American Countercultural Music, Film and the trappings of the mainstream

'We Can Be Together':
American Countercultural Music, Film and the trappings of the mainstream

http://wildtyme.blogspot.com/2008/09/43-we-can-be-together-american.html

by Mike Leader
15 September 2008

This is an essay I wrote at the start of 2008, for a module I studied
on American Counterculture in the 1950s and 1960s. I decided to focus
on the music and film (covering Bob Dylan, Jefferson Airplane, The
Monkees and Easy Rider), with specific reference to the dilemma
facing artists of becoming part of the conformist, corporate system,
at the expense of their countercultural drive.

It's quite long, but I thought I would upload it anyway. I'm sure it
will interest someone out there.

I've retitled it - 'We Can Be Together': American countercultural
music, film and the trappings of the mainstream

Tell me what you think.
--

The counterculture of the 1960s featured important innovations in the
form and message of art. However, the means for production, promotion
and wide distribution of such modes as music and film were in the
hands of the major record labels or film production studios. This
resulted in an intriguing, often conflicted, relationship between the
necessarily provocative and inventive aspects of countercultural
expression, and the 'trappings' of popular culture. Countercultural
expression was often on a localised, individual, or minority scale,
usually defined against the mainstream or dominant society; it was
feared that actively courting with the mainstream, in the form of the
music or film business, would result in compromising the message or
expression itself. In the realm of music, the shift from performing
as the primary avenue of dissemination, to record sales and
marketing, presents a potential conflict in terms of the artist's
integrity as the 'art' shifts to 'product'.

There was a similarly difficult situation in the film industry, where
the dominance of the major film studios was seen to stifle the
creativity of the medium. However, in the late 1960s, a series of
films directed by younger directors, starring younger stars and about
relevant issues, brought about a renaissance in Hollywood, and the
old generation of studio bosses gave wave to a new group of producers
more happy to grant freedom of expression to countercultural and
visionary newcomers. This essay will primarily focus on the musical
career of Bob Dylan, but, by way of comparison or contrast, further
references will be drawn from both music and film.

Indeed, this complicated relationship between the popular and the
countercultural is especially seen in Bob Dylan's career. In fact, it
can be argued that his shrewd and profitable courting with the
mainstream has been subsumed by cult and myth. As one of the most
influential artists in Western music of the 20th century, Dylan's
reputation in terms of furthering the form is secure; however, his
public image is almost by nature conflicted. Wilfred Mellers displays
this multi-layered image, introducing his study of Dylan by
describing him as 'a singing poet-composer, he is a quasi-folk
musician, an artist and a commercial operator' (1984, p.13). Dylan's
particular flashpoints of mythology and controversy have all involved
the clash of the precious and the popular; the most prominent of
these is his progression from acoustic, socially-minded folk music,
to electrified rock with increasingly abstract, personal lyrics. The
period between March 1965 and July 1966, during which time Dylan
released the albums Bringing it All Back Home, Highway 61 Revisited
and Blonde on Blonde, and had landmark performances at the Newport
Folk Festival and on tour in Europe, was one of the more
controversial career moves in 20th century music. The hostilities
that greeted the incorporation of electric guitars and rock-inspired
arrangements were motivated by the apprehension that Dylan had
abandoned 'serious' music, in favour of fame and fortune.

The electric sound of Rock and Roll was still a young art-form, and
did not have the sophistication of other musical genres, such as folk
or jazz. However, the style did have a young following, and generated
a lot of money through record sales. This let to rock music being
stigmatised due to its association with manufactured, mainstream
tastes, and by extension, 'corruption and lies' (Marcus, 1997, xii).
However, critics have stressed that the decision to 'go electric' was
primarily due to artistic concerns on Dylan's part. The popular
account goes that he was 'bored' with the topical, self-righteous
concerns of the political folk movement, and developed a more
insular, personal approach in his lyrics (Ewen, 1970, p.360). This
was first exhibited on the provocatively-titled album Another Side of
Bob Dylan, but came into fruition with his electric albums. This
period saw a broadening of Dylan's base of influence; where
originally he had styled himself on the dust bowl folk tradition of
Woody Guthrie, by 1964, he was taking more inspiration from poetry,
from Rimbaud to the beats. These 'new creative impulses and new
themes' were accompanied by a musical transformation which happened
to 'cater to a new audience' (op. cit.). Indeed, songs such as
'Desolation Row' and 'Visions of Johanna' show a distinct development
in Dylan's use of imagery and absurd metaphor.

However, even though the retrospective consensus admits that Dylan's
shift to rock music was an important and creative statement in the
evolution of music as a popular art form, the immaculate figure of
Dylan as an apathetic hipster, a genius following his muse, is not
completely suitable. The mythology of Dylan, and his impact, is
linked with crucial decisions and developments in terms of marketing,
publicity and business. Although Dylan's popular success did not
strictly come until the single release of 'Like a Rolling Stone' in
1965, his compositions had been successful in the charts beforehand,
recorded by other artists. Indeed, his early protest song, 'Blowin'
in the Wind', from the 1963 album The Freewheelin' Bob Dylan, was
initially released by Peter, Paul and Mary, a folk-pop group signed
to Warner Bros records. This recording was a considerable hit,
selling 2 million discs and eventually winning the Grammy award for
Best Folk Recording of the year (Ewen, 1970, p.358).

Dylan's parallel career as a popular songwriter hints at the
business-savvy undertones in his career; the publishing royalties
from these covers brought him a comfortable income, yet still allowed
him to record and perform on his own terms, within the community that
suited him, without the concerns of a chart musician. It is
intriguing that this phase, or facet, of Dylan's career is not more
openly discussed; even though publishing deals were common at the
time, as such respected singer-songwriters as Carole King and Randy
Newman found initial success as professional pop song-writers, the
subsequent mythology of Bob Dylan, as the post-modern troubadour,
often neglects to mention these early displays of mainstream pop
sensibilities. It is important to note that, despite Dylan's
subsequent rise to monumental distinction, some of these early
compositions are just as, if not more, recognised as recorded by other artists.

Examples of this are found in the early career of The Byrds, whose
1965 debut album, named after the cover 'Mr Tambourine Man', featured
4 Dylan songs. The title track reached #1 in the Billboard Charts,
and The Byrds would include at least one Dylan cover on nearly all
their 1960s albums. Even though they were influential in their own
right, especially in Roger McGuinn's chiming 12 string guitar sound,
The Byrds' approach to Dylan's music, and subsequent success, reveals
a 'pop-marketability' that was initially denied to the songwriter
himself due to his 'idiosyncratic' performance style (Starr and
Waterman, 2003, p.278). The pristine vocal harmonies, coupled with
the chiming guitars and tight rhythm section, presented a much
smoother performance of the songs. This is particularly found in
their 1965 single of the song 'All I Really Want To Do', originally
on Dylan's 1964 album Another Side of Bob Dylan. In place of the
original's shrill yodel is a palatable ascending harmony, and one
verse is replaced with a minor key middle eighth; the composer's
reaction was positive 'wow, man, you can even dance to that!' (Mr
Tambourine Man, reissue liner notes, Rogan, 1996, p.12). This
performance, along with the soulful rendition by Cher released in the
same year, manages to somewhat neuter the rough, unpolished quality
of the original, while highlighting an inherent pleasantness of the lyrics:

I don't want to fake you out,
Take or shake or forsake you out,
I ain't lookin' for you to feel like me,
See like me or be like me.
All I really want to do
Is, baby, be friends with you.
(1964)

This extract also displays the shift in Dylan's lyrical themes, away
from the 'finger pointin' songs' of the earlier albums, and towards
the more introspective or personal exhibited in the title Another
Side…; as well as the rejection of his political and social
responsibilities, in 'I ain't lookin' for you to feel like me…'. This
is all expressed in a central conceit against romantic or sexual
conformity. Indeed, the roots of his stylistic change are apparent in
the music, also, as he would draw on songs from the album in electric
contexts later in his career ('I Don't Believe You (She Acts Like We
Never Have Met)', 'It Ain't Me, Babe').

This dichotomy between art and business is associated with Dylan's
involvement with his manager, Albert Grossman. Christopher Gair, in
his assessment of Dylan's relationship between the music business and
his artistic expression, stresses that his freedom to 'appear…
uninterested' in such matters as making money and pursuing 'greater
fame and financial rewards than could be provided by the relatively
small folk community' was down to the work of Grossman (2007,
p.168-9). The important distinction between business and expression,
as well as the necessity for the artist to seem to focus solely on
the art at hand, is related to the debate surrounding Dylan's turn to
rock music. The crucial justifications on behalf of critics and fans
of Dylan's rejection of acoustic folk were based on the belief that
he was being 'true to himself and his artistic instincts' (Ewen,
1970, p.360). This may be true, but the amount of marketing behind
his art is just as important; a memo from within Columbia, contained
in the liner notes for the 1991 retrospective, The Bootleg Series
Volumes 1-3: Rare and Unreleased, reveals the hidden, corporate and
commercial, powers behind the music:

- Contacting radio personalities in your area that have
"Americana"-type shows and pointing out to them the merits of
featuring Bob Dylan in an American Heritage theme.

- Getting in touch with the casual wear buyers in department stores
and men's stores and convincing them to use Bob Dylan display pieces
in their clothing displays. His dress may be considered "kooky" by
conventional standards, but kooky or not he is a motivating force of
the youth of today, and they like to emulate their leaders.

- Contacting the little theatre groups and drama groups in your area
to convince them that readings of the lyrics of Bob Dylan songs would
be presenting modern poetry in its finest form.

- Getting in touch with the local newspaper culture editors and
showing them the merits of doing a piece built around Bob Dylan,
using a changing times theme.

- Putting your ads in your local newspapers on Bob Dylan [in] unusual
areas of the paper such as on the sport page, the women's section or
even the financial section...after all, he does mean money...for us at least.
(The Bootleg Series, Volumes 1-3, Liner Notes, 1991, p.20)

The tension is plainly laid out, the actions of those who are
interested in the 'promotion' of 'product' to 'the youth of today';
the artist who means 'money'. Also interesting to note is the focus
on the aspects of Dylan's now accepted mythology: his music as part
of 'American Heritage', his lyrics as 'modern poetry', his place in a
'changing times theme'. Indeed, this is not to the detriment of his
standing as a cultural figure, as his music and recorded output do
exhibit these features, even if it does go against previous
statements against consumer culture:

Advertising signs that con you
Into thinking you're the one
That can do what's never been done
That can win what's never been won
Meantime life outside goes on
All around you.
('It's Alright, Ma (I'm Only Bleeding)', 1965)

Nevertheless, the importance of marketing and publicity must be
recognised. In light of this, even though Dylan's development in the
1960s may not have been a 'compromise' to a new audience or to the
demands and needs of the record label, it can be seen how the
agencies and instruments available to a popular musical artist,
signed to Columbia, were integral in forming the 'serious' creative
Dylan persona. Viewing his output in the context of marketing and the
popular music business further reveals this 'commercial operator'
side. Dylan's 1966 album Blonde on Blonde was the first rock double
album, which, while a testament to the prolific and intensely
inspired artist, was an expensive extravagance that may not have been
allowed to other artists, or those outside of the shelter of major
record labels like Columbia.

Of course, Dylan made good use of the freedom and opportunity his
record label offered; using the popular media of the rock business in
order to 'turn the tables' (Mellers, 1984, p.141). He was also one of
the forerunners of the musical artist whose career was mostly
sustained on cohesive album 'statements' as opposed to pop singles
and albums created around such singles. Indeed, besides 'Like a
Rolling Stone', and a few other singles ('Positively Fourth Street'),
Dylan's output was heavily weighted towards albums (Starr and
Waterman, 2003, p.284). Despite this focus, 1967 saw the release of
Bob Dylan's Greatest Hits, a compilation of singles and notable tracks.

However, the cultural mythology behind Bob Dylan was not completely
created through the release of product. Another controversial point
in his career came in June 1966, after the intense period of
inspiration and touring, where Dylan crashed his motorcycle and,
during an 18 month recuperation period, ceased to release new
material or appear in the public eye. Indeed, this period is still a
topic of debate, with biographers such as Howard Sounes approaching
the crash as a 'means of escape' from the pressures of touring
(Scherman, 'The Bob Dylan Motorcycle-Crash Mystery', 2006). However,
whether this hiatus was self-imposed or not, it had an important
effect on Dylan's public standing. As this was during the period
where a relevant or contemporary artist was almost expected to
release one or two albums a year, along with touring and public
appearances, this retreat from the public eye effectively concluded
the most influential and tumultuous years of his career. This
disappearance also dissolved the erstwhile popular leanings, and
allowed for an artistic progression away from the pressures of the
music business. The hiatus contained a residence in a rented house,
called 'The Big Pink', where Dylan would spend days writing and
recording new songs with The Band.

This period was prolific, and as well as writing material that would
eventually appear on The Band's 1968 debut album, Music From the Big
Pink, the group recorded well over 100 songs. These recordings, which
became known as 'The Basement Tapes', were not meant for commercial
release, although it is worth noting that these sessions produced
songs that were eventually made into hits by acts such as Peter, Paul
and Mary and Manfred Mann. Nevertheless, deciding not to release
these sessions in an official capacity led to what is perhaps one of
the more countercultural aspects of Dylan's recording history: the
rise of the bootleg album.

Recordings from the Big Pink sessions, along with live recordings
from Dylan's tumultuous 1966 tour of Europe, were unofficially
released under such titles as The Great White Wonder and In '66 There
Was. The bootleg is by nature countercultural: an illegal enterprise,
usually taken from unpolished or rough sessions which are certainly
not 'product', which is bought and analysed by a close-knit community
who communicated outside of the mainstream music channels. Even
though there was always an element of depth to a fan community's
approach to Dylan, seen through the obsessive analysis of his lyrics,
bootlegs gave a counterpoint to the public personality of the artist
and were infused with a sense of 'legend' (Marcus, 1997, xiv).

Indeed, the retreat from the mainstream music scene cut Dylan off
from the burgeoning psychedelic rock movement of 1967, which included
bands such as Jefferson Airplane and The Grateful Dead, who had been
influenced by his run of albums. John Wesley Harding, the calm,
country-inspired follow up to Blonde on Blonde, was released in late
1967; Dylan's style was sparse, allegorical and enigmatic, exhibited
in the song 'All Along the Watchtower':

"There must be some way out of here," said the joker to the thief,
"There's too much confusion, I can't get no relief.
Businessmen, they drink my wine, plowmen dig my earth,
None of them along the line know what any of it is worth."
(1967)

This approach was very different from that of the new psychedelic
rock bands, and it is thought that this marker of distinction allowed
Dylan to transcend not only the mainstream music culture, but also
the counterculture of the time, allowing his expression to be
analysed on its own terms outside of other contexts (Marcus, 1997,
xviii). Indeed, the music business had moved on; this new wave of
artists was negotiating the same relationship between mainstream and
counterculture as Dylan.

Jefferson Airplane, in particular, were in a similar position. They
were the first of the San Francisco psychedelic rock bands to sign to
a major record label, and they received an unprecedented $20,000
advance from RCA in 1965 (Starr and Waterman , 2003, p.290). By 1967,
they were, like Dylan, bringing countercultural ideas and innovations
into the Billboard charts, with the two hits 'Somebody to Love' and
'White Rabbit'. The latter, with its rejection of a conventional
verse-chorus-verse popular song structure, is based around a hazy
crescendo, which, coupled with the lyrics inspired by Lewis Carol's
'Alice' novels, suggests an LSD-fuelled drug trip.

Indeed, it is through expression like this that Jefferson Airplane
remained a countercultural force, despite controversial commercial
decisions, such as an advertising campaign for Levi's (Gair, 2007,
p.172). One such display of defiance against the dominant strands of
society is found in the 1969 single 'We Can Be Together', which is a
rallying cry for co-operation in a culture ruled by 'private
property' and 'walls' (Kantner, 1969). The song features Jefferson
Airplane's trademark harmonies, which, unlike the Byrds, retains a
sense of independence in the whole, as each singer has recognisable
singing 'personalities'. This promotes the importance of the
individual in the 'society' of the band; indeed, each performer
exhibits distinct talents and techniques. More famously, the song
contains one of the first uses of the word 'motherfucker' in a
popular song, which was allegedly inspired by the New York based
anarchist group, the Up Against the Wall Motherfuckers ('We Can Be
Together… Songfacts').

In the spirit of Gitlin's idea of the artist smuggling the subversive
into the mainstream, the band performed the song on the Dick Cavett
show, references and swearwords included, the first televised used of
the word 'fuck' on American television ('The Dick Cavett Show',
August 19, 1969). Despite these undeniably important statements, they
are complicated by the business side of things: indeed, Starr and
Waterman call Grace Slick 'the biggest celebrity of the group' (2003,
p.296). Equally, a Robert Christgau review of a live performance by
the Jefferson Airplane in New York in 1970 questions the intentions
behind the group's music:

All of us out there, she said, we had paid money for our seats, and
with that money the Airplane hired the Cadillac that would protect
them from the crowd after the concert..
('We Should Be Together')

The flaunting of profits made from ticket sales reveals the
money-making background to the artist; and indeed, the hostility
between artist and audience documented in the article is the complete
opposite of the utopian, progressive message in their songs.

In the light of these concerns that faced the artist in the popular
music world, it is interesting to see the equivalent experience of
countercultural artists in the movie business. Like the music
industry, the modes of production, development and release was
controlled by a small number of big companies. However, whereas
record labels and music managers would exert influence in the more
business-related side of their client's career, the position of the
film studio was different.

Indeed, the music business has 'clients' to promote, while the film
business is not ruled by the notion of touring or the public profile
of the director or writer. Furthermore, in the late 1960s, Hollywood
was in a transitional period, which would become known in the 1970s
as 'New Hollywood'. This new wave of films, which included Easy Rider
(dir. Dennis Hopper, D., 1969), Bonnie and Clyde (dir. Penn, A.,
1967) and M.A.S.H (dir. Altman, R., 1970), featured new techniques
and representations, and introduced a new generation of directors,
actors and writers. Indeed, the opportunity for funding for these
films was provided by a new generation of younger producers and
studio bosses, who were more attuned to the cultural climate of the time.

Whereas old Hollywood producers, such as David O. Selznick, would
exert tremendous creative control over their films, this new wave
were more comfortable granting autonomy to these 'filmmakers'
(Biskind, 1998, p.14-15). One such example of this was the film Easy
Rider, whose producer and star, Peter Fonda, and director, Dennis
Hopper, were granted unprecedented freedom in production, from a deal
with Columbia pictures, on a budget of around $360,000 (1998, p.61).

This freedom probably would not have been granted if not for Bob
Rafelson and Bert Schneider, who, through their RayBert production
company, mediated between the filmmakers and the studio. Schneider
and Rafelson had made a name for themselves through masterminding the
Monkees television and musical phenomenon, and had subsequently
turned their attentions to film. The reputation for making money,
coupled with the connections within the business, put them in a
position to help others. Interestingly, the Monkees project was part
of the business-minded, marketing-fuelled popular culture that was
disparaged by critics and artists alike.

However, a countercultural depth was shown when the Rafelson-directed
film, Head (1968), was released. This film, in its rejection of
narrative structure and coherence, also contained pointed satire not
only of the Monkees themselves, but of the self-righteous musical
counterculture itself. An early part of the film features the Monkees
singing a chant, titled 'Ditty Diego' on the soundtrack album, which
includes the following lines:

Hey, hey, we are the Monkees
You know we love to please
A manufactured image
With no philosophies
...
You say we're manufactured
To that we all agree
So make your choice and we'll rejoice
In never being free
(Nicholson and Rafelson, 1968)

There is also a cameo in the film from Frank Zappa, an enigmatic
figure in his own right, as a countercultural artist who actively
satirised the social aspects of many of his contemporaries. In his
cameo, Zappa, delivering his lines in a sarcastic tone, disparages
Davy Jones for neglecting his music, as 'the youth of America depends
on [him] to show the way'. The fact that this film, also released by
Columbia Pictures, so actively presents and satirises both popular
and radical aspects of the artistic process, is perhaps a marker of
the relative freedom afforded to filmmakers.

This disparity between the countercultural forces of music and film
is also revealed in a particular anecdote from the production of Easy
Rider. Originally, the score was to be provided by Crosby, Stills and
Nash, a super group consisting of previous members of The Byrds, The
Hollies and Buffalo Springfield. The group were one of the more major
acts that performed at Woodstock, and appeared on the same episode of
'The Dick Cavett Show' as Jefferson Airplane. However, Hopper reacted
aggressively to the band's choice of transport, a limousine; the
director reportedly told them 'anybody who rides in a limo can't
comprehend my movie,' and threatened them with bodily harm (1998,
p.72). This rejection of a popular music group is testament not only
to the sincere approach of the filmmakers behind Easy Rider, but also
the amount of freedom and autonomy they were granted.

The alternative to Crosby, Still and Nash was a soundtrack made up of
tracks by various artists, including the Jimi Hendrix Experience,
Steppenwolf and a cover of Bob Dylan's 'It's Alright Ma (I'm Only
Bleeding)', by Roger McGuinn; this soundtrack was the first of its
kind. The musical selections were also relevant to the film's
countercultural representation of drug use, the pursuit of freedom,
and dissatisfaction with the values of mainstream society.

Indeed, despite the radical, non-conformist elements of Easy Rider,
its non-traditional narrative, its European art-film editing, it
still became a hit, grossing over $19 million domestically, one of
the highest of its year (Biskind, 1998, p.74). It was also nominated
for two Academy Awards, and Hopper won the 'First Film' award at the
Cannes Film Festival. The marketing behind the film wasn't out of the
ordinary; but it certainly wasn't as underhand, aggressive and
consumerist as that of Columbia's strategy for Dylan. Instead, the
film relied on traditional channels of promotion; one poster quotes a
number of positive reviews, from publications ranging from The New
Yorker and Time Magazine, to Cosmopolitan. The relationship between
the mainstream, popular culture and the countercultural, artistic
concerns in this case is certainly more conducive to expression.

Altogether, in the 1960s, the boundaries between certain aspects of
the counterculture and the American popular culture were blurred.
This crossover offered these artists new modes of production,
distribution and marketing which could potentially harm their
creative integrity. It must be stressed, though, that this period in
film history saw an unprecedented amount of freedom and control given
to certain filmmakers. On the other hand, the music business at this
time saw the counterculture as a more direct form of profit; the
artists were allowed freedom to express themselves, but the framework
of capitalism and marketing was perhaps more dominant. Nevertheless,
as with Bob Dylan, the avenues provided by this relationship with
popular culture still allowed reinvention, innovation and an air of mystery.
--

Works Cited:

- Bauldie, J. (1991) 'Liner Notes to The Bootleg Series, Volumes 1-3
by Bob Dylan'. Sony Music Entertainment.
- Biskind, P. (1998) Easy Riders, Raging Bulls. London: Bloomsbury.
- Christgau, R. (1970) 'We Should Be Together'.
http://www.robertchristgau.com/xg/bk-aow/airplane.php
- Dylan, B. (1964) 'All I Really Want To Do', from Another Side of
Bob Dylan . http://www.bobdylan.com/songs/really.html
- Dylan, B. (1965) 'It's Alright Ma (I'm Only Bleeding)', from
Bringing it All Back Home. http://www.bobdylan.com/songs/itsalright.html
- Dylan, B. (1967) 'All Along the Watchtower', from John Wesley
Harding. http://www.bobdylan.com/songs/watchtower.html
- Ewen, D. (1970) Great Men of American Popular Song. Englewood
Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall Inc.
- Gair, C. (2007) The American Counterculture. Edinburgh University Press.
- Kantner, P. (1969) 'We Can Be Together', from Volunteers.
http://www.stlyrics.com/songs/j/jeffersonairplane1994/wecanbetogether94239.html

- Marcus, G. (1997) Invisible Republic. London: Picador.
- Mellers, W. (1984) A Darker Shade of Pale: A Backdrop to Bob Dylan.
London: Faber Faber.
- Nicholson, J. and Rafelson, B. (1968) 'Ditty Diego', from Head.
http://themonkees.lyrics.info/dittydiegowarchant.html
- Rogan, J. (1996) 'Song Notes to Reissue of Mr Tambourine Man by the
Byrds', Sony Music Entertainment.
- Scherman, T. (2006). 'The Bob Dylan Motorcycle-Crash Mystery'.
http://www.americanheritage.com/articles/web/20060729-bob-dylan-motorcycle-woodstock-methamphetamine-robert-shelton-howard-sounes-ed-thaler.shtml

- Starr, L. and Waterman, C. (2003) American Popular Music. Oxford
University Press.
- 'The Dick Cavett Show' (1969) August 19. ABC. 1969 19 Aug.
- "We Can Be Together" Songfacts' http://www.songfacts.com/detail.php?id=1678

Filmography

- Bonnie and Clyde. (1968) Film. Director: Arthur Penn. USA: Warner Bros
- Easy Rider. (1969) Film. Director: Dennis Hopper. USA: Columbia Pictures
- Head. (1968) Film. Director: Bob Rafelson. USA: Columbia Pictures
- M.A.S.H. (1970) Film. Director: Robert Altman. USA: 20th Century Fox

.