28, was contacted by Army
investigators. He called the newspaper, because The Plain Dealer was
his hometown paper and because he recognized one of the bylines --
Joe Eszterhas.

They had attended Ohio University at the same time, and Eszterhas had
edited the college paper.

"I didn't have any connections, so Joe was the logical person for me
to call," Haeberle says.

Earlier that same week, a story about the massacre, written by a
free-lance writer named Seymour Hersh, was being distributed by a
small news service. The story wasn't picked up by very many
newspapers; it was met with incredulity, since neither Hersh nor his
news service were well-known.

Still, it garnered some notice. Mike Roberts, then a Plain Dealer
Washington bureau reporter who'd returned stateside after a year
serving as the paper's Vietnam correspondent, remembers that copies
of Hersh's story were slipped under office doors in the National
Press Building.

"No one believed it," said Roberts, of Orange Village. "Bill Ware,
the [Plain Dealer's] executive editor, called; he wasn't sure if we
should go with it. Almost simultaneously, this kid comes forward with
these pictures -- Haeberle's photographs legitimized the story."

Richard Conway, a retired Plain Dealer photographer in Solon, was
working on the photo desk at the paper that night.

"This guy brought the slides in -- I took a look at them, and it was
shocking," he says.

"They were in color. They showed the terror on people's faces right
before they were shot."

Man behind camera never sought fame

The photographs would become historic in a war era that consumed a
generation. But Haeberle quietly returned to obscurity. Forty years
later, he continues to live a quiet life. After the war, he returned
here to work at Premier Industrial Corp. in Cleveland, where he was a
supervisor. For the rest of his career -- besides a brief stint as a
photographer at Case Western Reserve University, which he found
unexciting -- he worked as a supervisor at various manufacturing plants.

Today, he lives in a nondescript house in a new development in a far
western Cleveland suburb. He's 68, divorced and has a grown daughter.
On his mantel, there's a Rube Goldberg sculpture trophy from 1969, a
journalism award for his photos that ran in Life magazine. On his
coffee table, there's hero pilot Chesley Sullenberger's book, "Highest Duty."

Haeberle is fit and athletic -- he works out every day, whether at a
spinning class, on the Pilates reformer he's got at home, or on
ultralong bike rides. He also skis and kayaks.

In the spring, he often heads West and cycles through Utah -- "In
Moab, I feel like an ant among the mountains" -- and California. The
only things he documents with his camera these days are his travels
and the beauties of nature he finds during his travels.

In contrast to today's celebrity-seekers, Haeberle is a throwback. A
low-key man by nature, he has almost never -- until now -- talked to
reporters about 1969 and how those photos affected his life. He did
give a straightforward interview to the BBC in 1989 and will be part
of a documentary about My Lai slated to run on PBS next year.

He doesn't talk much about his moment in history. But if the subject
comes up, he'll talk about those terrible four hours and why he kept
shooting photos.

"That was my job -- I was walking around with two cameras strapped
around me, mine and the Army's, and my job was to document wherever
we went, what the unit did," he says.

When Charlie Company landed in My Lai and began shooting people,
Haeberle shot photos. "It was reactive," he says.

"I was trying to figure out, 'How am I going to capture the event and
go back to headquarters and show them what we were doing?' "

But, he says, "I didn't make it to certain parts of the village where
other things were going on, the rapes and the cutting of tongues and
scalping and all that stuff. I didn't see any of that.

"Later on, when I was interviewed by the CID [the Army's Criminal
Investigation Division] and they explained everything that happened
there, I said, 'You've got to be kidding me.' I didn't know it was
quite that bad."

Photographs changed lives, perceptions

On that night in 1969, when Plain Dealer editors were considering
publication, the evidence looked very, very bad.

"It was such a horrific idea that American troops could do this, to
women and children," says Conway of The Plain Dealer. "I thought it
was amazing we had these -- such a big story out of Vietnam."

Of course, it wasn't a fait accompli that the photos would run.
First, the paper had to verify that Haeberle was who he said he was.
That was confirmed when an Army prosecutor named Aubrey Daniel
strongly suggested The Plain Dealer not publish Haeberle's photos.

Conway was just one of many people who thought the images "might be a
little too much for the paper." Publisher Thomas Vail had to approve
publication, and he did. Eszterhas later said that Plain Dealer
editors were hopeful they'd win journalism prizes for the incendiary scoop.

Eszterhas, speaking from his home in Bainbridge Township earlier this
month, well remembers the intensity of the hours leading up to publication.

"Daniel told us, 'You have no right to run those photos because
[Haeberle] was using an Army camera," Eszterhas recalls. "And we told
him he'd had his own camera, too."

Eszterhas wrote the news story that accompanied the photos, and told
of Haeberle's experiences at My Lai. He and Haeberle then sold the
photos to Life magazine, sharing less than $20,000.

"It was a huge scoop," says Haeberle. "It changed my life a little --
I got to travel a bit. It changed Joe Eszterhas' life a lot."

Within a few years, Eszterhas had fallen out of favor and was fired
from The Plain Dealer. But he went on to write for Rolling Stone
magazine and then became a successful Hollywood screenwriter who made
millions.

Haeberle has never wanted to dwell on the events at My Lai. But he
has read books and watched several documentaries on My Lai, wanting
to learn more about what happened in that village.

"My understanding was the company [which he joined the morning of My
Lai] had been taking losses right and left, seeing their buddies
killed by mines, and they'd become hardened.

"But what happened that day did not have to happen. No. No way."

Does Haeberle feel his decision to share the photos with the
newspaper changed history, or people's lives? Quietly, nonchalantly,
he says: "Oh, I'm sure it did. I've talked to people over the years,
Army people even, who did mention it helped bring a turning point to
the war, bring about the end of the war, maybe.

"At least that part, that makes me feel good, that part coming out."

Eszterhas, too, points out that the publication of the My Lai photos,
coupled with the Kent State shootings six months later, which he also
covered, began a critical shift in Americans' perceptions of the Vietnam War.

In Vietnam, a shocking memorial

In 2000, Haeberle went back to Vietnam for the first time. He bought
a number of original works by Vietnamese artists, which hang in his
living room today. Most are abstracts; one is a black-and-white,
delicately needleworked portrait of a woman, gracefully reaching one
arm toward the sky.

He and a group of cyclist friends biked 775 miles from Hanoi to
Saigon, now Ho Chi Minh City, with stops along the way.

One was at My Lai, where women still push and pull water buffalo
alongside green rice fields and where there is now a museum and peace
garden memorializing the dead.

Haeberle's traveling friends knew of his role in My Lai's past. "But
we just kept it quiet. They were protective."

He walked into the small museum -- "It's beautiful," he says -- and
was shocked to see the 16-by-20-inch photos on the wall. The massacre
photos were all his, some color, some black-and-white; there was even
a black-and-white shot of him.

"I never gave them the photos," he explains. "So the Army must have."

He won't say he got choked up, exactly, but he was affected by being
in that space, his own powerful images of horror looking back at him
from the walls.

"I found myself making an apology for what happened," he says. "I
walked around by myself. No one else was around, and I was making
silent amends.

"For something that didn't have to happen, but did."

.

Stewart Brand Talks About Embracing Nuclear Power

Stewart Brand, an Icon of Environmentalism, Talks About Embracing
Nuclear Power

http://blog.newsweek.com/blogs/techtonicshifts/archive/2009/10/21/stewart-brand-an-icon-of-environmentalism-talks-about-embracing-nuclear-power.aspx

Andrew Bast
October 21, 2009

When it comes to icons of the environmentalist movement, Stewart
Brand ranks at the top of the list. Brand, 70, founded the Whole
Earth Catalog, which helped to mold the counterculture of the 1970s.
Today, though, he's just released a new book, Whole Earth
Discipline: An Ecopragmatist Manifesto, in which he makes a U-turn
into much of the movement's received wisdom. Perhaps the biggest
about-face concerns his embrace of nuclear power. NEWSWEEK's Andrew
Bast sat down with Brand in New York to talk about the atom, the
environment, and the dire ramifications of napping on a tugboat. Excerpts:

NEWSWEEK: Is nuclear power green?

BRAND: Yes. Having been careful not to look into nuclear power for
many years, when I began considering it I thought it was green
primarily in the context of greenhouse gases and climate change. But
frankly, now I've gotten to the point now that even if carbon dioxide
in the atmosphere, greenhouse gases, and climate change were not
significant issues, I would still probably be pro-nuclear. Because
coal is so awful.

Is it fair to compare the remnants of coal-fired power plans with
nuclear waste?

The waste from coal means gigatons of carbon dioxide going into the
atmosphere. There is also the fly ash, slurry, and all the rest of
the stuff. The sheer quantities get to be overwhelming. Eighty rail
cars a day of coal, each one weighing a hundred tons goes into a
1-gigawatt coal-fired plant, and that multiplies to 19,000 tons of
carbon dioxide, every day. Compare that to one year of a 1-gigawatt
nuclear plant, which puts out 20 tons of very dense nuclear waste
that goes into dry cask storage. You know exactly where it is and you
monitor it, and it's not doing anything bad. That's a pretty strong contrast.

In the book, you tally up the anti-nuke environmentalists who have
changed their minds. Is there a definitive line in the environmental
movement to embrace nuclear power?

You can name the prominent figures on two hands and two feet. The one
I like, because it is so clear, is Stephen Tydnall in Britain, who
was head of Greenpeace there. Today, Britain is headed toward an
environmentally permitted, if not actually encouraged, nuclear
renaissance. And they've got France right across the channel selling
them 2 gigawatts a year of nuclear electricity!

You were trained originally as an ecologist, so maybe it's easy for
you to think about long eras like 10,000 years. But for many people,
whether it's nuclear power plants, waste from coal-fired plants, or
climate change, it's hard to think beyond much more than the time
they've got before, well, they're part of the earth, too.

If we got most of civilization comfortable thinking in a 100-year
time frame, that would be a fantastic victory. Climate change may do
this. But that is jumping up from a situation where people can barely
think seriously about a decade at a time. Mostly we're focusing on
the next quarter, the next election, and that's fine. But one of the
things we hire government and scientists to do is to step outside
that time frame, bear it in mind, operate within it, but keep the
century in mind.

Environmental debates are undoubtedly heated. Do you think good
science ends up the victim?

Good science wound up a victim in a serious way with genetically
engineered food crops. The next generation, known as synthetic
biology, has learned the lesson that efforts were not made to get
really good public understanding and permission to go ahead with new
technology.

In an ideal world, shouldn't good science the scientific method rise
above the fray?

Ingo Potrykus, the Swiss engineer who developed golden rice, had to
get money from the Swiss government to grenadeproof his greenhouse.
He was developing the rice that would provide Vitamin A to save the
lives and eyesight of a million children a year. He was vilified and
threatened by many, especially in Europe. We would like to not keep doing that.

What's your strategy, then?

The title of my book, Whole Earth Discipline, shows that we have to
engage a global climate problem, which doesn't belong to any one
region. We are doing what ecologists call ecosystem engineering.
That's what beavers do they make dams, and then you get a much richer
environment. Earthworms do it, too. So we need to be as productive,
ecologically, as earthworms and beavers.

Is there any hope for the upcoming climate change summit in Copenhagen?

Focusing on the nuclear issue, I would trust that they will not make
the Kyoto mistake of refusing to give carbon credits to nuclear power.

One last question, about you as a person. You live on a tugboat in
San Francisco. First, does that lessen your impact on the
environment? And second, don't you get seasick when you take a nap in
the afternoon?

No.

No to the impact, or no to the seasick?

No to the seasick.

Ah, well.

The impact is pretty small, mainly because it is a pretty small
space. My wife and I have lived for 25 years in 450 square feet. It's
easy to cool, because we are on the water. It's easy to heat, because
there's not much space. We do use biodiesel. There's a solar panel on
the flybridge that brings a little juice down into the battery bank.
But mainly it's living small.

.

Civil liberties attorney Lynne Stewart ordered to prison

Civil liberties attorney Lynne Stewart ordered to prison

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2009/nov2009/stew-n21.shtml

By Peter Daniels
21 November 2009

A three-judge panel of a US federal appeals court has upheld the
conviction of outspoken civil liberties lawyer Lynne Stewart,
convicted in 2005 of assisting terrorism by transmitting the contents
of a press statement by her client, the blind Egyptian cleric Sheik
Omar Abdel Rahman, in 2000. Also convicted at that time were Ahmed
Abdel Sattar, who is presently serving a 24-year term for assisting
the cleric, and Mohamed Yousry, a translator who was sentenced
originally to 20 months.

The appellate court also ordered the revocation of Stewart's bond,
and she surrendered to prison authorities on November 19 to begin
serving a 28-month sentence.

The latest decision was not unexpected considering the present
political and civil liberties climate. An additional ominous note was
injected, however, by the judges from the Second Circuit of the US
Court of Appeals; they ordered the trial judge, John Koeltl of the
Federal District Court, to hold another hearing on December 2 to
consider resentencing Stewart to a longer term on the grounds that
she had lied at the trial.

Koeltl had shocked the authorities in October 2006 when he sentenced
Stewart to a term less than 10 percent as long as the 30 years called
for the prosecution. At the time, Koeltl, in part voicing a broad and
widespread sympathy for Stewart, especially in New York, called her
"a dedicated public servant who had, throughout her career,
represented the poor, the disadvantaged and the unpopular."

This positive evaluation undoubtedly angered federal prosecutors. The
latest decision comes about as close as the appellate judges legally
can to demanding a longer sentence. It forces Koeltl to increase the
sentence for the 70-year-old Stewart, who was treated for breast
cancer in the period between her conviction and sentencing, or to
explain why he will not. Judge Robert Sack, who wrote the appellate
decision, said Koeltl should have determined whether Stewart lied in
court. "We think that whether Stewart lied under oath at her trial is
directly relevant to whether her sentence was appropriate," he wrote.

A further indication of the mood of the higher court judges was the
partial dissent of Judge John M. Walker, who called the sentence
"breathtakingly low." Walker was not satisfied with the majority
decision merely sending the case back for resentencing, claiming that
it "trivializes Stewart's extremely serious conduct with a 'slap on
the wrist.'"

Stewart denounced the appellate decision, pointing in particular to
the recent decision to try some of the Guantanamo defendants at
criminal trials in New York. She said that the timing of the decision
in her case, "coming as it does on the eve of the arrival of the
tortured men from offshore prison in Guantanamo," was intended to
intimidate lawyers who would be defending these men.

"If you're going to lawyer for these people, you'd better toe very
close to the line that the government has set out," said Ms. Stewart.
Otherwise, she added, you "will end up like Lynne Stewart. … This is
a case that is bigger than just me personally." Stewart's attorney,
Joshua Dratel, said that an appeal to the Supreme Court was possible.

The National Lawyers Guild, of which Lynne Stewart is a member,
issued a statement as she reported to jail. "The National Lawyers
Guild issues its continued support of longtime member and former
veteran civil rights attorney Lynne Stewart," it stated. NLG
President David Gespass was quoted as saying, "We are proud that
Lynne has been, is and continues to be a member of the National
Lawyers Guild. Her long history of vigorous advocacy on behalf of the
most unpopular of clients is an example to all of us and reflects a
commitment to justice and due process that is too often only given
lip service by the bar."

Stewart was first indicted in 2002, at which time then Attorney
General John Ashcroft held a press conference to trumpet his attack
on civil liberties. Now a Democrat is in the White House and the
Attorney General is Eric Holder, but the vindictive attack on
Stewart, part of the bipartisan assault on civil liberties and
democratic rights, continues.

.

Vietnam-era musical HAIR

[2 articles]

Hair's Broadway cast London-bound

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/entertainment/arts_and_culture/8363854.stm

17 November 2009

The Broadway production of flower power musical Hair is transferring
to London next year, producers have announced.

It will become the first New York production to move its entire cast
to the West End when it opens at the Gielgud Theatre on 14 April.

The show, which was first staged in London more than 40 years ago,
ran for almost 2,000 performances.

It was only brought to a halt by the collapse of the Shaftesbury
Theatre's ceiling in 1973.

The musical famously opened one day after the abolition of theatre
censorship in the UK in September 1968.

Previously, its scenes of nudity and drug-taking, along with
blasphemous and sexually explicit language, would have fallen foul of
the Lord Chamberlain's office - which licenced all stage productions.

Afghanistan sentiments

The current Broadway revival started its run last summer, and has
been extended three times.

Artistic director of The New York Public Theater, Oskar Eustis said:
"To bring the Public's production of Hair back to London in 2010
means more to me than I can say."

Theatrical impresario Sir Cameron Mackintosh said: "Little did I
think when I was the production runner on the original production of
Hair that 41 years later I would be bringing the Public Theater's
acclaimed new production back to London."

He added that the anti-Vietnam war sentiments of the original show
were now "morphed into the world's concern at what's happening in
Afghanistan".

Hair was briefly revived on the London stage in 1993 and 2005, the
latter production starring John Barrowman.

The Broadway cast will be replaced in March ahead of its transfer to
the West End.

The move is expected to allow more British stage performers to appear
in New York theatre productions.

---------

UA's theatre department showcases Vietnam-era musical

http://www.tuscaloosanews.com/article/20091023/NEWS/910239983/1005?Title=UA-s-theatre-department-showcases-Vietnam-era-musical

By Whitney Hobson Special to Tusk
Published: Friday, October 23, 2009

The Age of Aquarius dawned 40 years ago, but the University's
production of 'Hair' somehow makes the dated play seem brand new.

The director of the play, Guy Fauchon, a third-year graduate
directing student, said he was trying to capture a more organic,
'tribal' feeling where the Tribe - the cast of counterculture hippies
- really owns the show.

'There are moments in the show that will change every night,' Fauchon
said. 'There are some parts with no set choreography, different
people, and I said, 'Do whatever you want.''

He describes the show as being not safe at all. In the tradition of
protest plays, it constantly pokes fun of the established
institutions and beliefs that were dominant in the 1960s. It leads
the audience onto an emotional rollercoaster, as the Tribe suffers
from breakups, pregancies and the draft.

The Vietnam War takes center stage for the second act. It was a
challenge for Fauchon to make his actors understand the historical
significance of the play, written by Gerome Ragni and James Rado in
the time period of 1964 to 1967.

'It's about getting the kids to appreciate what kids their age went
through,' Fauchon said. 'To bring the realities of the 1968-1969
draft to this young cast, we did a lot of exercises.'

Fauchon is also not playing it safe in that in one of the play's
protest scenes, a few members of the Tribe use nudity as a way of
expressing their freedom.

'The important thing about nudity ­ it's in the play,' Fauchon said.
'The writers thought it was important enough to be in the play. It's
part of the hippie culture, part of peace and love. It's not
gratuitous; it's a protest, a proclamation of freedom.'

For Raphael Crystal, the UA theatre and dance department's director
of musical track, this is a unique experience.

'I was happy to do it because it's one of those shows you want to
have the experience of doing,' Crystal said. It's a revolutionary
musical, Crystal said, because it was more about a group of people,
rather than focusing on individuals. He also said that it signaled a
change for musical theater.

'It was a time in the beginning of the '60s when not only was the
country changing ­ it's the Vietnam War, it's all the Civil Rights
movements, the hippies, the sexual revolution,' Crystal said.
'Musical theater was also changing, people were trying to find a new
way to do things ­ it comes at a certain moment in American and
theater history.'

Crystal hopes that people who see the show will be able to view it as
one complete work.

'The thing that most interests me is there are these long stretches
of music leading into music, so it's like one composition,' Crystal
said. 'So, hopefully, people will experience it as one complete thing
and not as separate songs.'

Fauchon is planning on incorporating audience interaction as much as
possible, so be prepared to indulge your inner hippie by doing a
little dancing with the cast on stage after the show.

Although tickets have been sold out for more than a month, you can
get on waiting lists by calling the UA theater and dance box office
at 205-348-3400. You can also try Facebook marketplace for students
trying to sell their tickets.
--

'HAIR'

What: Counterculture musical theater
When: 7:30 p.m. Monday through Oct. 31, with 2 p.m. matinees Oct. 31-Nov. 1
Where: Allen Bales Theatre
How much: $10; they're sold out, but standby seats may become available.
More: 205-348-3400. www.crimsonartstickets.com.

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OBIT: Jack Nelson, chronicled racism's evils

OBIT

Jack Nelson, 80

L.A. Times reporter was driven by his conscience

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/10/21/AR2009102101040.html

By Patricia Sullivan
Thursday, October 22, 2009

Jack Nelson, 80, a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative reporter who
covered the civil rights movement in the South during the 1950s and
1960s, the Watergate scandal in the 1970s and national politics until
2001, died Oct. 21 at his home in Bethesda. He had pancreatic cancer.

Mr. Nelson became one of the best-known newspapermen in Washington
thanks to his two decades as the bureau chief for the Los Angeles
Times and his weekly appearances on the PBS show formerly known as
"Washington Week in Review." He was also a co-founder in 1970 of the
Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press.

He rose to prominence while working for the Atlanta Constitution when
his series of articles on mental institutions in Georgia received the
1960 Pulitzer for local reporting. His award-winning investigation of
malpractice at a Georgia state mental hospital showed nurses
operating on patients and doctors using experimental drugs on them.

His skill in reporting on the civil rights movement later in the
1960s for the Times made him "the most source-connected reporter in
the South since Claude Sitton [of the New York Times] by
investigating tips and responding quickly to breaking news," wrote
Gene Roberts and Hank Klibanoff in "The Race Beat" (2006), their
Pulitzer-winning history of the media coverage of the civil rights movement.

Mr. Nelson broke important stories during the Watergate scandal,
including an exclusive interview with Alfred Baldwin, a former FBI
agent who kept logs of wiretaps for the Watergate conspirators and
acted as a lookout during the burglary of the Democratic national
headquarters.

As the Los Angeles Times built its national reputation, Mr. Nelson
told Time magazine in 1991 that the Washington bureau he led was too
often overlooked in the nation's capital. Reporters in the
then-57-person Washington bureau often scooped competitors because of
their initiative, he said, as well as deadlines that were three hours
later than those of East Coast dailies.

Doyle McManus, Washington columnist for the Los Angeles Times, told
the Associated Press: "He maintained that the main thing people want
from newspapers is facts -- facts they didn't know before, and
preferably facts that somebody didn't want them to know. Jack was
tolerant of opinion writers; he respected analysis writers, and he
even admired one or two feature writers. But he believed the only
good reason to be a reporter was to reveal hidden facts and bring
them to light."

The travails of the news business in the 21st century irked him. In
2008, seven years after he retired, Mr. Nelson joined a high-profile
class-action federal lawsuit against Chicago billionaire Sam Zell.
The real estate speculator in 2007 took control of the Tribune Co.,
which owns the Los Angeles paper, in a controversial deal that has
mired the company in more than $13 billion of debt.

Mr. Nelson and other Times alumni accused Zell of breaches of
fiduciary duty, conflicts of interest and other violations of the law
that safeguards the proper handling of such retirement benefits as
pensions and trusts. Zell called the allegations frivolous and
unfounded; the case is pending.

A few months later, the Times' storied Washington bureau was merged
with the Chicago Tribune's Washington bureau.

Chronicled racism's evils

John Howard Nelson was born Oct. 11, 1929, in Talladega, Ala., and
raised in Alabama, Mississippi and Georgia. Before graduating from
high school, he worked as reporter at the Biloxi Daily Herald, then
served in the Army as a sergeant from 1949 through 1951. After his
discharge, he joined the Atlanta Constitution while attending George
State University.

"The evil inflicted on blacks in the South where I was born and grew
up was almost unbelievable. As journalists, we all felt a deep
self-consciousness about needing to address what we saw," he said in
an interview with the Newseum. Those were sentiments he often
repeated to other interviewers.

During his first year at the Atlanta paper, he wrote a devastating
exposé of vice and corruption in Hinesville, Ga. A grand jury
indicted 44 of the town's leading residents, so many that when Mr.
Nelson arrived to cover the legal proceedings, he was mobbed,
spread-eagled across the hood of a car by a deputy sheriff while the
locals yelled for blood.

Mr. Nelson appealed to a passing judge to arrest his attacker, but
the judge refused to intervene. A police officer saved him from
lynching, but not from eventual arrest by vengeful deputies, who
charged him with, among other things, rape. The charges were later dropped.

Mr. Nelson covered the arrival of federal troops sent to enforce
desegregation of the schools in Little Rock, but he said it wasn't
until 1965, when he became the Atlanta bureau chief for the Times,
that he began to seriously cover the civil rights movement.

He was harassed and threatened by racists but never assaulted, as
some other reporters were. That was perhaps because of his Southern
accent, crew-cut hair and his habit of dressing in a business suit,
creating an appearance that he put to his advantage when violence
broke out in Orangeburg, S.C., in 1968. Three students were killed
and two dozen wounded when more than 100 state troopers, National
Guardsmen and local police fired on students protesting a racially
segregated bowling alley.

Mr. Nelson went straight to the local hospital, Roberts and Klibanoff
reported in their book, and introduced himself as "Nelson, with the
Atlanta bureau. I've come to see the medical records." Those records
proved that 16 students had been shot in the back and others wounded
on the soles of their feet. The FBI began to investigate, but Mr.
Nelson didn't leave the story there. He wrote that the federal agents
were eating, drinking and sharing hotel rooms with the state troopers
they were investigating.

In 1970, Mr. Nelson moved to Washington as an investigative reporter
for the Times. He dug into the White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, who
were suspects in nine slayings and 300 assaults and bombings in 1968.

He also disclosed that the FBI, frustrated by its inability to catch
the most elusive bomber, paid and intimidated two Klan leaders to
order the bomber to dynamite the home of a Jewish merchant in
Meridian, Miss. The setup went awry. An accomplice was killed and the
would-be bomber wounded after a wild escape attempt.

Although FBI agents had been among his best sources, Mr. Nelson
became a persona non grata at the agency. Longtime Director J. Edgar
Hoover sought to have him fired. In 1971, at a Washington awards
banquet, Hoover told The Washington Post's Sally Quinn: "I view Jack
Anderson as the top scavenger of all columnists. Jack Nelson is next
to a skunk."

Mr. Nelson was forthright in his admiration of the Rev. Martin Luther
King Jr., telling a Syracuse University oral history project
interviewer in 2004 that King was "the greatest orator I ever covered
in over 50 years of reporting and he inspired people."

"A reporter likes to pride himself on being as objective as he can,
and . . . tell both sides of the story," he said. "Well, there's
hardly two sides to a story of a man being denied the basic right to
vote. I mean, where do you get the other side? . . . There's no two
sides to a story of a lynching, a lynching is a lynching."

Without the media, the 1965 voting rights act or the 1964 public
accommodations act would not have passed, he said. "We didn't do as
well as we could've done, but in a sense it was one of the finest
hours of American press," he said.

Mr. Nelson became the Times' bureau chief in 1975, holding that post
until 1995, when he became chief Washington correspondent for the newspaper.

Reporters Committee

In 1970, Mr. Nelson was one of 13 Washington and New York journalists
who met at Georgetown University's law library out of concern about a
federal grand jury subpoena served on New York Times reporter Earl
Caldwell. After the three-hour meeting, Nelson and two then-New York
Times reporters, Fred Graham and J. Anthony Lukas, coined the name of
the Reporters Committee for the Freedom of the Press, and distributed
a press release to news wire services, launching the group. Over the
past 40 years, the Reporters Committee has become a national
clearinghouse for information and legal help for reporters all over
the country.

Mr. Nelson was a Nieman fellow at Harvard University in 1961. Among
his books were "Terror in the Night: The Klan's Campaign Against the
Jews" (1993), "The Censors and the Schools" (1963) with Gene Roberts,
"The Orangeburg Massacre" (1970) with Jack Bass and "The FBI and the
Berrigans" (1973) with Ronald J. Ostrow. His 1974 book "Captive
Voices," about the state of high school journalism, led to the
creation of the Student Press Law Center.

His marriage to Virginia Dare Dickinson ended in divorce. A son from
that marriage, Steven H. Nelson, died in the 1980s.

Survivors include his wife of 34 years, Barbara Joan Matusow; two
children from his first marriage, Karen Arnold of Grayson, Ga., and
John M. "Mike" Nelson of Lilburn, Ga.; a brother; a sister; six
grandchildren; and five great-grandchildren.

.

Inverness musician steps into spotlight with solo album

Inverness musician who rode 'Get Together' to fame steps into
spotlight with solo album

http://www.marinij.com/lifestyles/ci_13623624

Paul Liberatore
Posted: 10/22/200

ONE OF THE most notable of the unsung musicians in the rich history
of Marin rock 'n' roll lives quietly in a rustic brown shingle house
in Inverness, the little village on the shore of Tomales Bay that
Jesse Colin Young celebrated in "Ridgetop," his paean to windy and
foggy and quiet West Marin living.

Lowell Levinger, a talented multi-instrumentalist known to neighbors
and fans alike as Banana, has been a familiar figure in West Marin
since he moved there from Boston in 1967, the Summer of Love, with
Young and the Youngbloods.

They were flying high on the wings of "Get Together," the top 40 hit
that became the peace and love anthem of their generation. Soon after
arriving, they put their new home on the national map with the 1969
album "Elephant Mountain," the title taken from the nickname for
Black Mountain, which looms over Inverness and Point Reyes Station
like a sleeping pachyderm.

"That was our magnum opus," Banana said, sitting at a butcher block
table in his kitchen, sipping strong coffee. "It was our 'Sergeant Pepper.'"

At 65, Banana's distinctive bushy head of curly hair is still bushy
and curly, but has long since turned from

black to snowy white. He lives in the same English country-style home
he has lived in since 1975 - the living room stuffed with antique
furniture, a grand piano and the vintage stringed instruments he
collects and sells on the Internet.

In 1973, after 13 years and numerous major label albums, the
Youngbloods went their separate ways. For Banana, that meant raising
seven children with his wife, Monica, and working as the consummate
sideman, performing with folksinger Mimi Farina for two decades,
sometimes fronting his own band, Banana and the Bunch ("old time
music with appeal"), and singing and playing keyboards with the Marin
jazz-rock band Zero until that group broke up in 1993.

He has recently formed an occasional duo with David Nelson of the New
Riders of the Purple Sage and plays guitar and keys in the Michael
Barclay Blues Band.

"I've been good at blending my voice with other peoples' unique
voices, whether it's Jesse or Mimi or David Nelson," he said. "The
same thing with playing. I've been good at making the other players
sound better."

Now that he has five grandchildren and his beard is as white as his
hair, he's christened himself Grandpa Banana in the tradition of
country music's Grandpa Jones.

"I am a grandpa, I'm older and that's cool," he said with smile.
"Really, it just keeps getting better."

Especially now.

And after decades in the background, he's stepping into the
spotlight, singing lead on his first solo album, "I'll Do Anything
for You," a tasteful collection of Americana songs played on vintage
acoustic instruments.

"I've finally found my own voice," he said. "I've discovered I can go
out and sing songs that I connect with. And if I'm being moved by
them, they're probably going to move the audience as well."

"Across the Great Divide," by the late Kate Wolf, is one of the songs
on the CD that speaks to him most clearly, recalling the passing of
time and the heartbreak of his life.

In the first verse, he sings plaintively, "I've been walking in my
sleep/Counting troubles instead of counting sheep/Where the years
went I can't say/I just turned around and they've gone away/I've been
sifting through the layers of dusty books and faded papers/They tell
a story I used to know/One that happened so long ago."

Those lines stir up the grief that will always be with him from the
death, of a brain tumor in 1982, of his close friend, Joe Bauer, the
Youngbloods drummer; the heart-crushing death of his son, Seth, in a
1998 skiing accident; Mimi Farina's death from cancer in 2001,
followed by the passing of his wife five years ago, also from cancer.
When he speaks of the loved ones he's lost, he brushes away a tear
with the back of his hand.

"I can hardly sing 'Across the Great Divide' without crying because
so much has happened to me," he said softly. "It's like that song is
talking about me. That's my life. I know what that feels like, to
look back on the joy and the loss that you have in your life if
you've had any kind of full life at all."

Banana decided to embark on a solo career after playing in England
recently with Barry Melton, once of Country Joe and the Fish, and
discovering the British hinterlands were full of rabid Youngblood fans.

"I had no idea they existed," he said. "And they actually followed
me. Not Jesse, me. So I figured if there are pockets of those people
there, there may be pockets elsewhere."

He is once again playing the folk, bluegrass and country music that
first enthralled him when he was just starting out more than 40 years
ago, a young musician who found himself in Cambridge, Mass., in the
maelstrom of the folk revival of the early 1960s.

"Here I am in the beginning of the last phase of my life, and the
challenge now is trying to start a solo career," he said. "I've had
twinges of remorse about living here. We could have hung out in San
Francisco or L.A. and been part of that scene. But when I think about
it, I really wouldn't have had it any other way."
--

BUY IT

- "Grandpa Banana: I'll Do Anything for You," Grandpa Raccoon
Records, $13, www.grandpabanana.com.
--

Contact Paul Liberatore via e-mail at liberatore@marinij.com

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