Sunday, June 29, 2008

Neil Young's anti-war documentary

Neil Young's anti-war documentary

http://entertainment.timesonline.co.uk/tol/arts_and_entertainment/music/article4219087.ece

The singer has fire in his belly ­ with a film about his antiwar tour
­ but his passion is a hybrid car he thinks will save the planet

June 29, 2008
Tim Cooper

The scruffy-looking fellow hunched over a table in a roadside
restaurant deep among the redwood forests south of San Francisco does
not look like a rock superstar. He has a craggy face, like a
weather-beaten farmer, unkempt hair swept back behind his ears, and
grey mutton chops; he is wearing combat trousers, trainers and a
baggy T-shirt over a modest paunch. Only the big wraparound shades
and the legend on his T-shirt ­ a US patent-office application for
the Gibson Flying V guitar ­ hint that this is one of the most
influential musicians of the past 40 years, a figure with a body of
work matched only by Bob Dylan.

Neil Young has never much cared for appearances; never needed to, and
definitely doesn't now, at the age of 62. He probably looked a lot
like this when he met his second wife, Pegi, here, in this same
restaurant, more than 30 years ago. She was a waitress, he was a rock
star, but she might be forgiven if she had taken him for a passing
lumberjack. When he pulls on a huge plaid work shirt at the end of
the interview, he looks as if he is about to go and fell some of the
giant sequoias outside. Instead, he drives the short distance home in
a cream-coloured vintage Mercedes running on biodiesel.

If Young had his way, we would all be driving on green fuel; indeed,
he is developing a revolutionary motor vehicle that he hopes, one day
soon, will "eliminate roadside refuelling". First, though, he must
talk about another project. CSNY: Déjà Vu is the latest film from the
director Bernard Shakey. Not to be confused with any of Young's other
aliases: Joe Yankee, Joe Canuck, Phil Perspective, Clyde Coil,
Dirigible Dan, Dr Shakes, Shakey Deal or plain old Shakey.

The film is a documentary about Crosby, Stills, Nash and Young's
Freedom of Speech tour, staged during the US midterm elections in
2006. But it is a far cry from Michael Moore-style agitprop.
Young/Shakey has gone out of his way to present an impeccably
balanced picture of America's reaction to a tour whose repertoire
consisted entirely of antiwar songs, from Buffalo Springfield oldies
such as For What It's Worth and CSNY's era-defining Ohio to
selections from Young's 2006 album, Living with War. To this effect,
their trip is narrated by an award-winning television journalist,
Mike Cerre, who has covered both Vietnam and Iraq, where he was an
"embedded" reporter.

The film begins with President Bush solemnly intoning "This country
is at war", followed by a right-wing radio presenter reading out the
news that a "major terrorist plot" to blow up planes between Britain
and America has been uncovered on the day that CSNY come to town to
perform. . . "but Neil Young says it's no big deal". At other points,
voiceovers of enthusiastic reviews of the shows are counterbalanced
with scornful appraisals of the "ageing hippies' " attempts to rouse
America into antiwar protest.

In the most memorable scene, hundreds of audience members walk out of
a show in Atlanta in protest at the quartet encouraging them to sing
along to Young's song Let's Impeach the President. It is compelling
footage: as the lyrics are displayed on a giant screen, a chorus of
boos swells, competing with the more fervent fans' mass sing-along,
and angry punters start to leave. Seemingly oblivious to the almost
comical irony of leaving a Freedom of Speech concert in protest at
the singers expressing their own freedom to speak out, they air their
fury on camera as they leave. "Neil Young can stick it up his ass,"
fumes a female fan; "Sonofabitch ­ I'd like to knock his teeth out,"
a red-faced man declares. Young seems unconcerned. "Well, they were
speakin' out too," he chuckles behind his shades. "They were just
saying 'F*** you, I don't wanna have anything to do with this guy
crossing my line.' "

For Young, who was one of the first musicians to respond to 9/11,
with his 2001single Let's Roll (titled after the supposed words of
the passengers aboard flight United 93 as they attempted to overpower
the hijackers), it was crucial that his film presented both sides of
the story, rather than merely trying to preach to the converted.
"It's important to have the other side," he says. "Plus, those people
were part of the story, so why leave them out? We decided to have an
embedded correspondent documenting the tour like he was documenting a war."

Young insists he had no intention of trying to convert his audience
to his views, which have turned almost full circle over the course of
his career: following his initial anti-Nixon stance in the 1960s and
1970s, he expressed (qualified) support for Reagan during the 1980s,
then became an outspoken opponent of Bush. Nevertheless, the timing
of its release is no accident. "We thought the prime time to put this
movie out would be before the general election," he admits.

The film will be given worldwide cinema release, but Young has no
illusions about its box-office appeal. "I don't expect it to last
long," he admits. "I mean, let's be realistic: it's a film about war
and a bunch of old hippies, so that's the way the public will view
it. We spent a lot of time on it, and it means a lot to us, but in
the overall scope of things . . . it has a moment, and this moment is
coming up, and after that it'll be a DVD, then it'll be gone. It'll
be a piece of history."

The "moment" he is talking about is the American presidential
election in November. Young may claim that he is not using the film
to campaign, but he planned the Freedom of Speech tour to take place
during the midterms and is deliberately releasing the resulting film
as the campaign between Barack Obama and John McCain gets under way.
Not that he has a vote: despite living in America for 40 years, he
remains a Canadian citizen. "I'm Canadians for Obama," he declares
with a chuckle. "There's nothing I can do to change being Canadian. I
could get a piece of paper saying I'm American, and get a vote, but
it wouldn't change who I am. As far as voting goes, I think I'm
voting with my mouth and with my art and with what I'm doing."

He admits there have been times when he has considered leaving
America, but insists he will stay ­ his Broken Arrow ranch has been
home for the past four decades. "I have an American family," he says.
"My family loves it here. I love it too; it's a great place. Just
because things are happening that are not right, it's not a reason to
leave. I'd rather try to do everything I can to make it right." He
continues, with a certain degree of deadpan irony: "I came down here
because this is the land of opportunity and I feel good. When they
elect a president here, they call him the leader of the free world.
So what the hell? Canada is one of the freest countries in the world,
so I feel great ­ I got a leader down here, too."

Does he really think America is a land of freedom in the post 9/11
landscape? "No, it hasn't been free. Under Bush, it definitely took a
huge dump, this recent seven years, but hopefully we'll get the civil
rights back." He believes today's generation of young Americans does
not have the same spirit of rebellion that he witnessed in the 1960s
because, unlike their parents, they are not threatened with military
conscription.

"I think that if there was a draft, they would." He worries that if
John McCain becomes president, it might happen: "I don't think he'd
say he'd do that, but I think once he got in, he would. And then we'd
see something big happening."

Since being admitted to hospital in 2005, with a brain aneurism,
Young has entered one of the most prolific phases of an already
workaholic career. As well as touring, he has made three albums,
finished one film, begun another, and completed his (very)
long-awaited audiovisual career retrospective, Archives. (Two vintage
live albums are already out.) The first big instalment of material,
on Blu-ray discs, plus a hefty book, is finally due for release this
autumn. Then there is his charity work for the Bridge School and Farm Aid.

"I feel like I have a lot to do," he declares. "I really would like
to work on the energy problem, on solutions to the oil need. I'd like
to eliminate roadside refuelling." To this world-changing end, he has
been developing a prototype called the Linc Volt: a gas-guzzling 1959
Lincoln Continental ("2½ tons, 19½ feet long") converted into an
electrically powered, multifuel hybrid with its own generators.

It is a typical contradiction from a contrary character, who also
drives a gigantic Hummer converted to biofuel, and is financing his
project by selling off his huge collection of vintage cars. "My
mission now, what I'm really focused on, is to work out a way to
eliminate roadside refuelling and come up with a way to build a car
that creates its own fuel and powers the owner's house. The idea of
the technology is a distributed power source. It's a rolling
generator with battery back-up: you plug it in and it puts power
out." I'm lost, but www. lincvolt.com explains the technology, he says.

Inevitably, Young ­ or, rather, Bernard Shakey ­ is making a
documentary about it, and will be driving the vehicle all over
America "to prove that a huge car can go anywhere on electric power
without a problem". Asked if he would consider this as much of a
legacy as his music, Young immediately responds: "More than my music."

Meanwhile, he says that he will steer clear of political statements
during his European festival dates this summer. "I don't wanna be
like CNN, just playing the same thing over and over. I firmly believe
in everything I said, but don't know that I always wanna be harping
on about the same thing. Otherwise, I might become redundant. I don't
want that."

CSNY: Déjà Vu goes on general release on July 18; Neil Young plays
Hop Farm, Kent, on July 6

.

Friday, June 27, 2008

Janis Joplin and Tom Jones

Janis Joplin and Tom Jones

http://hippiesounds.com/weird-duets-janis-joplin-and-tom-jones/

.

George Carlin, American Radical

[6 articles]

Carlin and Dogma

http://www.lewrockwell.com/giles/giles25.html

by George Giles
June 26, 2008

The death of comedian George Carlin came as a shock. Not because I
knew him personally, but as a visceral reaction to the end of an era,
the era of my childhood. I am a baby boomer, born in the 50's and
coming of age in the 60's and 70's. Sex, Drugs, Rock and Roll: that
great cultural leap off of the cliff like a horde of burnt out
lemmings. This was the age in which dogma was criticized and
overthrown: mass protest brought the Vietnam War to an end, women's
liberation, and civil rights stepped to the forefront of public
consciousness. A vigilant media, tired of the lies of Richard Nixon,
effectively brought his Presidency to an end. The state was staggered
with body blows and sent reeling against the ropes.

George Carlin owed his livelihood to his unique ability in skewering
the dogma of conventional wisdom on prime time in front of millions.
We all knew what he was against, and as such he was one of us, a
David throwing rocks at Goliath. As a man of little formal education,
which is to say he did not have a PhD from an important school in an
important discipline, Carlin was able for more than 40 years to
identify the big lie and how it masquerades behind the mask of
scientistic and legalistic façade. Dogma to Carlin was a dragon to be
slain whenever and wherever it reared its noxious head.

The first step to solution of a problem is identification, and George
Carlin was a master at identifying many of them. Carlin used humor as
his primary tool in ironic perception, and with that lever he pried
open many a mask over the façade of conventional wisdom. His cultural
role was not to solve problems, but to identify them. No matter how
bad things were he could always bring a smile and a laugh as one of
the benighted speaking his mind regardless. He kicked political
correctness right in the teeth while Bill Maher was still wearing diapers.

My favorite Carlin quote came from a monologue I watched in the 70's
one night at a friend's house after a multi-hour skull-cracking study
session in Angell Hall.

"I love people, I hate groups.
People are smart, groups are stupid."
~ George Carlin

These simple words embodied Carlin's philosophy of opposition to the
status quo, the conventional wisdom. He rarely articulated who the
enemy was, since his audiences knew it a priori. For baby boomers it
was clear who it was, the man, the establishment. His philosophy
embodied all that economic freedom and individual liberty enshrine.
For Carlin individuals were sacrosanct and groups to be despised.

Individuals provide mankind faith, science, culture, music and
philosophy. Groups take it away with lies, deception, theft and
murder. While an avowed atheist he was, paradoxically, a man of deep
faith. Faith in the ability of the individual to create meaning in
life, despite one's brief duration of life, despite the opposition of
the privileged and the powerful. He stood on their stage and spat
right in their eye.

Carlin knew that groups exist to imprison the individual, to place
them in castes, to assign them limited possibilities, to dull their
senses into acceptance of the inevitable, to use rape as the powerful
desire. He recognized that in groups we find the bestiality of
primitive man ascendant to run roughshod over the benighted masses.
The cowardly hide behind groups as protection against being held
accountable for their deviant behavior. During his professional
career he saw Richard Nixon pervert the mantle of the leader of the
free world for cynical personal ends. In the last decade of his
career he saw the draft-dodging duo of Bush II and Evil Dick Cheney
reincarnated as Nixon gone wild with an unlimited budget (4 trillion
dollars in fresh debt for the unborn) and a façade of legitimacy to
maim, crush or kill anyone desired.

Carlin railed against war, poverty, racism, sexism, how the
privileged dupe the commoner in order to fleece them. He had no
answers for these problems; only a firm conviction that group
dynamics keep these perversions alive across the generations. The
answer lies, where it has always lain, in the politics of Eighteenth
Century Jeffersonian Democracy, that is to say, in the individual.

The world is a grayer place without George Carlin in it. Still I take
comfort in the image of George Carlin standing with St. Peter in
front of the pearly gates keeping the assholes out.

--------

George Carlin, American Radical

http://www.alternet.org/story/89120/

By John Nichols, TheNation.com
June 23, 2008.

No one, not Obama, not Hillary Clinton and certainly not John McCain,
caught the zeitgeist of the vanishing American dream so well as Carlin.
--

I think it's the duty of the comedian to find out where the line is
drawn and cross it deliberately.
-- George Carlin.

The last vote that George Carlin said he cast in a presidential race
was for George McGovern in 1972.

When Richard Nixon, who Carlin described as a member of a sub-species
of humanity, overwhelmingly defeated McGovern, the comedian gave up
on the political process.

"Now, there's one thing you might have noticed I don't complain
about: politicians," he explained in a routine that challenged all
the premises of today's half-a-loaf reformers. "Everybody complains
about politicians. Everybody says they suck. Well, where do people
think these politicians come from? They don't fall out of the sky.
They don't pass through a membrane from another reality. They come
from American parents and American families, American homes, American
schools, American churches, American businesses and American
universities, and they are elected by American citizens. This is the
best we can do folks. This is what we have to offer. It's what our
system produces: Garbage in, garbage out. If you have selfish,
ignorant citizens, you're going to get selfish, ignorant leaders.
Term limits ain't going to do any good; you're just going to end up
with a brand new bunch of selfish, ignorant Americans. So, maybe,
maybe, maybe, it's not the politicians who suck. Maybe something else
sucks around here... like, the public. Yeah, the public sucks.
There's a nice campaign slogan for somebody: 'The Public Sucks. Fuck Hope.'"

Needless to say, George Carlin was not on message for 2008's "change
we can believe in" election season.

His was a darker and more serious take on the crisis -- and the
change of consciousness, sweeping in scope and revolutionary in
character, that was required to address it.

Carlin may have stopped voting in 1972. But America's most
consistently savage social commentator for the best part of a half
century, who has died at age 71, did not give up on politics.

In recent years, in front of audiences that were not always liberal,
he tore apart the neo-conservative assault on liberty with a clarity
rarely evidenced in the popular culture.

Recalling George Bush's ranting about how the endless "war on terror"
is a battle for freedom, Carlin echoed James Madison's thinking with
a simple question: "Well, if crime fighters fight crime and fire
fighters fight fire, what do freedom fighters fight? They never
mention that part to us, do they?"

Carlin gave the Christian right -- and the Christian left -- no
quarter. "I'm completely in favor of the separation of Church and
State," Carlin said. "My idea is that these two institutions screw us
up enough on their own, so both of them together is certain death."

Carlin's take on the Ronald Reagan administration is the best
antidote to the counterfactual romanticization of the former
president -- in which even Barack Obama has engaged -- remains the
single finest assessment of Reagan and his inner circle. While Carlin
did not complain much about politicians, he made an exception with
regard to the great communicator. Recorded in 1988 at the Park
Theater in Union City, New Jersey, and later released as an album --
What Am I Doing in New Jersey? -- his savage recollection of the
then-concluding Reagan-Bush years opened with the line: "I really
haven't seen this many people in one place since they took the group
photograph of all the criminals and lawbreakers in the Ronald Reagan
administration."

But there was no nostalgia for past fights, no resting on laurels,
for this topical comedian. He read the papers, he followed the news,
he asked questions -- the interviews I did with Carlin over the years
were more conversations than traditional Q & A's -- and he turned it
all into a running commentary that focused not so much on politics as
on the ugly intersection of power and economics.

No one, not Obama, not Hillary Clinton and certainly not John McCain,
caught the zeitgeist of the vanishing American dream so well as
Carlin. "The owners of this country know the truth: It's called the
American dream because you have to be asleep to believe it."

Not just aware of but steeped in the traditions of American populism
-- more William Jennings Bryan and Eugene Victor Debs than Bill
Clinton or John Kerry -- Carlin preached against the consolidation of
wealth and power with a fire-and-brimstone rage that betrayed a deep
moral sense that could never quite be cloaked with four-letter words.

"The real owners are the big wealthy business interests that control
things and make all the important decisions. Forget the politicians,
they're an irrelevancy. The politicians are put there to give you the
idea that you have freedom of choice. You don't. You have no choice.
You have owners. They own you. They own everything. They own all the
important land. They own and control the corporations. They've long
since bought and paid for the Senate, the Congress, the statehouses,
the city halls. They've got the judges in their back pockets. And
they own all the big media companies, so that they control just about
all of the news and information you hear. They've got you by the
balls. They spend billions of dollars every year lobbying -- lobbying
to get what they want. Well, we know what they want; they want more
for themselves and less for everybody else," ranted the comedian
whose routines were studied in graduate schools.

"But I'll tell you what they don't want," Carlin continued. "They
don't want a population of citizens capable of critical thinking.
They don't want well-informed, well-educated people capable of
critical thinking. They're not interested in that. That doesn't help
them. That's against their interests. They don't want people who are
smart enough to sit around the kitchen table and figure out how badly
they're getting fucked by a system that threw them overboard 30
fucking years ago. You know what they want? Obedient workers --
people who are just smart enough to run the machines and do the
paperwork but just dumb enough to passively accept all these
increasingly shittier jobs with the lower pay, the longer hours,
reduced benefits, the end of overtime and the vanishing pension that
disappears the minute you go to collect it. And, now, they're coming
for your Social Security. They want your fucking retirement money.
They want it back, so they can give it to their criminal friends on
Wall Street. And you know something? They'll get it. They'll get it
all, sooner or later, because they own this fucking place. It's a big
club, and you ain't in it. You and I are not in the big club."

Carlin did not want Americans to get involved with the system.

He wanted citizens to get angry enough to remake the system.

Carlin was a leveler of the old, old school. And no one who had so
public a platform -- as the first host of NBC's "Saturday Night
Live," a regular on broadcast and cable televisions shows, a
best-selling author and a favorite character actor in films (he was
even the narrator of the American version of the children's show
"Thomas the Tank Engine & Friends") -- did more to challenge accepted
wisdom regarding our political economy.

"Let's suppose we all just materialized on Earth and there was a
bunch of potatoes on the ground, okay? There's just six of us. Only
six humans. We come into a clearing and there's potatoes on the
ground. Now, my instinct would be, let's everybody get some potatoes.
"Everybody got a potato? Joey didn't get a potato! He's small, he
can't hold as many potatoes. Give Joey some of your potatoes." "No,
these are my potatoes!" That's the Republicans. "I collected more of
them, I got a bigger pile of potatoes, they're mine. If you want some
of them, you're going to have to give me something." "But look at
Joey, he's only got a couple, they won't last two days." That's the
fuckin' difference! And I'm more inclined to want to share and even
out," he explained in an interview several years ago with the Onion.

"I understand the marketplace, but government is supposed to be here
to redress the inequities of the marketplace," Carlin continued.
"That's one of its functions. Not just to protect the nation, secure
our security and all that shit. And not just to take care of great
problems that are trans-state problems, that are national, but also
to make sure that the inequalities of the marketplace are redressed
by the acts of government. That's what welfare was about. There are
people who really just don't have the tools, for whatever reason.
Yes, there are lazy people. Yes, there are slackers. Yes, there's all
of that. But there are also people who can't cut it, for any given
reason, whether it's racism, or an educational opportunity, or
poverty, or a fuckin' horrible home life, or a history of a horrible
family life going back three generations, or whatever it is. They're
crippled and they can't make it, and they deserve to rest at the
commonweal. That's where my fuckin' passion lies."

Like the radicals of the early years of the 20th century, whose
politics he knew and respected, Carlin understood that free-speech
fights had to come first. And always pushed the limit -- happily
choosing an offensive word when a more polite one might have
sufficed. By 1972, the year he won the first of four Grammys for best
comedy album, he had developed his most famous routine: "Seven Words
(You Can't Say on Television)."

That summer, at a huge outdoor show in Milwaukee, he uttered all
seven of them in public -- and was promptly arrested for disturbing the peace.

When a version of the routine was aired in 1973 on WBAI, the Pacifica
Foundation radio station in New York,. Pacifica received a citation
from the FCC. Pacifica was ordered to pay a fine for violating
federal regulations prohibiting the broadcast of "obscene" language.
The ensuing free-speech fight made its way to the U.S. Supreme Court,
which rile 5-4 against the First Amendment to the Constitution,
Pacifica and Carlin.

Amusingly, especially to the comedian, a full transcript of the
routine ended up in court documents associated with the case, F.C.C.
v. Pacifica Foundation, 438 U.S. 726 (1978).

"So my name is a footnote in American legal history, which I'm
perversely kind of proud of," recalled Carlin. Proud enough that you
can find the court records on the comedian's website: www.georgecarlin.com

There will, of course, be those who dismiss Carlin as a remnant of
the sixties who introduced obscenity to the public discourse -- just
as there will be those who misread his critique of the American
political and economic systems as little more than verbal nihilism.
In fact, George Carlin was, like the radicals of an earlier age, an
idealist -- and a patriot -- of a deeper sort than is encountered
very often these days.

Carlin explained himself best in one of his last interviews. "There
is a certain amount of righteous indignation I hold for this culture,
because to get back to the real root of it, to get broader about it,
my opinion that is my species -- and my culture in America
specifically -- have let me down and betrayed me. I think this
species had great, great promise, with this great upper brain that we
have, and I think we squandered it on God and Mammon. And I think
this culture of ours has such promise, with the promise of real, true
freedom, and then everyone has been shackled by ownership and
possessions and acquisition and status and power," he said. "And
perhaps it's just a human weakness and an inevitable human story that
these things happen. But there's disillusionment and some discontent
in me about it. I don't consider myself a cynic. I think of myself as
a skeptic and a realist. But I understand the word 'cynic' has more
than one meaning, and I see how I could be seen as cynical. 'George,
you're cynical.' Well, you know, they say if you scratch a cynic you
find a disappointed idealist. And perhaps the flame still flickers a
little, you know?"

--------

George Carlin: A Four-Letter Threat to Authority

http://www.lewrockwell.com/shaffer/shaffer176.html

by Butler Shaffer
June 24, 2008

When I was in high school, I got into a discussion with a couple of
my classmates over the role institutions played in our lives. I had
made some comment critical of government, or organized religion, or
corporations ­ I don't recall which ­ and was asked if I was opposed
to all such systems. I replied that I was "distrustful of all
organizations, from two-handed poker on up." This intuitive insight
has stayed with me all of my life. Many years later, I would discover
a man whose life-work consisted of using humor to express these sentiments.

It is difficult to find words that convey the sadness I felt upon
being awakened, this morning, to the news that George Carlin had died
the night before. He was the successor to the man I continue to
regard as the most significant dismantler of authority in my
lifetime, Lenny Bruce. To most people, Bruce and Carlin were nothing
more than dealers in four-letter words; men who loved to shock the
sensibilities of others. But there was a deeper meaning in their
humor, and modern libertarian thinking would not have been possible
without their important groundwork.

Each man understood, at least implicitly, that the authority some men
presume to exercise over the lives of others depends upon the
subjugated regarding their managers with an unquestioning reverence
and awe. One ought never to be so bold as to offer an opinion
contrary to that provided by the authority figure. More than that,
one must always look upon himself or herself as fundamentally
inferior to this authority. One does not dare to gaze upon the king,
to whom groveling is the expected position.

Bruce and Carlin understood that there is nothing that can more
quickly undermine this aura of obeisance than for those who command
others to be referred to in vulgar terms. External authority is
dependent upon a veneration that is quickly lost when men and women
begin to think of their masters in the same four-letter vocabulary
more commonly directed against other motorists or an annoying relative.

The institutional order has long understood this fact, which is why
Lenny Bruce was driven to an early grave by criminal prosecutions for
his daring to speak, publicly, of politicians, judges, government
officials, and other authority figures as practitioners ­ if not the
personification ­ of four-lettered activity. George Carlin was
subjected to a more subdued ­ albeit equally insistent ­ coercive
treatment for even using four-letter words. Such words can become
habit-forming, as easily applied to the president as to an offending
neighbor. That Bill Clinton and George W. Bush do not enjoy the kind
of respect accorded George Washington and Thomas Jefferson is, to a
great extent, the erosion of homage brought about by the likes of
Bruce and Carlin.

The mainstream media will doubtless refer to Carlin as an
"entertainer," a word that fails to account for what he truly was. I
prefer to think of him in words that the late Alan Watts used to
describe himself: a "standup philosopher." The media will focus
almost entirely upon his "seven words you can't say on television,"
as though his work consisted of little more than the outbursts of
teenagers intent on shocking their parents. I do wish the man had not
over-worked the use of four-letter words, but I was willing to
overlook some of his language for the content that lay within it.
Like the punch-line of the joke about a young boy who kept digging
through a pile of manure out of a sense that "there's got to be a
pony in here someplace," there was deep substance to his routines.

There are many so-called comedians whose works consist of little more
than four-letter words, but whose language is not a prelude to the
kind of understanding offered by Carlin. Perhaps these younger people
believe that, if they can utter a string of expletives, audiences
will regard them with the love and respect earned by Carlin. But
without the intellectual and spiritual depth of a George Carlin,
their "humor" becomes as impotent as an unexploded July 4th firework:
some initial sizzle, followed by . . . nothing.

Political systems, advertising, organized religions, corporate
practices, school systems, ideologies, political and social fashions
of all sorts, came in for well-deserved skewering. Prior to 9/11, he
did a routine on airport security which, if performed more recently,
would doubtless have earned him a visit from Michael Chertoff and his
thugs. And what devotee of the new religion of environmentalism ­ and
its global-warming sect ­ could withstand Carlin's treatment of this
latest racket for subjecting humanity to the control of those who
fashioned themselves fit to run a planet? Before the day is over, I
will get out and play part of my collection of George Carlin DVDs as
a reminder of the state of mind he helped all of us to develop as an
antidote for the insanities perpetrated by institutionalized thinking.

The last comment I heard George Carlin make was in a video of a
book-signing, in which a young man asked him if he believed that 9/11
was an "inside job." Carlin did not offer an opinion on the matter,
but only replied ­ in words I do not recall precisely ­ that it was a
mistake to ever accept consensus-based definitions of reality. What
better words to inscribe upon a tombstone or other memorial to this
remarkable man!
--

Butler Shaffer teaches at the Southwestern University School of Law.
He is the author of Calculated Chaos: Institutional Threats to Peace
and Human Survival.

--------

An unrepentant truth-teller

http://socialistworker.org/2008/06/27/an-unrepentant-truth-teller

Randy Childs remembers the life of comedian George Carlin and his
hilarious take on U.S. society.

June 27, 2008

ONE YEAR after the 1991 Persian Gulf War, George Carlin's cable
television special "Jammin' in New York" debuted nationwide and
revealed a sliver of the hidden truths of that war.

I was a high school senior in Omaha, Neb., when George Bush (the
first one) launched his assault on Iraq on January 16, 1991. In just
over a month, the U.S. military had killed tens of thousands of Iraqi
civilians. I was against the war, and so were my mom and dad, my
older brother, my uncle, my aunt and my grandmother. But we all
believed that most Americans supported the war.

George Carlin didn't:

Can't build a decent car, can't make a TV set or a VCR worth a fuck,
got no steel industry left, can't educate our young people, can't
give health care to our old people. But we can bomb the shit out of
your country all right!

Especially if your country is full of brown people...Iraq, Panama,
Grenada, Libya, if you got some brown people in your country, tell
them to watch the fuck out! Or we'll goddamn bomb them!

When's the last white people you can remember that we bombed? Can you
remember any white people we've ever bombed? The Germans! Those are
the only ones! And that's only because they were trying to cut in on
our action. They wanted to dominate the world. Bullshit! That's our
fucking job!

Supposedly, 95 percent of Americans supported the war from beginning
to end, but the crowd was cheering wildly at Carlin's furious take on
the U.S. war machine. I realized for the first time that there were
many people who were against the war.

In fact, a short-lived but intense antiwar movement exploded in
cities and on college campuses across the country in both the
build-up to and the brief duration of "Operation Desert Storm." San
Francisco had a mass demonstration of 100,000 people against the war.
At the University of Iowa, over 2,000 people braved sub-zero February
temperatures to march for hours.

Like most Americans, I heard nothing of these antiwar protests from
the mainstream media. Carlin's show opened a window on the reality of
mass opposition to the war that made me start actively looking for
some kind of alternative to the way our society functions.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

GEORGE CARLIN died June 22 of a heart attack. He did not, mind you,
"pass away." Carlin's hatred for such euphemisms was a regular
feature of his comedy.

Stand-up comedy is an art form (Larry the "Cable Guy"
notwithstanding), and George Carlin was one of comedy's greatest
artists. He spent years using his comedy to reveal social and
political truths that you weren't going to hear about on the TV news.

Carlin was a prime example of how artists often reflect the
contradictions of the society they live in, how they can be
influenced by social movements, and how they, in turn, can have an
influence on society.

At the peak of the radicalization of the late 1960s and early '70s,
Carlin made headlines with his now legendary "Seven Words You Can
Never Say on TV" routine. He was arrested for "obscenity" in
Milwaukee in 1972 and was the subject of a five-year-long court
battle with the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) that went all
the way to the Supreme Court.

What were the censors afraid of? "You know the seven, don't you, that
you can't say on television?" said Carlin. "Shit, piss, fuck, cunt,
cocksucker, motherfucker and tits. Those are the heavy seven. Those
are the ones that'll infect your soul, curve your spine and keep the
country from winning the war."

While Carlin had done battle with the system over his right to use
"filthy words," his comedy at times reflected the sexism of
capitalist society. His "Parental Advisory: Explicit Lyrics" album
contained two routines called "Rape Can Be Funny" and "Feminist
Blowjob," in which he attacked feminists for wanting to "control your
language" (essentially mimicking the right's witch-hunt against
"political correctness").

Yet Carlin was continually being influenced by the women's liberation
struggle, like he had been influenced by the antiwar and antiracist
movements. While other themes of his comedy (opposition to war,
critique of consumer culture, hatred for hypocrisy) survived to his
death, the anti-feminist stuff faded away. His growing identification
with women's liberation included fierce support of abortion rights:

Pro-life conservatives want live babies so that they can raise them
up to be dead soldiers...These people aren't pro-life. They're
killing doctors! What kind of pro-life is that? They're not pro-life.
You know what they are? They're anti-woman! They believe that a
woman's primary role is to function as a brood mare for the state!

Carlin's left-wing comedy had many highlights. And they're pretty
much all on YouTube. Carlin's greatest weakness lay in his pessimism
about human nature. He held all human beings guilty for the crimes of
capitalism--especially those committed against the environment.

And living the last three decades of his life during the era of
neoliberalism and the one-sided class war of rich against poor, he
was not optimistic that human beings could figure out a way out of
today's crises. He spelled out these feeling in the preface to his
book Brain Droppings:

No matter how you care to define it, I do not identify with the local
group. Planet, species, race, nation, state, religion, party, union,
club, association, neighborhood improvement committee; I have no
interest in any of it. My interest in "issues" is merely to point out
how badly we're doing, not to suggest a way we might do better. My
motto: Fuck Hope!"

Ironically, George Carlin's own inspiration and influence on me and
countless others who today fight for "a way we might do better"
proves that he was wrong to give up on human beings. We can best
honor his memory by organizing against the horrors that he raged
against on stage.

But seriously, you should also look up his stand-up act online. It's hilarious!

--------

Remembering George Carlin: comedy with a splash of 'class'

http://www.pslweb.org/site/News2?page=NewsArticle&id=9477&news_iv_ctrl=1261

Thursday, June 26, 2008
By: Matt Murray

Class-conscious master of stand-up challenged racism, sexism, poverty

Comedian George Carlin died on June 22 in Santa Monica, Calif., at
the age of 71. His work offered valuable social criticism and exposed
the many injustices and hypocrisies of life under capitalism.

Carlin began his comedy career in the mid-1960s, appearing frequently
on the "Ed Sullivan Show" and "The Tonight Show" and enjoying
enormous mainstream success. In time, the major social upheavals of
the era inspired him to alter his subject matter. Commenting on his
mainstream success in the 1960s, Carlin once told an interviewer, "I
was a traitor, in so many words. I was living a lie."

In his first controversial routine, "Seven Words You Can Never Say on
Television," Carlin challenged free speech restrictions. In 1972, he
was arrested while performing the piece in Milwaukee. A year later,
New York radio station WBAI was cited by the Federal Communications
Commission for rebroadcasting the routine. The U.S. Supreme Court
eventually ruled that the material was "indecent but not obscene,"
restricting hours for the broadcast of such content.

Carlin's commentary often went right at the heart of class society.
In "Our Similarities," he brilliantly described the ruling class's
divide-and-conquer tactics:

"That's all the politicians are ever talking about; things that
separate us, the things that make us different from one another.
That's the way the ruling class operates in any society. They try to
divide the rest of the people. They keep the lower and the middle
classes fighting with each other so that they, the rich, can run off
with all the f--king money."

He went on to say, "Anything different, that's what they're going to
talk about; race, religion, ethnic and national backgrounds, jobs,
income, education, social status, sexuality. Anything they can do to
keep us fighting with each other so that they can keep going to the bank."

In "Colonial Rulers of America," Carlin derided the "choices"
provided by the electoral system: "The real owners, the big wealthy
business interests that control things and make all the decisions,
forget the politicians. Politicians are put there to give you the
idea that you have freedom of choice. You don't. You have no choice.
You have owners. They own everything."

Despite Carlin's keen grasp of class divisions, his lack of a
long-term perspective on the class struggle would at times manifest
itself as pessimism and demoralization. Nevertheless, Carlin
frequently denounced the domination of U.S. society by the wealthy
and powerful. He tackled poverty and homelessness and scathingly
railed against racism, sexism and bigotry of all forms.

In routines with titles that said it all, such as "Pro-life is
Anti-Woman" and "White People," Carlin ridiculed the absurdities of
the religious right's pro-life arguments and exposed the injustices
of white privilege.

In another act, he lashed out at the racist, genocidal nature of U.S.
expansion and imperialism. "This country was founded by slave owners
who wanted to be free…So they killed a lot of white English people,
in order to continue owning their Black African people, so they could
wipe out the rest of the Red Indian people and move West and steal
the rest of the land from the Brown Mexican people, giving them a
place to take off and drop their nuclear weapons on the Yellow
Japanese people. You know what the motto of this country ought to be?
… You give us a color, we'll wipe it out."

Since Carlin's death, the mainstream corporate press has been
celebrating him as one of the great U.S. comics; however, they have
focused on his non-threatening material, effectively neutralizing the
social significance of much of his work. Above all, Carlin should be
remembered for his pointed social criticism of injustice, and his
exposure of the "soft language" the ruling class uses to mask the
hardships of being a worker.

Thanks to such "soft language," Carlin once remarked, "I'll never
'die.'" "I'll 'pass away' … The insurance companies will call it a
'negative patient care outcome.'"

---------

The Station That Dared to Defend Carlin's '7 Words' Looks Back

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/06/25/nyregion/25wbai.html

By GLENN COLLINS
Published: June 25, 2008

As the encomiums for George Carlin have rolled in from stand-up
legends, celebrities and scholars, his death at 71 has also been
noted at a diminutive, iconic and iconoclastic radio station in
Manhattan, WBAI-FM.

Its broadcast of the comedian's "Seven Words You Can Never Say on
Television" became a landmark moment in the history of free speech.
In a 1978 milestone in the station's contentious and unruly history,
WBAI lost a 5-to-4 Supreme Court decision that to this day has
defined the power of the government over broadcast material it calls indecent.

"It's a bad time here for us because George Carlin was part of the
family," said Anthony Riddle, the station's general manager. "I think
all the producers are dealing with it in their own way," Mr. Riddle
said, some doing commentary and others running archival material,
including a bleeped-out version of the "Seven Words" routine.

The 1978 ruling, often termed "the Carlin case," was actually called
Federal Communications Commission v. Pacifica Foundation, and turned
on a 12-minute Carlin monologue called "Filthy Words" that appeared
on a 1973 album, "Occupation: Foole."

After the Carlin album monologue was broadcast on WBAI in 1973 during
"Lunch Pail," an afternoon show, a listener objected that his young
son had heard the words on a car radio. The corporate parent of WBAI,
the Pacifica Foundation, received a letter of reprimand from the
commission, which the company challenged in court.

The Supreme Court said that the broadcast was indecent, though not
obscene, and gave the commission the right to determine the
definition of indecency and to prohibit such material from being
broadcast during hours when children were likely to be listening.

Despite this legal Dunkirk, "the fact that his seven dirty words
having emanated from here is kind of a source of pride," said Jose R.
Santiago, the station's news director.

The court decision "was about more than just radio," Mr. Riddle
added, "it was about the right to be human beings in the United States."

"It was a gutsy thing for a radio station to do, taking that stand," he said.

Though the station was not fined, Pacifica paid hundreds of thousands
of dollars in legal fees, said Larry Josephson, the WBAI station
manager from 1974 to 1976.

Now, broadcasting the seven words "would cost us $360,000 per
incident ­ so those seven words would cost us $2.5 million," about
equal to the station's annual budget, Mr. Riddle said. "Now we'd be
severely limited in taking a chance on protecting people's
free-speech rights."

Recently Mr. Josephson had to abide by the consequences of the very
commission decision he was involved in, as the independent producer
of WBAI's annual "Bloomsday" celebration on June 16, which honored
James Joyce and his novel "Ulysses."

Though the broadcast began at 7 p.m., the protagonist Molly Bloom's
famous lengthy monologue of erotic musings ­ which contains several
forbidden words ­ had to be read after 10 p.m. during the "safe
harbor" period when the F.C.C. allows the broadcast of what it terms
"indecent" material.

The station that for generations has spoken truth to power is
incongruously situated on the 10th floor of 120 Wall Street, and
smack in the middle of the FM dial, at 99.5. Now in its 48th year,
WBAI was both an expression, and ringleader, of the counterculture
during its peak in the mid-1960s through the Vietnam War.

Observers have said that in its heyday, its on-air personalities,
like Mr. Josephson, Steve Post and Bob Fass, extended the popularity
of FM radio and explored the possibilities of the medium.

But its turmoil-filled subsequent history has featured a fiesta of
staff clashes, board eruptions, station coups and protests. Amid
accusations of every imaginable form of -ism, on-air personalities
and producers have been summarily banned; on-air resignations have
not been unknown.

These days WBAI, whose slogan is "Your Peace and Justice Community
Radio Station," has a paid staff of 25 and 200 independent volunteer
producers, Mr. Riddle said, adding that WBAI has more than 200,000
listeners. He declined to say how many subscribers there are, but the
number is believed to be fewer than 20,000; the minimum subscription
rate is $25 a year.

Mr. Riddle, who joined the station in February, said that "it's
always difficult to run a democracy," adding that "a lot of people
believe in the kind of radio we provide," since the station does not
accept advertising, underwriting or grants.

If in many ways the station has changed, the legality of broadcasting
the "Seven Words" has not.

"Now, 35 years later, we can't take a chance of playing it," Mr.
Riddle said. "Discussion of the words is not acceptable, unless you
cut the heart out of it."

.

Pop culture & counter-culture in '68

Pop culture & counter-culture in '68

[slide show]

http://www.iht.com/slideshows/2008/05/23/news/1968culture-ss.php?index=0

.

Kerry's Vietnam Allies Go After Major Swift Boat Funder

Kerry's Vietnam Allies Go After Major Swift Boat Funder

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2008/06/20/kerrys-vietnam-allies-go_n_108286.html

June 20, 2008
by Sam Stein

It is a lesson in just how persistent and irritating smear campaigns
can be. Nearly four years after the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth
trotted out a series of outrageous accusations about John Kerry's war
record, the issue is still being litigated within the halls of
politics. Only this time, it is the accusers who are on the defensive.

On Thursday, ten veterans who witnessed or served with John Kerry in
Vietnam penned a lengthy letter to T. Boone Pickens - the Texas oil
tycoon and major SBVT financier - taking him up on his challenge to
prove false one element of that group's attacks from the 2004 campaign.

"Dear Mr. Pickens," the letter (pdf) begins, "We are the crew and
individual servicemen who served on or with Patrol Craft Fast 94 in
Vietnam in early 1969... Regrettably the lies of the SBVT, which you
helped bankroll and apparently still defend, tarnished the sacrifices
we made, called into question the medals we were awarded and
challenged the very authenticity of our service... We have children
and families who were deeply affected by these lies and we believe
you and the SBVT whom you supported owe us and the American people an
apology for the tactics you bankrolled.

"We are aware of media reports that at a dinner in Washington D.C. on
November 6th, 2007, you made a public challenge that you would give a
million dollars to anyone who could show that anything the SBVT said
was false. We also know that Senator John Kerry, who was the skipper
of the PCF-94, contacted you to take you up on that challenge. We are
writing to you now as a group to accept your challenge and document
how you funded lies and character assassination."

What follows, aides to Kerry say, is one of the most comprehensive
conglomerations of evidence disputing the SBVT attacks. Taking on the
argument that, somehow, Kerry didn't deserve his Silver Star, the
signatories dispute ten "falsehoods," including the claim that Kerry
chased and killed a "young Viet Cong in loincloth" (it was an
actually a "man of normal military age" carrying a B-40 rocket); that
he only was in combat with this one individual (there were "multiple
VC scrambling to get away"); and that Kerry made a tactical error in
captaining his boat that day ("there was no 'plan' to charge the
bank"). The letter concludes with perhaps the most poignant and
currently relevant point.

"Finally, the continued insistence that Kerry has not released his
full military record is refuted by the Navy, which has publicly
certified he has, and by three newspapers which have independently
received signed releases and reviewed those records."

Indeed, it is important to remember that in 2004, Kerry posted
military records on his campaign's website and allowed selected
reporters access to his military medical records. After the campaign,
he signed a 180 waiver, authorizing the release of his complete file
to three publications.

At the time, the SBVT claimed they couldn't trust that this was the
entire cache. No such protests were aired about President Bush's
refusal to overturn Vietnam related documents. Currently, Sen. John
McCain has released 19 pages of his Nave file to the Associated
Press. But, as documented by Jeffrey Klein, there could be upwards of
600 pages that have not been made public.

What kind of response Kerry's Vietnam contemporaries receive from
Pickens remains to be seen. The Texan, who supports McCain, said in
November that he would give $1 million to anyone who could disprove a
single one of the allegations made by the Swift Boat Veterans for
Truth. Kerry took him up on the challenge, promising to donate the
proceeds to the Paralyzed Veterans of America. Pickens then reneged,
saying he would need to see combat films, additional military records
and wartime journal. The current letter contains a 40-plus-page file
of such evidence (sans combat films).

That Kerry and his allies are fighting back with such vigor four
years after the fact may seem bittersweet for Democrats. Pickens,
after all, does not seem poised to play as influential a role in this
campaign as he did in 2004, when he invested $3 million into the SBVT
ads. The outfit he was connected to this go-around - Freedom's Watch
- has so far been hampered by financial problems. Meanwhile, his
spokesman Jay Rosser, recently told Politico: "He is not giving
anything to 527s involved in the presidential race this cycle, and
has communicated that...to Republican strategists and operatives."

But for the Vietnam Vets, the SBVT attacks were not strictly
political. And setting the record straight, even if Pickens is not,
currently, a political lightening rod, is worth doing even four years
after the 2004 election.

For them, they've wanted to clear the record for years. And have
looked for every opportunity to do that," said Kerry aide David Wade.
'For some of these guys whose lives are not politics it has had a
profound impact. When they saw the Pickens explanation in November
they were pretty stunned by that... the crew said let us have a shot."

.

Thursday, June 26, 2008

R. Buckminster Fuller

[4 articles]

25 Years After His Death, Visionary R. Buckminster Fuller Continues
to Inspire Efforts for a More Sustainable Planet

http://i4.democracynow.org/2008/6/24/two_decades_after_his_death_visionary

June 24, 2008

New York's Whitney Museum is opening an exhibition this week bringing
together the work of architect and visionary, R. Buckminster Fuller.
More than two decades after his death, Fuller continues to inspire
efforts for a more sustainable planet in the twenty-first century.
From his famous geodesic dome to his shunned electric car, Fuller
employed design to tackle problems including homelessness and
environmental degradation.
--

Guests:

Jaime Snyder, filmmaker and co-founder of the Buckminster Fuller
Institute. He is Buckminster Fuller's grandson and studied and worked
with him until his passing in 1983.

Dr. John Todd, renowned biologist and pioneer in the field of
ecological design. On Monday, he was awarded the first-ever $100,000
Buckminster Fuller Challenge prize for a proposal to transform
strip-mined lands in Appalachia into a self-sustaining community. He
is currently a research professor at the University of Vermont.

Hunter Lovins, co-founder of the Rocky Mountain Institute and founder
and director of Natural Capitalism, which promotes entrepreneurial
and sustainable solutions to environmental problems.
--

AMY GOODMAN: With oil at over $4 a barrel, a lot of people are
talking nuclear­nuclear power. John McCain has said he wants to build
a hundred new power plants; Barack Obama also supports the expanded
use of nuclear power, although he hasn't laid out a detailed plan on
building new plants. But there are also many who feel nuclear power
is the wrong way to go.

This week, New York's Whitney Museum is opening an exhibit bringing
together the work of an architect and visionary, R. Buckminster
Fuller. More than two decades after his death, Bucky Fuller continues
to inspire efforts for a more sustainable planet in the twenty-first
century. From his famous geodesic dome to his shunned electric car,
Fuller employed design to tackle problems including homelessness and
environmental degradation.

This is, well, former Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi introducing
Fuller in 1968.

INDIRA GANDHI: We have with us today an unusual person, rather
remarkable person. Mr. Fuller is described as an architect. He is
that because of his intense concern with living space. But he's
something more than an architect, because his obsession is with the
architecture of the universe.

We all have heard of Mr. Fuller's invention, the geodesic dome. It is
now seen all over the world. It is a brilliant use of space and
material. Then, the world map and other items. But what is far more
important, Mr. Fuller has shown how to get the maximum from the
minimum material by making the most intelligent use of the resources
available on earth.

AMY GOODMAN: To talk about Buckminster Fuller and his legacy today,
I'm joined now by three guests.

Jaime Snyder is a filmmaker, co-founder of the Buckminster Fuller
Institute. He is Buckminster Fuller's grandson. He studied and worked
with him until he died in 1983.

Dr. John Todd is a renowned biologist and pioneer in the field of
ecological design. On Monday, he was awarded the first-ever $100,000
Buckminster Fuller Challenge prize for a proposal to transform
strip-mined lands in Appalachia into a self-sustaining community. He
is currently a research professor at the University of Vermont in Burlington.

And I'm joined by Hunter Lovins. She is co-founder of the Rocky
Mountain Institute and founder and director of Natural Capitalism,
which promotes entrepreneurial and sustainable solutions to
environmental problems.

Hunter Lovins, let's begin with you on the significance of Buckminster Fuller.

HUNTER LOVINS: Buckminster Fuller was in many ways the founder of
what we now call sustainability. He wrote about many of the issues
that we're now talking about twenty, thirty, forty years ago. And it
is appropriate that we award the inaugural Buckminster Fuller Award
to Dr. John Todd, who is also one of the founders of this area that
we call sustainability.

AMY GOODMAN: Before we get to this remarkable project that Dr. John
Todd will embark on, Jaime Snyder, give us a snapshot of your
grandfather, of Buckminster's life, if that is at all possible.

JAIME SNYDER: Well, I certainly can't­I think I can tell you the
essence of what he was concerned about easily, and that is­

AMY GOODMAN: Where was he born?

JAIME SNYDER: He was born in Milton, Massachusetts.

AMY GOODMAN: And he died at the age of…?

JAIME SNYDER: Eighty­almost eighty-eight, thirty-six hours before his
wife of sixty-six years.

AMY GOODMAN: And he was an architect?

JAIME SNYDER: I don't think­

AMY GOODMAN: Of a sort?

JAIME SNYDER: Well, others called him an architect. He considered
himself a comprehensive anticipatory design scientist. He was
interested in solving problems, not by trying to change people's ways
of thinking or trying to convince them to do different things. He
felt if you built a bridge over a roaring gorge and it worked, people
would begin to use it, because it solved a problem, effectively. And
so, he concerned himself with solving and addressing himself to the
vexing problems facing our society, in terms of how do we provide
life support on a sustainable basis for 100 percent of humanity and
how do we tackle the impediments that are facing us now.

AMY GOODMAN: His inventions? The geodesic dome, electric car­when did
he invent the electric car?

JAIME SNYDER: Actually, it was not electric. It was a three-wheeled
car. It was quite an outstanding car. It was in 1933 that he built
it. He built three prototypes. And he was­you know, his inventions
were really exploring and prototyping solving problems. So he would
invent things. He didn't then get into getting too involved with the
business side of it. He kind of went on, OK, what's the next problem
that's important to tackle?

AMY GOODMAN: And the geodesic dome?

JAIME SNYDER: And the geodesic dome.

AMY GOODMAN: What is it?

JAIME SNYDER: Well, it was invented in the mid-'50s. And again, his
concern throughout his life, an overarching theme, was, how are we
really going to be able to use our resources effectively when it
comes to shelter, so that we can actually provide a way of providing
adequate shelter for a large number of people who don't have it?

AMY GOODMAN: I wanted to turn to Buckminster Fuller himself. A major
theme in his writings and speeches was integrity. He's speaking here
in 1983, just months before his death.

R. BUCKMINSTER FULLER: When I was born, humanity was 95 percent
illiterate. Since I've been born, the population has doubled, and the
total population is now 65 percent literate. That's a gain of
130-fold of the literacy. When humanity is primarily illiterate, it
needs leaders to understand and get the information and deal with it.
When we are at the point where the majority of humans themselves are
literate, able to get the information, we're in an entirely new
relationship to universe. We're at the point where the integrity of
the individual counts and not what the political leadership or the
religious leadership says to do. It's a matter now of humanity
getting to the point where it's now qualifying to make some of its
own decisions in relation to its own information. That's why we've
come to a new moment of integrity.

AMY GOODMAN: Buckminster Fuller, just months before he died. Hunter
Lovins, this whole discussion about nuclear power: oil and gas, too
expensive, let's go to nuclear power. Barack Obama and John McCain
agree, perhaps, on that point, though not exactly clear where Obama
wants to go with this. What are your thoughts about nuclear power and
where Buckminster Fuller would stand?

HUNTER LOVINS: Actually, I think Bucky and I stand in about the same
place. We both liked nuclear power, remotely sited 93 million miles
away will do just fine, thank you. He was a big fan of using
renewable energy. And we can meet all of our energy needs, first of
all, by using energy very efficiently­that's the cheapest thing to
do­second, by getting the remaining supplies that we need from the
already available cost-effective renewables. And in fact, this is
what's happening.

Nuclear power, the two units outside of Tampa now, are at $17 billion
and rising. New nuclear plants will probably come on at something
like $12 billion. Neither McCain nor Obama have done the numbers. We
simply can't afford it. If you want very pricy energy, nuclear is a
good choice.

AMY GOODMAN: So why is it being pushed?

HUNTER LOVINS: Because people­as Dale Bumpes once said, it's better
to do something big, even if it's wrong. They think, "Oh, big. Good."
Absolutely wrong.

Again, wind last year came on­we brought on fifteen gigawatts. A
gigawatt is roughly a nuclear-sized chunk of electricity. Fifteen
gigawatts. If we'd have built fifteen nukes, you would have noticed.
Nobody noticed. Wind is simply sweeping the market. It is either the
first- or second-fastest growing energy supply, followed or led by
solar photovoltaics, which are coming on equally rapidly.

In Germany now, more new jobs are being created by the renewables
industry than by any other industry in Germany. If we want a vibrant
economy, unleash the new energy economy. Have people fixing up
buildings in our communities, putting solar on the roofs, building
wind, urban turbines that are now going on the San Francisco PUC
building, that will be a net-zero building. It will be producing more
electricity than it needs, when the wind is blowing.

AMY GOODMAN: Hunter Lovins, if you can introduce, as you did
yesterday at the ceremony, Dr. John Todd and why he has been chosen.
You were on the jury of the first $100,000 Buckminster Fuller Award.

HUNTER LOVINS: It was a unanimous decision by the jury, and we
received many fabulous proposals. What John is doing is setting forth
to not only bioremediate the damaged coal lands in Appalachia­and
there are damaged lands around the world that are in need of his
technologies, which can bring back life, community, vibrancy in these
areas­he is setting forth a new ecological theory of design, which is
completely consonant with what Bucky was talking about.

AMY GOODMAN: That theory of design, Dr. John Todd, if you could you
speak about it, what you're planning to do, who you're working with?

DR. JOHN TODD: Well, my plan is to take the million-plus acres of
Appalachia that have been absolutely devastated by surface coal
mining and try and restore those lands to create a new economy,
perhaps a new kind of economy that's never been seen before, one
based on renewable energies, including the sun and the wind and
biomass, and an economy that's also based on going back to the great
legacy of Appalachia, namely its biological basis. And so, my plan
basically calls for restoring the soils and restoring the forests and
doing these in a highly integrated way that's never been seen before.

AMY GOODMAN: How?

DR. JOHN TODD: But which will­sorry?

AMY GOODMAN: How?

DR. JOHN TODD: How­well, first of all, it's integrated, in that
various kinds of economic activities will take place as the land is
transformed from bare rock and polluted water over time, measured in
decades, to a diverse economy that has forestry and agriculture and
many other elements built into it.

AMY GOODMAN: How do you clean up the polluted land? How do you fix
the strip-mined mountains, the mountaintop removals?

DR. JOHN TODD: Well, one of the first things you have to do is create
soils­rich, world-class soils. And fortunately for us, over the last
two or three decades around the world, scientists and others have
learned how to create soils in years and decades that previously
might have taken thousands of years. So these are ecological
concepts, which taken in concert can result in this transformation
that I'm proposing.

AMY GOODMAN: How do you create the soil?

DR. JOHN TODD: Well, you start, first of all, with the right kinds of
minerals, which you apply. And these are fine rock powders that are
ground up. Some of them might be even left over from mining. And then
you­from there, you begin to work with various kinds of
microorganisms and composting, and you also sequester or get­you take
organic­you take carbon dioxide out of the atmosphere, which is a
problem, and you introduce it into the soils through the medium of trees.

AMY GOODMAN: And the people of Appalachia? How do you work with them?

DR. JOHN TODD: The people of Appalachia­the plan is quite radical. It
basically allows for the transformation of ownership from a large
land trust into giving back ownership of the land of Appalachia to
the people who are actually working on the land, the people who are
working in the forest, on the farms, in the biomass plantations, in
the game ranching areas, all of these things. And so, critical to my
plan is giving the people of Appalachia a genuine stake and a genuine
ownership in the new economy which will be created. It's the opposite
of what is there today. And our plan also is intended to involve the
miners of today being part of the restorers of tomorrow. Even some of
the machinery that they use to destroy mountains could be used to build soils.

AMY GOODMAN: John Todd, the first recipient of the $100,000
Buckminster Fuller prize. I want to end with Buckminster Fuller's
grandson, Jaime Snyder. In thirty seconds, how you want your
grandfather to be remembered, his work carried on?

DR. JOHN TODD: Well, I remember driving with him to the airport not
long before he passed on. We had a short ride in Los Angeles, and we
got in the car. We're driving down. He said, "Jaime, what's the most
important thing we can be talking about right now?" He was a person
who lived his life very much in touch with the critical survivability
of the planet and believed that individuals are the key to fixing
those problems.

AMY GOODMAN: On that note, I want to thank you all for being with us,
Jaime Snyder, Buckminster Fuller's grandson; Dr. John Todd, professor
at the University of Vermont; and Hunter Lovins, head of the Natural
Capitalism Institute.

--------

Dymaxion Man

http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2008/06/09/080609fa_fact_kolbert/

The visions of Buckminster Fuller.

by Elizabeth Kolbert
June 9, 2008

One of Buckminster Fuller's earliest inventions was a car shaped like
a blimp. The car had three wheels­two up front, one in the back­and a
periscope instead of a rear window. Owing to its unusual design, it
could be maneuvered into a parking space nose first and could execute
a hundred-and-eighty-degree turn so tightly that it would end up
practically where it had started, facing the opposite direction. In
Bridgeport, Connecticut, where the car was introduced in the summer
of 1933, it caused such a sensation that gridlock followed, and
anxious drivers implored Fuller to keep it off the streets at rush hour.

Fuller called his invention the Dymaxion Vehicle. He believed that it
would not just revolutionize automaking but help bring about a
wholesale reordering of modern life. Soon, Fuller thought, people
would be living in standardized, prefabricated dwellings, and this,
in turn, would allow them to occupy regions previously considered
uninhabitable­the Arctic, the Sahara, the tops of mountains. The
Dymaxion Vehicle would carry them to their new homes; it would be
capable of travelling on the roughest roads and­once the technology
for the requisite engines had been worked out­it would also (somehow)
be able to fly. Fuller envisioned the Dymaxion taking off almost
vertically, like a duck.

Fuller's schemes often had the hallucinatory quality associated with
science fiction (or mental hospitals). It concerned him not in the
least that things had always been done a certain way in the past. In
addition to flying cars, he imagined mass-produced bathrooms that
could be installed like refrigerators; underwater settlements that
would be restocked by submarine; and floating communities that, along
with all their inhabitants, would hover among the clouds. Most
famously, he dreamed up the geodesic dome. "If you are in a shipwreck
and all the boats are gone, a piano top . . . that comes along makes
a fortuitous life preserver," Fuller once wrote. "But this is not to
say that the best way to design a life preserver is in the form of a
piano top. I think that we are clinging to a great many piano tops in
accepting yesterday's fortuitous contrivings." Fuller may have spent
his life inventing things, but he claimed that he was not
particularly interested in inventions. He called himself a
"comprehensive, anticipatory design scientist"­a "comprehensivist,"
for short­and believed that his task was to innovate in such a way as
to benefit the greatest number of people using the least amount of
resources. "My objective was humanity's comprehensive success in the
universe" is how he once put it. "I could have ended up with a pair
of flying slippers."

Fuller's career is the subject of a new exhibition, "Buckminster
Fuller: Starting with the Universe," which opens later this month at
the Whitney Museum of American Art. The exhibition traces the long,
loopy arc of his career from early doodlings to plans he drew up
shortly before his death, twenty-five years ago this summer. It will
feature studies for several of his geodesic domes and the only
surviving Dymaxion Vehicle. By staging the retrospective, the Whitney
raises­or, really, one should say, re-raises­the question of Fuller's
relevance. Was he an important cultural figure because he produced
inventions of practical value or because he didn't?

Richard Buckminster Fuller, Jr.­Bucky, to his friends­was born on
July 12, 1895, into one of New England's most venerable and, at the
same time, most freethinking families. His great-great-grandfather,
the Reverend Timothy Fuller, a Massachusetts delegate to the Federal
Constitutional Assembly, was so outraged by the Constitution's
sanctioning of slavery that he came out against ratification. His
great-aunt Margaret Fuller, a friend of Emerson and Thoreau, edited
the transcendentalist journal The Dial and later became America's
first female foreign correspondent.

Growing up in Milton, Massachusetts, Bucky was a boisterous but
hopelessly nearsighted child; until he was fitted with glasses, he
refused to believe that the world was not blurry. Like all Fuller
men, he was sent off to Harvard. Halfway through his freshman year,
he withdrew his tuition money from the bank to entertain some chorus
girls in Manhattan. He was expelled. The following fall, he was
reinstated, only to be thrown out again. Fuller never did graduate
from Harvard, or any other school. He took a job with a meatpacking
firm, then joined the Navy, where he invented a winchlike device for
rescuing pilots of the service's primitive airplanes. (The pilots
often ended up head down, under water.)

During the First World War, Fuller married Anne Hewlett, the daughter
of a prominent architect, and when the war was over he started a
business with his father-in-law, manufacturing bricks out of wood
shavings. Despite the general prosperity of the period, the company
struggled and, in 1927, nearly bankrupt, it was bought out. At just
about the same time, Anne gave birth to a daughter. With no job and a
new baby to support, Fuller became depressed. One day, he was walking
by Lake Michigan, thinking about, in his words, "Buckminster
Fuller­life or death," when he found himself suspended several feet
above the ground, surrounded by sparkling light. Time seemed to stand
still, and a voice spoke to him. "You do not have the right to
eliminate yourself," it said. "You do not belong to you. You belong
to Universe." (In Fuller's idiosyncratic English,
"universe"­capitalized­is never preceded by the definite article.) It
was at this point, according to Fuller, that he decided to embark on
his "lifelong experiment." The experiment's aim was nothing less than
determining "what, if anything," an individual could do "on behalf of
all humanity." For this study, Fuller would serve both as the
researcher and as the object of inquiry. (He referred to himself as
Guinea Pig B, the "B" apparently being for Bucky.) Fuller moved his
wife and daughter into a tiny studio in a Chicago slum and, instead
of finding a job, took to spending his days in the library, reading
Gandhi and Leonardo. He began to record his own ideas, which soon
filled two thousand pages. In 1928, he edited the manuscript down to
fifty pages, and had it published in a booklet called "4D Time Lock,"
which he sent out to, among others, Vincent Astor, Bertrand Russell,
and Henry Ford.

Like most of Fuller's writings, "4D Time Lock" is nearly impossible
to read; its sentences, Slinky-like, stretch on and on and on. (One
of his biographers observed of "4D Time Lock" that "worse prose is
barely conceivable.") At its heart is a critique of the construction
industry. Imagine, Fuller says, what would happen if a person,
seeking to purchase an automobile, had to hire a designer, then send
the plans out for bid, then show them to the bank, and then have them
approved by the town council, all before work on the vehicle could
begin. "Few would have the temerity to go through with it," he notes,
and those who did would have to pay something like fifty thousand
dollars­half a million in today's money­per car. Such a system, so
obviously absurd for autos, persisted for houses, Fuller argued,
because of retrograde thinking. (His own failure at peddling
wood-composite bricks he cited as evidence of the construction
industry's recalcitrance.) What was needed was a "New Era Home,"
which would be "erectable in one day, complete in every detail," and,
on top of that, "drudgery-proof," with "every living appliance known
to mankind, built-in."

Not coincidentally, Fuller was working to design just such a home.
One plan, which never made it beyond the sketching stage, called for
ultra-lightweight towers to be assembled at a central location, then
transported to any spot in the world, via zeppelin. (Fuller
envisioned the zeppelin crew excavating the site by dropping a small
bomb.) A second, only slightly less fabulous proposal was for what
Fuller came to call the Dymaxion House. The hexagonal-shaped,
single-family home was to be stamped out of metal and suspended from
a central mast that would contain all its wiring and plumbing. When a
family moved, the Dymaxion House could be disassembled and taken
along, like a bed or a table. Fuller constructed a scale model of the
house, which was exhibited in 1929 at Marshall Field's as part of a
display of modern furniture. But no full-size version could be
produced, because many of the components, including what Fuller
called a "radio-television receiver," did not yet exist. Fuller
estimated that it would take a billion dollars to develop the
necessary technologies. Not surprisingly, the money wasn't forthcoming.

Fuller was fond of neologisms. He coined the word "livingry," as the
opposite of "weaponry"­which he called "killingry"­and popularized
the term "spaceship earth." (He claimed to have invented "debunk,"
but probably did not.) Another one of his coinages was
"ephemeralization," which meant, roughly speaking,
"dematerialization." Fuller was a strong believer in the notion that
"less is more," and not just in the aestheticized, Miesian sense of
the phrase. He imagined that buildings would eventually be
"ephemeralized" to such an extent that construction materials would
be dispensed with altogether, and builders would instead rely on
"electrical field and other utterly invisible environment controls."

Fuller's favorite neologism, "dymaxion," was concocted purely for
public relations. When Marshall Field's displayed his model house, it
wanted a catchy label, so it hired a consultant, who fashioned
"dymaxion" out of bits of "dynamic," "maximum," and "ion." Fuller was
so taken with the word, which had no known meaning, that he adopted
it as a sort of brand name. The Dymaxion House led to the Dymaxion
Vehicle, which led, in turn, to the Dymaxion Bathroom and the
Dymaxion Deployment Unit, essentially a grain bin with windows. As a
child, Fuller had assembled scrapbooks of letters and newspaper
articles on subjects that interested him; when, later, he decided to
keep a more systematic record of his life, including everything from
his correspondence to his dry-cleaning bills, it became the Dymaxion
Chronofile.

All the Dymaxion projects generated a great deal of hype, and that
was clearly Fuller's desire. All of them also flopped. The first
prototype of the Dymaxion Vehicle had been on the road for just three
months when it crashed, near the entrance to the Chicago World's
Fair; the driver was killed, and one of the passengers­a British
aviation expert­was seriously injured. Eventually, it was revealed
that another car was responsible for the accident, but only two more
Dymaxion Vehicles were produced before production was halted, in
1934. Only thirteen models of the Dymaxion Bathroom­a single unit
that came with a built-in tub, toilet, and sink­were constructed
before the manufacturer pulled the plug on that project, in 1936. The
Dymaxion Deployment Unit, which Fuller imagined being used as a
mobile shelter, failed because after the United States entered the
Second World War he could no longer obtain any steel. In 1945, Fuller
attempted to mass-produce the Dymaxion House, entering into a joint
effort with Beech Aircraft, which was based in Wichita. Two examples
of the house were built before that project, too, collapsed. (The
only surviving prototype, known as the Wichita House, looks like a
cross between an onion dome and a flying saucer; it is now on display
at the Henry Ford Museum, in Dearborn, Michigan.)

Following this string of disappointments, Fuller might have decided
that his "experiment" had run its course. Instead, he kept right on
going. Turning his attention to mathematics, he concluded that the
Cartesian coördinate system had got things all wrong and invented his
own system, which he called Synergetic Geometry. Synergetic Geometry
was based on sixty-degree (rather than ninety-degree) angles, took
the tetrahedron to be the basic building block of the universe, and
avoided the use of pi, a number that Fuller found deeply distasteful.
By 1948, Fuller's geometric investigations had led him to the idea of
the geodesic dome­essentially, a series of struts that could support
a covering skin. That summer, he was invited to teach at Black
Mountain College, in North Carolina, where some of the other
instructors included Josef Albers, Willem and Elaine de Kooning, John
Cage, and Merce Cunningham. ("I remember thinking it's Bucky Fuller
and his magic show," Cunningham would later recall of Fuller's
arrival.) Toward the end of his stay, Fuller and a team of students
assembled a trial dome out of Venetian-blind slats. Immediately upon
being completed, the dome sagged and fell in on itself. (Some of the
observers referred to it as a "flopahedron.") Fuller insisted that
this outcome had been intentional­he was, he said, trying to
determine the critical point at which the dome would collapse­but no
one seems to have believed this. The following year, Anne Fuller sold
thirty thousand dollars' worth of I.B.M. stock to finance Bucky's
continuing research, and in 1950 he succeeded in erecting a dome
fifty feet in diameter.

The geodesic dome is a prime example of "ephemeralization"; it can
enclose more space with less material than virtually any other
structure. The first commercial use of Fuller's design came in 1953,
when the Ford Motor Company decided to cover the central courtyard of
its Rotunda building, in Dearborn. The walls of the building, which
had been erected for a temporary exhibit, were not strong enough to
support a conventional dome. Fuller designed a geodesic dome of
aluminum struts fitted with fibreglass panes. The structure spanned
ninety-three feet, yet weighed just eight and a half tons. It
received a tremendous amount of press, almost all of it positive,
with the result that geodesic domes soon became popular for all sorts
of purposes. They seemed to spring up "like toadstools after a rain,"
as one commentator put it.

The geodesic dome transformed Fuller from an eccentric outsider into
an eccentric insider. He was hired by the Pentagon to design
protective housing for radar equipment along the Distant Early
Warning, or DEW, line; the structure became known as a radome. He
also developed a system for erecting temporary domes at trade fairs
all around the world. (Nikita Khrushchev supposedly became so
enamored of one such dome, built for a fair in Moscow, that he
insisted that "Buckingham Fuller" come to Russia "and teach our
engineers.") Fuller was offered an appointment at Southern Illinois
University, in Carbondale, and he had a dome-home built near campus
for himself and Anne. In 1965, he was commissioned by the United
States Information Agency to design the U.S. Pavilion for the
Montreal Expo. Though the exhibit inside was criticized as
uninspiring, Fuller's dome, which looked as if it were about to float
free of the earth, was a hit.

As the fame of the dome­and domes themselves­spread, Fuller was in
near-constant demand as a speaker. "I travel between Southern and
Northern hemispheres and around the world so frequently that I no
longer have any so-called normal winter and summer, nor normal night
and day," he wrote in "Operating Manual for Spaceship Earth." "I wear
three watches to tell me what time it is." Castro-like, Fuller could
lecture for ten hours at a stretch. (A friend of mine who took an
architecture course from Fuller at Yale recalls that classes lasted
from nine o'clock in the morning until five in the evening, and that
Fuller talked basically the entire time.) Audiences were enraptured
and also, it seems, mystified. "It was great! What did he say?"
became the standard joke. The first "Whole Earth Catalog," which was
dedicated to Fuller, noted that his language "makes demands on your
head like suddenly discovering an extra engine in your car."

In "Bucky," a biography-cum-meditation, published in 1973, the critic
Hugh Kenner observed, "One of the ways I could arrange this book
would make Fuller's talk seem systematic. I could also make it look
like a string of platitudes, or like a set of notions never
entertained before, or like a delirium." On the one hand, Fuller
insisted that all the world's problems­from hunger and illiteracy to
war­could be solved by technology. "You may . . . want to ask me how
we are going to resolve the ever-accelerating dangerous impasse of
world-opposed politicians and ideological dogmas," he observed at one
point. "I answer, it will be resolved by the computer." On the other
hand, he rejected fundamental tenets of modern science, most notably
evolution. "We arrived from elsewhere in Universe as complete human
beings," he maintained. He further insisted that humans had spread
not from Africa but from Polynesia, and that dolphins were descended
from these early, seafaring earthlings.

Although he looked to nature as the exemplar of efficient design, he
was not terribly interested in the natural world, and mocked those
who warned about problems like resource depletion and overpopulation.
"When world realization of its unlimited wealth has been established
there as yet will be room for the whole of humanity to stand indoors
in greater New York City, with more room for each human than at an
average cocktail party," he wrote. He envisioned cutting people off
from the elements entirely by building domed cities, which, he
claimed, would offer free climate control, winter and summer. "A
two-mile-diameter dome has been calculated to cover Mid-Manhattan
Island, spanning west to east at 42nd Street," he observed. "The cost
saving in ten years would pay for the dome. Domed cities are going to
be essential to the occupation of the Arctic and the Antarctic." As
an alternative, he developed a plan for a tetrahedral city, which was
intended to house a million people and float in Tokyo Bay.

He also envisioned what he called Cloud Nines, communities that would
dwell in extremely lightweight spheres, covered in a polyethylene
skin. As the sun warmed the air inside, Fuller claimed, the sphere
and all the buildings within it would rise into the air, like a
balloon. "Many thousands of passengers could be housed aboard
one-mile-diameter and larger cloud structures," he wrote. In the late
seventies, Fuller took up with Werner Erhard, the controversial
founder of the equally controversial est movement, and the pair set
off on a speaking tour across America. Fuller championed, and for
many years adhered to, a dietary regimen that consisted exclusively
of prunes, tea, steak, and Jell-O.

The Dymaxion Vehicle, the Dymaxion House, "comprehensive,
anticipatory design," Synergetic Geometry, floating cities,
Jell-O­what does it all add up to? In conjunction with the Whitney
retrospective, the exhibition's two curators, K. Michael Hays and
Dana Miller, have put together a book of essays, articles, and
photographs­"Buckminster Fuller: Starting with the Universe." Several
of the authors in the volume gamely, if inconclusively, grapple with
Fuller's legacy. Antoine Picon, a professor of architecture at
Harvard, notes that the detail with which Fuller's life was
recorded­the Dymaxion Chronofile eventually grew to more than two
hundred thousand pages­has had the paradoxical effect of obscuring
its significance. Elizabeth A. T. Smith, the chief curator at the
Museum of Contemporary Art in Chicago, writes that Fuller's influence
on "creative practice" has been "more wide-ranging than previously
thought," but goes on to acknowledge that this influence is
"difficult to pinpoint or define with certainty." In their
introduction, Hays and Miller maintain that Fuller helped "us see the
perils and possibilities" of the twentieth century. They stress his
"continuing relevance as an aid to history," though exactly what they
mean by this seems purposefully unclear.

The fact that so few of Fuller's ideas were ever realized certainly
makes it hard to argue for his importance as an inventor. Even his
most successful creation, the geodesic dome, proved to be a dud. In
1994, Stewart Brand, the founding editor of the "Whole Earth Catalog"
and an early, self-described dome "propagandist," called geodesics a
"massive, total failure":

Domes leaked, always. The angles between the facets could never be
sealed successfully. If you gave up and tried to shingle the whole
damn thing­dangerous process, ugly result­the nearly horizontal
shingles on top still took in water. The inside was basically one big
room, impossible to subdivide, with too much space wasted up high.
The shape made it a whispering gallery that broadcast private sounds
to everyone.

Among the domes that leaked were Fuller's own home, in Carbondale,
and the structure atop the Ford Rotunda. (When workmen were sent to
try to reseal the Rotunda's dome, they ended up burning down the
entire building.)

Fuller's impact as a social theorist is equally ambiguous. He
insisted that the future could be radically different from the past,
that humanity was capable of finding solutions to the most
intractable-seeming problems, and that the only thing standing in the
way was the tendency to cling to old "piano tops." But Fuller was
also deeply pessimistic about people's capacity for change, which was
why, he said, he had become an inventor in the first place. "I made
up my mind . . . that I would never try to reform man­that's much too
difficult," he told an interviewer for this magazine in 1966. "What I
would do was to try to modify the environment in such a way as to get
man moving in preferred directions." Fuller's writings and speeches
are filled with this sort of tension, or, if you prefer,
contradiction. He was a material determinist who believed in radical
autonomy, an individualist who extolled mass production, and an
environmentalist who wanted to dome over the Arctic. In the end,
Fuller's greatest accomplishment may consist not in any particular
idea or artifact but in the whole unlikely experiment that was Guinea
Pig B. Instead of destroying himself, Fuller listened to Universe. He
spent the next fifty years in a headlong, ceaseless act of
self-assertion, one that took so many forms that, twenty-five years
after his death, we are still trying to sort it all out.

--------

Can Fuller be rehabilitated as a 21st century design hero?

http://www.iht.com/articles/2008/06/23/style/design23.php

By Alice Rawsthorn
Published: June 20, 2008

His "simple aim in life," or so said Fortune magazine in 1946, was
"to remake the world." He did not quite pull that off, but not for
lack of trying. Indeed, he was so prolific that 20 years later The
New Yorker billed him as "an engineer, inventor, mathematician,
architect, cartographer, philosopher, poet, cosmologist and
comprehensive designer." By then, R. Buckminster Fuller had adopted
the shorter job descriptions of "comprehensive anticipatory design
scientist" and "astronaut from Spaceship Earth."

Bucky (as almost everyone called him) was 70 years old when The New
Yorker interviewed him on the tiny island off the Maine coast with no
electricity, telephones or running water where he spent each summer.
His most successful project, the geodesic dome, has provided
emergency shelter for many thousands of people, but other designs,
including a flying car and floating city, had flopped, and he had yet
to complete a long promised book on his theory of
Energetic-Synergetic Geometry.

Hailed as a visionary by the 1960s hippie movement, Fuller, who died
in 1983, was dismissed as an eccentric by the design and architecture
establishments. (This assessment was shared by their peers in
mathematics, cartography and other disciplines he had challenged.)
The critics and curators who defined 20th century design history
tended to prize materialistic achievements, preferably
corporate-friendly ones, such as Mies van der Rohe's monumental
buildings, and Charles Eames's opulent office furniture. Iconoclastic
dreamers were relegated to the margins, especially if, like Fuller,
they were self-taught, befuddlingly verbose and uncompromising
altruists with a string of spectacular failures in design and business.

The Whitney Museum of American Art in New York is now reassessing
Fuller's achievements - and his contribution to design history - in
"Buckminster Fuller: Starting With the Universe," an exhibition
opening Thursday. "In some ways his 'comprehensive, anticipatory
design science' is more relevant for design today than it was even in
his own time," said K. Michael Hays, a curator of the show. "He
thought of the world in terms of flows of information and energy that
interact and exchange in a complex totality. This is why it is
relevant for scientists and artists, as well as designers."

Can Fuller be rehabilitated as a 21st century design hero? Are his
theories really relevant today? Or is it wishful thinking to consider
him as more than an endearingly nutty maverick?

Some facts: Born in 1895 into a patrician New England family, Bucky
was among the fifth generation of male Fullers to be admitted to
Harvard, but the first not to graduate. (He was expelled twice.)
After a stint in the U.S. Navy, he embarked on the first of many
commercial flops, mostly ill-fated attempts to play the
inventor-entrepreneur by setting up companies to manufacture his
designs, such as the cheap but unstable Dymaxion House, and doomed
Dymaxion car. His biggest success, the geodesic dome, was less a
building, than a blueprint for designing one. It has sheltered
hundreds of thousands of people in desperate circumstances, as well
as housing the U.S. Pavilion at Expo 67 in Montreal, despite being
prone to leak. The diminutive Fuller (just 5-foot-2, or less than 1.6
meters) also aired his seemingly endless theories on universal
patterns, dwindling natural resources, the virtues of prefabrication
and the tetrahedron, and the nutritional merits of Jell-O in
notoriously long, frequently incomprehensible books and lectures.

One argument for his rehabilitation is that he anticipated the recent
growth of interest in humanitarian design. The geodesic dome alone
clinches the case. Leaky or not, it is an inexpensive, speedily
assembled model of utilitarian design that is still used today. The
Barefoot Architects of Tilonia in India recently built over a hundred
domes from recycled farming equipment in Africa, and Fuller's design
provided temporary housing for Hurricane Katrina refugees.

"Of course he's an influence," said Cameron Sinclair, co-founder of
Architecture for Humanity, which collaborated on the Katrina domes.
"I was personally inspired by his idea that we had the means, talent
and technology to provide affordable and dignified buildings for
every person on this planet."

Equally convincing are Fuller's credentials as a pioneer of
sustainable design. His riposte to Mies van der Rohe's "less is more"
mantra of luxurious simplicity was to advocate designing "more for
less," and his understanding of the need to conserve natural
resources by developing sustainable design solutions was pioneering.
"Designers have seized on the issues of ecologically sustainable
design, and the use of alternative materials, fabrication methods and
distribution systems, as well as the responsibility of design for an
environment now understood as a global continuum," Hays observed.
"Fuller brought these issues into his thinking as early as 1928."

Fuller's vision of the designer as an agent of change, striving to
solve the world's problems by translating scientific and
technological advances into useful innovations, also resonates
strongly today. This was the message of the recent Design and the
Elastic Mind exhibition at the Museum of Modern Art in New York.
Several exhibits, notably Ben Fry and Casey Reas's software, echoed
Fuller's view of the world as a relentless flow of interrelated
systems, where design helps us to make sense of extremes in size and speed.

His aesthetic philosophy is equally appealing to artists, especially
the current crop of cross-disciplinarians, who emerged in the
relational-aesthetics movement of the 1990s, which assessed art in
terms of its social impact. Artists such as Olafur Eliasson and Loris
Gréaud have created pieces inspired by Fuller, and draw on principles
of science and design in their work.

At a time when design and artistic practice is increasingly
collaborative, open-ended and fluid, Fuller looks a lot less nutty,
and more purposeful. So do his emphasis on concept, rather than the
finished product, and his capacity to embrace failure as a learning
experience and a step toward success. "You only succeed when you stop
failing" was a favorite motto. "It is amazing that Bucky gets his day
in the sun at the Whitney," said Cameron Sinclair. "Part-genius,
part-altruistic-visionary - what's not to admire?"

--------

The Love Song of R. Buckminster Fuller

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/06/15/arts/music/15ster.html

By JAMES STERNGOLD
Published: June 15, 2008

PALO ALTO, Calif.

AS the designer R. Buckminster Fuller liked to tell it, his powerful
creative vision was born of a moment of deep despair at the age of
32. A self-described ne'er-do-well, twice ejected from Harvard, a
failure in business and a heavy drinker, he trudged to the Chicago
lakefront one day in 1927 and stood there, contemplating suicide. But
an inner voice interrupted, telling him that he had a mission to
discover great truths, all for the good of humankind.

That was the pivot on which, he claimed, his life turned. The onetime
loser entered a period of such deep reflection that he was struck
silent, then emerged bursting with creativity as he developed the
"Dymaxion" inventions: technologies that he promised would transform
housing, transportation, urban organization and, eventually, the
human condition. From 1927 on, Fuller seemed utterly self-assured,
even messianic, as he developed innovations like the geodesic dome,
equal parts engineering élan and poetry.

Those pioneering creations will go on display next week in
"Buckminster Fuller: Starting With the Universe," a sprawling show at
the Whitney Museum of American Art that testifies to the wide-ranging
intellectual curiosity of Fuller (1895-1983), who inspired several
generations with his quixotic vision and his zeal for the liberating
power of technology.

But recent research has shed new light on Fuller's inner life and
what really drove him. In particular, it now appears that the suicide
story may have been yet another invention, an elaborate myth that
served to cover up a formative period that was far more tumultuous
and unstable, for far longer, than Fuller ever revealed.

That is one of many insights gleaned by researchers who have begun
exploring the visionary's personal archives, deposited in 1999 at the
Stanford University library by his family.

Because he believed his ideas and life would hold enduring interest,
Fuller collected nearly every scrap of paper that ever passed through
his hands, including letters that raise questions about the suicide
story. At 45 tons, it is the largest personal archive at Stanford,
according to Hsiao-Yun Chu, a former assistant curator of the papers
and co-editor of a book, "Reassessing R. Buckminster Fuller," to be
published by Stanford University Press next year.

Barry Katz, a Stanford historian who wrote one of the studies in Ms.
Chu's book, said, "If you really look for the details of his life at
the time, it's easy to see that the suicide story was a creation."

"There was nothing even remotely in the archives suggesting feelings
on the scale he later described" in 1927, he said.

In 1927 Fuller, living in Chicago, and his wife, Anne, in New York,
exchanged almost daily letters and telegrams. Not a single one makes
reference either to thoughts of death or to an epiphany. In addition,
Mr. Katz said, he found references to lectures that Fuller gave and
other evidence that he was far from silent.

Mr. Katz said he found instead signs of depression and anxiety
stretching from the time his first daughter, Alexandra, died in 1922,
through his financial failures and, finally, the collapse of a torrid
extramarital romance in 1931. Still, he said, the suicide story
seemed to serve a purpose.

"That's why I now call it a myth, but it was an effective myth. It
gave a trajectory to his career. The story was constructed after the
fact to show how he suddenly developed these new ideas. I think he
came to believe the story himself."

On a recent day in the library Ms. Chu gave a sort of guided tour of
the personality known as Bucky, rummaging through boxes of his
letters, overdue bills, drawings and writings. Over the course of the
visit a detailed inner portrait emerged of a man known for his
pioneering designs for inexpensive, prefabricated houses suspended
from masts, a highly efficient teardrop-shaped auto and then a series
of structural designs that were strong yet lightweight and remarkably graceful.

Ms. Chu held up a crinkly letter written by Fuller in 1931, when he
was a regular at Romany Marie's cafe in Greenwich Village and
intriguing friends like Isamu Noguchi with prophecies on how his
automotive and housing technologies would help usher in a new era of
plenty. "He used to drink like a fish," Noguchi would recall years
later in an interview with Time magazine.

What his friends did not know was that Fuller was becoming unhinged
because of the collapse of an affair with Evelyn Schwartz, or Evy.
Fuller was 36, with a wife and 4-year-old daughter, Allegra; Ms.
Schwartz had just turned 18. The two exchanged letters almost daily,
with Fuller writing that their relationship was "completely my
realization of the ideal of love."

He wrote of marrying her, of her apparent efforts to get pregnant,
and insisted, "Evy you and I bear a universal responsibility of
forward thinking for which we are extraordinarily gifted."

But when she decided she had "gotten over" him, as he related it,
Fuller unleashed a cascade of desperate letters. He admitted to
stalking her at her Brooklyn home "so that you may have no feeling of
panicky abandonment."

In the most revealing note, feverishly scribbled in heavy block
letters across four large sheets of onion-skin drafting paper, Fuller
confessed that he had suffered a "nervous breakdown" in 1931 ­ not
1927 ­ because of the romantic tumult. "Later in his life, when he
was lecturing all the time, people loved him, he made them feel very
special," said Ms. Chu. "He was an oracle, a guide, and he was so
confident. But when he was writing those early letters, he didn't
know who he was."

Jay Baldwin, a designer who helped to edit the Whole Earth Catalog
(which was inspired by Fuller) in the 1960s, knew Fuller and wrote a
book about him, said that he learned of the affair during his own
search of the archives but chose not to mention it.

"To a lot of us he just seemed so much the master of his emotions,
but I read those letters, and he just lost it," Mr. Baldwin said. "It
wasn't the only thing like that. He wrote one paper about his ideas
early on that sounds like a raving maniac."

In Mr. Baldwin's view those episodes missed the point. "Focusing on
the affair is like spending all your time thinking about van Gogh's
ear instead of his paintings," he said. "It's very off track."

Mr. Katz disagreed, saying that the seemingly crazy writings were
important because they showed that in recurrent dark periods Fuller
was not trying only to persuade others his ideas were important, but
to persuade himself that he mattered. The letters, Mr. Katz
suggested, were a form of self-encouragement as Fuller struggled to
find a reason for going on.

Supporting that view is Evelyn Schwartz Nef. "Those days were really
quite exciting because he was so convincing that he was trying to
save the world," she said in an interview. Now 94 and a retired
psychotherapist, she recalled Fuller vividly. "The question I had is
whether he was as convinced as we were. He was trying to reassure
himself that he was something."

Fuller's daughter, Allegra Fuller Snyder, a retired professor of
dance at the University of California, Los Angeles, said she was not
surprised to learn that the 1927 epiphany may not have been literally true.

"It was a kind of parable of his interior thinking, really," Ms.
Snyder said. Because he had such a powerful personality and was so
well known for his unshakable self-confidence, few understood, as she
did, that he had interludes of real doubt, often because of concern
for his family's financial well-being, she said. "That was part of
Daddy, always," she said.

She recounted another occasion on which her father seemed to find
inspiration at an especially dark moment. Fuller had tried to turn
his prefabricated housing idea into a business after World War II by
teaming with the Beech Aircraft Company in Wichita, Kan., and other
investors. But in 1946, after prototypes were built, the project collapsed.

Ms. Snyder distinctly recalled her father coming home to their small
apartment utterly despondent. She said she went to bed then got up in
the morning only to find that he had been up all night working at a
small wooden table.

"I remember very well that he was talking about this new thing, the
geodesic dome," she said. "That's what he said to me. He'd been
working on what he called synergetic geometry before that, but
suddenly he saw the fusion of that with the structure. That was when
the idea came together for him."

By 1948 Fuller developed his first dome prototype; in 1954 he had
perfected the structure and took out a patent on the dome, one of his
more memorable, and profitable, designs.

For all his creative energy, Fuller's legacy is slippery. By
conventional measures he accomplished little. The efforts to
mass-produce his houses, though written about widely, failed. His
project to develop his efficient three-wheeled autos collapsed after
an accident killed the driver of one. His soaring geodesic domes,
built with a distinctive pattern of triangles, have been used ­
memorably for the United States pavilion at Expo 67 in Montreal ­ but
never for the large-scale projects he envisioned, like the dome he
hoped would cover most of Manhattan.

But Fuller had great influence through his design principles and his
almost endless series of lectures and writings. His book "Operating
Manual for Spaceship Earth" helped make him a symbol of the
counterculture. He even influenced some Silicon Valley pioneers.

For Ms. Chu one of the great insights of the archives is the sheer
number of letters Fuller received and wrote. He nearly always
responded personally to every note. (When a former collaborator in
his design work, Kenneth Snelson, wrote angrily in 1979 that Fuller
was unfairly claiming credit for what Fuller called the tensegrity
structure, Fuller responded with a 51-page rebuttal.) "He didn't just
write this incredible number of letters, he saved them all," she
said. "It was almost like they proved he existed, that he mattered.
The files were almost like the proof he needed."

As Mr. Katz put it, "Fuller's greatest invention was not a house or a
car or a dome. It was himself."

.

New generation plans dissent

New generation plans dissent

http://www.denverpost.com/breakingnews/ci_9654625

Activists 2.0

By Colleen O'Connor
The Denver Post
Article Last Updated: 06/22/2008

A nude-in with bare bodies arranged to spell "PEACE," traffic-
stopping bike blockades, music with a message. Civil disobedience,
direct confrontation, radical cheerleading.

That funky fusion of protest, performance and pompoms.

The new generation of activists, and the daisy-in-the-rifle
protesters who birthed them, is busy with creative ferment,
organizing public dissent for the Democratic National Convention here
in August. They are motivated by the desire to create social change
with people power, not political power, frustrated by a mounting list
of problems, from the housing crisis to soaring prices for gas and food.

"There will be a lot of people at this convention who are progressive
and who are angry at the Democrats," says Virginia Trabulsi, who has
worked for years with the anti-war group United for Peace and Justice.

"They're saying, 'Why have we not impeached Bush? Why is Homeland
Security out of control?' "

Tens of thousands of activists are expected, homegrown and imported.
Some plan to drive FEMA trailers up from Mississippi for a
media-savvy statement about continuing Hurricane Katrina struggles.
Others are coming from Seattle, like the Backbone Campaign, which
will haul 70-foot-tall political puppets called The Chain Gang:
prison-suited images of Bush, Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld.

Socialists have formed an alliance with military veterans who are
against the Iraq war.

Guerilla gardening

Anarchists will give workshops on guerilla gardening, or political
gardening, a style of nonviolent action that takes on issues like
land ownership by occupying abandoned lots ­ sometimes in the dead of
night ­ and transforming them into urban gardens.

And then there are the pacifists, groups like the historic American
Friends Service Committee founded by Quakers in 1917, which plans to
host an exhibition called "The Costs of War," detailing how the $720
million spent each day on the war could be spent on education and housing.

These different factions speak of just one common goal: stopping the
Iraq war immediately.

Beyond that, beliefs differ. So do strategies.

Some protesters espouse the right to active self-defense if they are
treated too harshly. On the other side are those who say that
violence, verbal or physical, is never an acceptable tool on the path
toward peace.

In America, this debate is as old as the war between the North and the South.

"It goes back to the abolitionist movement during the Civil War,"
says Ira Chernus, professor of religious studies at the University of
Colorado at Boulder.

"Some were committed to strict nonviolence, and some felt that
because the system of slavery, and the military force used to
maintain it, was so violent that the only way to break the system of
slavery was by using violence."

As Chernus points out in his recent book, "American Nonviolence: The
History of an Idea," nonviolence is an integral thread in the fabric
of U.S. history.

Significant role

"From the 1820s to the 1950s, scarcely a decade went by that a
nonviolent movement did not play some significant role in the
practical outcome of political, social and economic events," he says.

"Since the 1960s, scarcely a day has gone by that a nonviolent
movement did not play a significant role."

From the Civil War to the civil-rights movement, from the labor
movement to the environmental movement ­ and now, in Denver,
activists young and old, the progressives and the radicals, will
enact the next chapter of the nonviolent movement in America,
addressing everything from the Iraq war to global warming.

CodePink, a national anti-war organization, plans a Restore Democracy
Parade, an extravaganza of dissent: floats, political theater,
musicians, stilt performers, radical cheerleaders, puppets, drummers
and bands.

The local spokeswoman for CodePink is Zoe Williams, a 22-year-old
platinum blond with spiky hair, rectangular glasses and a penchant
for black-and-white polka-dot canvas shoes.

She's part of the new face of activism, a youth-driven alliance that
includes Students for Peace and Justice, Students for a Democratic
Society, and Tent State University. Her goal is to help restore the
image of activists everywhere.

"That's something our progressive movement is now seriously
considering," she says. "How can we make ourselves less frightening?
How can we make ourselves look open?

"One of the big things about the colorful, creative protests is to
show that we are a very interesting, artistic, positive group of
people. We aren't this scary image that protesters often get painted as."

She works closely with guys like Adam Jung, a farm boy from Missouri
who now studies at the University of Denver and spends his free time
organizing Tent State University, mobilizing students to confront the
Democrats and end the war.

"I'm definitely not right-wing or conservative, but I do identify
with rural values," Jung says. "If I called my granddad an
environmentalist, he'd smack me, but those are his values."

Grassroots movement

The base camp he envisions for Tent State University will include
thousands of tents staked in City Park, with a music festival
featuring political hip-hoppers The Coup and Wayne Kramer, who played
with his old group the Motor City 5 during the 1968 Democratic
National Convention in Chicago. Tent State workshops will train
activists in nonviolent direct action,and focus on building a
grassroots movement.

And from this idea sprang the newly minted Denver chapter of the
Students for a Democratic Society.

"We were talking a lot about Tent State, which is not actually an
organization but more a technique or strategy," says 25-year-old Jojo
Pease. "I was feeling a little disappointed. We were putting in all
this work, but I thought, 'What's going to happen afterward?' "

To capture the momentum created at the DNC, they decided to start a
Denver chapter of Students for a Democratic Society.

Back in the 1960s, the SDS was the most influential group of radical
student activists in the country. It died out in 1969 but was
re-created two years ago and is now one of the fast-growing groups of
young activists, with more than 300 chapters on college and high
school campuses. The goal is to create a society free from poverty,
war, racism and sexism.

"SDS is starting to become cool again," says Jung.

Whether rooted in the '60s or the '00s, activists are driven by the same fuel.

"We are passionate people who really spend way too much time thinking
about all the awful stuff in the world that's so urgent," says Sarah
Gill, program director for the Denver office of the American Friends
Service Committee. "We just want to do the right thing, and it
matters if we do it the right way, because people's lives depend on it."

Six months ago, with his eye on the convention, longtime activist Ron
Forthofer created a group called The People Call for Change.

Their action plan for the convention calls not for a protest, nor a
demonstration, but a series of events to be held in churches and
community centers ­ educational evenings that will dangle a hopeful
vision of how a grassroots movement might lead the country in a new
direction. Topics include health care, consumerism, the environment
and civil liberties.

"The thing that is driving all of us is that we want to reclaim our
country, to restore it and make it be a government and a country by
and for the people," he says.

"There's a lot of alienation out there today, a feeling that both
parties have abandoned their responsibilities to the people."
--

Colleen O'Connor: 303-954-1083 or coconnor@denverpost.com
--

Protest groups

CodePink
Founded: 2002
Mission: CodePink is a women-initiated grassroots peace and
social-justice movement working to end the war in Iraq, prevent new
military actions and redirect resources into health care, education
and other "life-affirming" activities.

United for Peace and Justice
Founded: 2002
Mission: A coalition of more than 1,400 local and national groups
that have joined together to protest the Iraq war and support the
fight for global economic justice.

Tent State University
Founded: 2003
Mission: A network of student-led projects intended to create a more-
effective democracy, with issues that range from war opposition to
high tuition costs.

People Call for Change
Founded: 2008
Mission: This coalition hopes to build a grassroots movement for
social change, from monitoring corporate power to promoting health
care and civil liberties. Spiritual values underlie their positions
on issues, which arise from secular and religious traditions.

Students for Peace and Justice
Founded: 2007
Mission: A local vehicle for student action to end the war and create
progressive social change.

American Friends Service Committee
Founded: 1917
Mission: The organization, which espouses nonviolence, won the Nobel
Peace Prize in 1947. Today, the group takes a strong anti-war
position and works on a variety of issues, such as economic justice
and immigrants' rights.

Students for Democratic Society
Founded: 2006
Mission: Inspired by the original organization by the same name that
dominated the 1960s protest movement, this new version wants to
revitalize student activism in the United States, work to stop all
wars and create a participatory democracy.

The Backbone Campaign
Founded: 2003
Mission: A grassroots campaign to encourage citizens and elected
officials to stand up for progressive values, focusing on issues of
democracy, economic justice, ecology and international relations.

.

Ephemera [Gary Snyder]

Ephemera

http://www.sandiegoreader.com/news/2008/jun/11/b/

By Matt Potter
June 11, 2008

The library at UCSD has just purchased some letters and related
miscellanea belonging to Gary Snyder, a Northern California poet
famous for hanging out with fellow Beat Generation writers Allen
Ginsberg, Jack Kerouac, Philip Whalen, Michael McClure, and Lew Welch
back in the 1950s. Kerouac even included him as a "mystical poet" in
his book The Dharma Bums. Besides 25 pages of letters, the haul of
papers, bought through L.A. rare book dealer Thomas A. Goldwasser,
also includes four poems and a signed typed postcard, as well as "an
envelope containing pieces of sea glass"; "a small black and white
headshot photograph of Snyder"; "a long narrow scrap of paper with
autograph notes on Jung"; and a "typed leaf explaining how to take
care of Snyder's cat, titled 'Commentaries and Prolegomena to the
Care and Integration of Genji.' " In making his October sales pitch
for the documents, Goldwasser emailed librarian Lynda Claassen, "I
wonder if you would be interested in these splendid Gary Snyder
letters. I know you don't have his papers, but you do have some of
them, I believe. In any event, this group, particularly the long
early ones, still feel touched by the muse." According to an invoice
obtained from the university under the state Public Records Act, the
entire collection cost $23,595, discounted from the original $27,500
offering price.

.

Will Imprisoned Former Panther Receive Parole after 39 Years?

Romaine "Chip" Fitzgerald:
Will Imprisoned Former Panther Receive Parole after 39 Years?

http://www.blackagendareport.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=667&Itemid=1

Tuesday, 17 June 2008
A Black Agenda Radio commentary by BAR Managing Editor Bruce Dixon

Romaine "Chip" Fitzgerald, a former member of the Black Panther Party
in southern California, has languished in prison since 1969, almost
40 years. Along with more than one hundred other California death row
prisoners, his sentence was commuted to life in 1972. While the
majority of those former death row prisoners have since been paroled,
Fitzgerald has not. Having expressed deep and sincere remorse for the
acts he was convicted of so long ago, and posing no threat to anyone,
Chip Fitzgerald now awaits a July 2 parole hearing.
We respectfully request that our readers sign the petition at the end
of the article which will be presented to the parole board prior to
the hearing.

Click the flash player below to hear this Black Agenda Radio
commentary [See URL]

Forty years is a long time, not just in the lives of individual men
and women, but in the life of a people and of a nation. It's been a
long time indeed since 1969. Today those times are exactly as remote
from us as the Great Depression was to people living in 1969. 1969 is
one quarter of the way back to the Civil War. Relatively few who were
adults then remain with us today.

Romaine "Chip" Fitzgerald is still around. A former member of the
Southern California chapter of the Black Panther Party, Fitzgerald
has been imprisoned since 1969, when he was convicted of murder and
attempted murder at the age of 18. Fitzgerald was sentenced to death.
But in the enlightened spirit of the early 1970s, the state of
California renounced the death penalty, and commuted all death
sentences to life imprisonment. Most surviving inmates who were on
California's 1972 death row have since been freed.

Released from California's youth prison system about 1965 or 66,
Fitzgerald resolved to dedicate his life to the service of his
people. Like many other young people of that era, he came to see the
Black Panther Party as part of the answer to hunger, to police
brutality, to educational and health care systems that failed to meet
human needs. Fitzgerald joined the southern California chapter of the
Black Panther Party, and selflessly plunged himself into its routine
of study and service, feeding hungry children each morning, tutoring,
selling papers and attending classes. It's now well known that
government officials stepped far beyond the boundaries of the law in
order to target, to frame and even to murder members and leaders of
the Black Panther Party and other organizations deemed a threat to
the established order.

Now, nearly forty years later there is no doubt that Chip Fitzgerald
presents no threat to society or to those around him. He has
expressed repeated, sincere and heartfelt contrition. He has asked
forgiveness for the acts that led to his imprisonment. Fitzgerald has
been an exemplary prisoner by any yardstick, earning no complaints
from his keepers, counseling other inmates against bitterness and
violence, and advising them to take advantage of whatever educational
opportunities are present. In recent years he has suffered a stroke,
and for a time lost control over much of one side of his body. During
his recovery he walked with a cane. Chip's friends have secured him a
job offer with a labor union, in which his spirit of unselfish
dedication to the needs of others can be put to good use.

On July 2, 2008 a parole board in California will consider Chip
Fitzgerald's eligibility for release.

"Chip is a modest kind of guy," Bruce Richard, another former
Southern California member of the Black Panther Party told BAR. "He
hasn't tried to assume any kind of public posture like some have.
He's not pointing to himself saying 'What about me? I'm next!' He's
not that kind of guy. But it really IS time. 39, almost 40 years
really is enough. He's changed. The world has changed. We've all
changed. It's time for Chip to come out and use whatever time he has
left to help make this a better world."

BAR wholeheartedly agrees, and requests that readers sign the online
petition at www.freechip.org, and linked to at the bottom of this
article, which will be presented to the parole board prior to its
July 2 hearing.

39 years really is enough. It's time to release Chip Fitzgerald. For
Black Agenda Radio, I'm Bruce Dixon.

Sign Petition Now [See URL]
--

Bruce Dixon is managing editor at Black Agenda Report, and can be
reached at bruce.dixon(at)blackagendareport.com

.

Krassner on Carlin

Remembering George Carlin

http://new.music.yahoo.com/blogs/arthur/320/remembering-george-carlin

Jun 24, 2008
by Paul Krassner

n December 1962, when Lenny Bruce was arrested for obscenity at the
Gate of Horn in Chicago, the police broke open his candy bars,
looking for dope. They checked the IDs of audience members, including
George Carlin, who told the cops, "I don't believe in IDs." Then they
arrested him for disorderly conduct, dragged him along by the seat of
his pants and hoisted into the police wagon.

"What are you doing here?" Lenny asked.

"I didn't want to show them my ID."

"You schmuck," said Lenny.

Lenny and Carlin had similar points of view--for example, they were
both outspoken about the decriminalization of drugs--and they were
both self-educated, but their working styles were different. Lenny
didn't write his material, it evolved on stage, whereas Carlin wrote
all his routines and then memorized 'em. Although both were
unbelievers as far as religion was concerned, Lenny came from a
Jewish background, and Carlin came from an Irish Catholic background.

Susie Bright, who first heard Carlin when she was in 7th grade,
recalls playing his Class Clown album for her mother, "a woman whose
first 20 years were entirely dominated by the Irish Catholic
Church--and it was a comic exorcism for her. She peed in her pants!
She was cured in one LP [long-playing vinyl record]!"

Carlin was a generous friend, and such a sweet man. When I performed
in Los Angeles, he sent a limousine to pick me up at the airport, and
I stayed at his home. More recently, when I opened for him at the
Warner-Grand Theater in San Pedro, California, we were hanging around
in his dressing room, where he was nibbling from a vegetable plate. I
watched as he continued to be genuinely gracious with every fan who
stopped by. If they wanted his autograph, he would gladly sign his
name. If they wanted to be photographed with him, he would assume the
pose. If they wanted to have a little chat, he indulged them with congeniality.

"You really show respect for everbody," I observed.

"Well," he responded, "that's just the way I would want to be treated."

As a performer, Carlin was uncompromising, knowing that his audience
trusted him not to be afraid of offending them. Who else would have
posed this rhetorical question: "Why are there no recreational drugs
in suppository form?" I was pleased to inform him that teenage girls
have been experimenting with tampons dipped in vodka as a way of
getting intoxicated without their parents detecting booze on their breath.

Carlin provided an introduction to one of my books, Murder At the
Conspiracy Convention. Referring to the 1960s, he wrote: "As America
entered the Magic Decade, I was leading a double life. I had been a
rule-bender and law-breaker since first grade. A highly developed
disregard for authority got me kicked out of three schools, the altar
boys, the choir, summer camp, the Boy Scouts and the Air Force. I
didn't trust the police or the government, and I didn't like bosses
of any kind. I had become a pot smoker at 13 (1950), an unheard-of
act in an old-fashioned Irish neighborhood. It managed to get me
through my teens...

"My affection for pot continued and my disregard for standard values
increased, but they lagged behind my need to succeed. The Playboy
Club, Merv Griffin, Ed Sullivan and the Copacabana were all part of a
path I found uncomfortable but necessary during the early 1960s. But
as the decade churned along and the country changed, I did too.
Despite working in 'establishment' settings, as a veteran malcontent
I found myself hanging out in coffee houses and folk clubs with
others who were out-of-step people who fell somewhere between beatnik
and hippie. Hair got longer, clothes got stranger, music got better.
It became more of a strain for me to work for straight audiences. I
took acid and mescaline. My sense of being on the outside
intensified. I changed.

"All through this period I was sustained and motivated by The
Realist, Paul Krassner's incredible magazine of satire, revolution
and just plain disrespect. It arrived every month, and with it, a
fresh supply of inspiration. I can't overstate how important it was
to me at the time. It allowed me to see that others who disagreed
with the American consensus were busy expressing those feelings and
using risky humor to do so. Paul's own writing, in particular, seemed
daring and adventurous to me; it took big chances and made important
arguments in relentlessly funny ways. I felt, down deep, that maybe I
had some of that in me, too; that maybe I could be using my skills to
better express my beliefs. The Realist was the inspiration that kept
pushing me to the next level; there was no way I could continue
reading it and remain the same."

You can imagine how incredibly honored I felt.

George Carlin was once asked how he wanted to die.

"I'd like to explode spontaneously in someone's living room," he
replied. "That, to me, is the way to go out."

And, through his CDs, DVDs and books, he does indeed continue to
explode spontaneously in living rooms across the country.
--

Paul Krassner's The Realist attracted a deep counterculture following
in the '60s and '70s. He is a founding member of the Yippies. He is
the author of Porn Soup and One Hand Jerking: Reports From an
Investigative Satirist, and publisher of the Disneyland Memorial Orgy
poster, all available at paulkrassner.com. This is his fourth Yahoo
Music blog post for Arthur, the transgenerational counterculture
magazine available free every other month across North America.

.

Wednesday, June 25, 2008

The Ambiguous Legacy of ‘68

The Ambiguous Legacy of '68

http://www.inthesetimes.com/article/3751/the_ambiguous_legacy_of_68/

Forty years ago, what was revolutionized ­ the world or capitalism?

June 20, 2008
By Slavoj Zizek

In 1968 Paris, one of the best-known graffiti messages on the city's
walls was "Structures do not walk on the streets!" In other words,
the massive student and workers demonstrations of '68 could not be
explained in the terms of structuralism, as determined by the
structural changes in society, as in Saussurean structuralism. French
psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan's response was that this, precisely, is
what happened in '68: structures did descend onto the streets. The
visible explosive events on the streets were, ultimately, the result
of a structural imbalance.

There are good reasons for Lacan's skeptical view. As French scholars
Luc Boltanski and Eve Chiapello noted in 1999's The New Spirit of
Capitalism, from the '70s onward, a new form of capitalism emerged.

Capitalism abandoned the hierarchical Fordist structure of the
production process ­ which, named after auto maker Henry Ford,
enforced a hierarchical and centralized chain of command ­ and
developed a network-based form of organization that accounted for
employee initiative and autonomy in the workplace. As a result, we
get networks with a multitude of participants, organizing work in
teams or by projects, intent on customer satisfaction and public
welfare, or worrying about ecology.

In this way, capitalism usurped the left's rhetoric of worker
self-management, turning it from an anti-capitalist slogan to a
capitalist one. It was Socialism that was conservative, hierarchic
and administrative.

The anti-capitalist protests of the '60s supplemented the traditional
critique of socioeconomic exploitation with a new cultural critique:
alienation of everyday life, commodification of consumption,
inauthenticity of a mass society in which we "wear masks" and suffer
sexual and other oppressions.

The new capitalism triumphantly appropriated this anti-hierarchical
rhetoric of '68, presenting itself as a successful libertarian revolt
against the oppressive social organizations of corporate capitalism
and "really existing" socialism. This new libertarian spirit is
epitomized by dressed-down "cool" capitalists such as Microsoft's
Bill Gates and the founders of Ben & Jerry's ice cream.

What survived of the sexual liberation of the '60s was the tolerant
hedonism readily incorporated into our hegemonic ideology. Today,
sexual enjoyment is not only permitted, it is ordained ­ individuals
feel guilty if they are not able to enjoy it. The drive to radical
forms of enjoyment (through sexual experiments and drugs or other
trance-inducing means) arose at a precise political moment: when "the
spirit of '68" had exhausted its political potential.

At this critical point in the mid-'70s, we witnessed a direct, brutal
push-toward-the-Real, which assumed three main forms: first, the
search for extreme forms of sexual enjoyment; second, the turn toward
the Real of an inner experience (Oriental mysticism); and, finally,
the rise of leftist political terrorism (Red Army Faction in Germany,
Red Brigades in Italy, etc.).

Leftist political terror operated under the belief that, in an epoch
in which the masses are totally immersed in capitalist ideological
sleep, the standard critique of ideology is no longer operative. Only
a resort to the raw Real of direct violence could awaken them.

What these three options share is the withdrawal from concrete
socio-political engagement, and we feel the consequences of this
withdrawal from engagement today.

Autumn 2005's suburb riots in France saw thousands of cars burning
and a major outburst of public violence. But what struck the eye was
the absence of any positive utopian vision among protesters. If May
'68 was a revolt with a utopian vision, the 2005 revolt was an
outburst with no pretense to vision.

Here's proof of the common aphorism that we live in a
post-ideological era: The protesters in the Paris suburbs made no
particular demands. There was only an insistence on recognition,
based on a vague, non-articulated resentment.

The fact that there was no program in the burning of Paris suburbs
tells us that we inhabit a universe in which, though it celebrates
itself as a society of choice, the only option available to the
enforced democratic consensus is the explosion of (self-)destructive violence.

Recall here Lacan's challenge to the protesting students in '68: "As
revolutionaries, you are hysterics who demand a new master. You will get one."

And we did get one ­ in the guise of the post-modern "permissive"
master whose domination is all the stronger for being less visible.

While many undoubtedly positive changes accompanied this passage ­
such as new freedoms and access to positions of power for women ­ one
should nonetheless raise hard questions: Was this passage from one
"spirit of capitalism" to another really all that happened in '68?
Was all the drunken enthusiasm of freedom just a means to replacing
one form of domination with another?

Things are not so simple. While '68 was gloriously appropriated by
the dominant culture as an explosion of sexual freedom and
anti-hierarchic creativity, France's Nicholas Sarkozy said in his
2007 presidential campaign that his great task is to make France
finally get over '68.

So, what we have is "their" and "our" May '68. In today's ideological
memory, "our" basic idea of the May demonstrations ­ the link between
students' protests and workers' strikes ­ is forgotten.

If we look at our predicament with the eyes of '68, we should
remember that, at its core, '68 was a rejection of the
liberal-capitalist system, a "NO" to the totality of it.

It is easy to make fun of political economist Francis Fukuyama's
notion of the "end of history," of his claim that, in liberal
capitalism, we found the best possible social system. But today, the
majority is Fukuyamaist. Liberal-democratic capitalism is accepted as
the finally found formula for the best of all possible worlds, all
that is left to do is render it more just, tolerant, etc.

When Marco Cicala, an Italian journalist, recently used the word
"capitalism" in an article for the Italian daily La Repubblica, his
editor asked him if the use of this term was necessary and could he
not replace it with a synonym like "economy"?

What better proof of capitalism's triumph in the last three decades
than the disappearance of the very term "capitalism"? So, again, the
only true question today is: Do we endorse this naturalization of
capitalism, or does today's global capitalism contain contradictions
strong enough to prevent its indefinite reproduction?

There are (at least) four such antagonisms: the looming threat of
ecological catastrophe; the inappropriateness of private property
rights for so-called "intellectual property"; the socio-ethical
implications of new techno-scientific developments (especially in
biogenetics); and, last but not least, new forms of apartheid, in the
form of new walls and slums.

The first three antagonisms concern the domains of what political
theorists Michael Hardt and Toni Negri call "commons" ­ the shared
substance of our social being whose privatization is a violent act
that should be resisted with violent means, if necessary (violence
against private property, that is).

The commons of external nature are threatened by pollution and
exploitation (from oil to forests and natural habitat itself); the
commons of internal nature (the biogenetic inheritance of humanity)
are threatened by technological interference; and the commons of
culture ­ the socialized forms of "cognitive" capital, primarily
language, our means of communication and education, but also the
shared infrastructure of public transport, electricity, post, etc. ­
are privatized for profit. (If Bill Gates were to be allowed a
monopoly, we would have reached the absurd situation in which a
private individual would have owned the software texture of our basic
network of communication.)

We are gradually becoming aware of the destructive potential, up to
the self-annihilation of humanity itself, that could be unleashed if
the capitalist logic of enclosing these commons is allowed a free run.

Economist Nicholas Stern rightly characterized the climate crisis as
"the greatest market failure in human history."

There is an increasing awareness that we need global environmental
citizenship, a political space to address climate change as a matter
of common concern of all humanity.

One should give weight to the terms "global citizenship" and "common
concern." Doesn't this desire to establish a global political
organization and engagement that will neutralize and channel market
forces mean that we are in need of a properly communist perspective?
The need to protect the "commons" justifies the resuscitation of the
notion of Communism: It enables us to see the ongoing "enclosure" of
our commons as a process of proletarization of those who are thereby
excluded from their own substance.

It is, however, only the antagonism between the Included and the
Excluded that properly justifies the term Communism. In slums around
the world, we are witnessing the fast growth of a population outside
state control, living in conditions outside the law, in terrible need
of minimal forms of self-organization. Although marginalized
laborers, redundant civil servants and ex-peasants make up this
population, they are not simply a redundant surplus: They are
incorporated into the global economy, many working as informal wage
workers or self-employed entrepreneurs, with no adequate health or
social security coverage. (The main source of their rise is the
inclusion of the Third World countries in the global economy, with
cheap food imports from the First World countries ruining local
agriculture.) These new slum dwellers are not an unfortunate
accident, but a necessary product of the innermost logic of global capitalism.

Whoever lives in the favelas ­ or shanty towns ­ of Rio de Janeiro,
Brazil, or in Shanghai, China, is not essentially different from
someone who lives in the banlieues ­ or outskirts ­ of Paris or the
ghettos of Chicago.

If the principal task of the 19th century's emancipatory politics was
to break the monopoly of the bourgeois liberals by politicizing the
working class, and if the task of the 20th century was to politically
awaken the immense rural population of Asia and Africa, the principal
task of the 21st century is to politicize ­ organize and discipline ­
the "destructured masses" of slum-dwellers.

If we ignore this problem of the Excluded, all other antagonisms lose
their subversive edge.

Ecology turns into a problem of sustainable development. Intellectual
property turns into a complex legal challenge. Biogenetics becomes an
ethical issue. Corporations ­ like Whole Foods and Starbucks ­ enjoy
favor among liberals even though they engage in anti-union
activities; they just sell products with a progressive spin.

You buy coffee made with beans bought at above fair-market value.

You drive a hybrid vehicle.

You buy from companies that provide good benefits for their customers
(according to corporation's standards).

In short, without the antagonism between the Included and the
Excluded, we may well find ourselves in a world in which Bill Gates
is the greatest humanitarian fighting poverty and diseases, and
NewCorp's Rupert Murdoch the greatest environmentalist mobilizing
hundreds of millions through his media empire.

In contrast to the classic image of proletarians who have "nothing to
lose but their chains," we are thus ALL in danger of losing ALL. The
risk is that we will be reduced to abstract empty Cartesian subjects
deprived of substantial content, dispossessed of symbolic substance,
our genetic base manipulated, vegetating in an unlivable environment.

These triple threats to our being make all of us potential
proletarians. And the only way to prevent actually becoming one is to
act preventively.

The true legacy of '68 is best encapsulated in the formula Soyons
realistes, demandons l'impossible! (Let's be realists, demand the impossible.)

Today's utopia is the belief that the existing global system can
reproduce itself indefinitely. The only way to be realistic is to
envision what, within the coordinates of this system, cannot but
appear as impossible.
--

Slavoj Zizek, a philosopher and psychoanalyst, is a senior researcher
at the Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities, in Essen,
Germany. He is the author of, among many other books, The Fragile
Absolute and Did Somebody Say Totalitarianism?

.

Royal Chicano Air Force pulls into Fresno

Royal Chicano Air Force pulls into Fresno

http://www.fresnobee.com/lifestyle/arts/story/683115.html

By Felicia Cousart Matlosz / The Fresno Bee
06/23/08

They originally called themselves the Rebel Chicano Art Front, a
Sacramento-based collaborative of artists founded in 1969 as a voice
for Chicano civil rights and the United Farm Workers labor movement.

But someone noticed the initials were the same as the Royal Canadian
Air Force. Wouldn't that be confusing? In a stroke of humor, the
founders decided to keep the initials but rename the group: Royal
Chicano Air Force.

Nearly 30 years later, the collaborative is still flying, with a
destination in Fresno.

"The Royal Chicano Air Force Lands in Fresno -- On a Wing and a
Prayer" opens Tuesday and runs through Aug. 9 at the Arte Americas
cultural arts center in downtown Fresno.

An artists' panel discussion will be held there on July 26, 1-3 p.m.,
followed by a reception, 3-5 p.m.

It is an exhibit that presents the individual styles of about a dozen
artists united by a common cause: to keep creating and educating for
social justice and to examine identity.

The group's reach, of course, is now firmly established. They have
touched people such as Abelino Bautista, Arte Americas' curator, who
was a student in the mid-1980s at the University of California at
Santa Barbara.

He read about these artists in his Chicano art class books. Bautista
remembers founding member Jose Montoya speaking to his class and then
later joining students at a pub and "the whole time he was drawing on
napkins and talking about Chicano art."

The RCAF together and individually have been showing artwork
throughout the state and beyond. Their pieces are in collections in
universities in the United States and Europe.

The group's roots were planted at California State University,
Sacramento. As pressure mounted during the late 1960s to diversify
the faculty, Montoya and Esteban Villa were hired as art professors.
The two men, who would be among the founders of the RCAF, soon
started outreach programs to neighborhoods.

Juanishi Orosco says he and other students "gravitated like magnets"
to the two professors. Orosco, who would also be a founding member of
the RCAF, says the founders had a connection because most had been
farmworkers: "We actually came out of the fields."

Once established, the Royal Chicano Air Force in 1972 created the
not-for-profit Centro De Artistas Chicanos. It initiated a slew of
cultural and social activities, such as a breakfast program for poor
schoolchildren in Sacramento.

They were deeply concerned about issues of inequity in areas such as
civil rights, political representation, the justice system and
education. They used their artistic talents in many boldly spirited
posters and murals to promote community events and political causes.
Grace Solis, Arte Americas' director, was a lobbyist for the UFW in
Sacramento in the 1970s. She knew the RCAF members and recalls "they
used to do posters for us, for the rallies."

Orosco, now 63, says: "All of those different things happening in the
'70s brought us together and gave us a lot of ammunition visually and
politically and culturally ... We felt it was very important to give
back to the community."

Montoya once wrote that he also creates Chicano art to ensure that
the "heroic struggle of the Mexicans who are not from Mexico is
recorded accurately by us and not dependent on the media and the
historical biases depicted in textbooks. I create Chicano art so that
our world view is appreciated, respected and not misunderstood."

The Fresno show includes mostly paintings that reflect a range of
styles, from the representational to the abstract, that fed the
RCAF's community artwork.

Orosco also says they feel a special affinity for Arte Americas
because of staff and artists including Solis, Ernesto Palomino and F.
John Sierra. And some RCAF members had direct connections to the
central San Joaquin Valley. Founding member Ricardo Favela, who died
last year, was born in Kingsburg, grew up in Dinuba and earned an
associate degree from the College of the Sequoias in Visalia.

"It's like family coming to visit," Solis says.

And there are strong, striking pieces in this show.

Montoya presents "Veterano," or a Chicano elder. It is a large
portrait, veering between realistic and impressionistic, of an old
man close up. The face is stern and defiant. His mouth is downturned,
his eyes squinting at you and yet not at you, his features a contour
of colors and shadow. A bright red bandanna is wrapped around his
head and strands of gray hair. His dark-patterned flannel shirt is
snugly buttoned all the way to the collar. He has an air of
authenticity, history and authority.

Contrast this with Orosco's 8-by-12-foot triptych, or portable mural,
called "Heroes de la Cultura." It is full of modeled iconic images in
a more traditional mural style, via a combination of airbrushed and
applied paint on Masonite. Different shades of cool blue dominate the
piece, which revs up the red in a UFW flag and in garments. The
figures include Mexican revolutionary hero Emiliano Zapata, a man in
graduation robes holding a young boy, an Aztec warrior and a young
couple. You can see the words "Community cultural activists that
fight for the rights of all citizens born in the 'Americas' are
warriors known as Heroes de la Cultura."

Step around a corner, and you will see founding member Armando Cid's
"4th Chakra Corazon," a vivacious, abstract piece in which a heart is
the center of attention. Large red jalapenos and tiny green ones are
part of this image as paint streaks and blotches through a scene of
textured effects, circular shapes and overlapping paint. Its energy
pulsates just like its subject.

The Royal Chicano Air Force continues to attract new artists, which
makes it generational. Orosco says he finds it inspiring and that it
keeps the older generation invigorated:

"We gotta keep painting."
--

The reporter can be reached at fmatlosz@fresnobee.com or (559) 441-6428.

.

'Grandpa Woodstock' spreads peace on journey

'Grandpa Woodstock' spreads peace on journey

http://www.newage-examiner.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=19780779&BRD=2310&PAG=461&dept_id=480505&rfi=6

BY KEVIN WOODRUFF, Wyoming County Press Examiner
06/18/2008

"I will continue to spread peace and love for the rest of my life.
Even if peace comes I still won't stop."

Those are the words of a man simply known as "Grandpa Woodstock." He
said them proudly as he stood in the McDonalds parking lot along
Route 6 in Tunkhannock on Thursday, June 12.

Woodstock, 64, of Woodstock, N.Y., began his journey to spread peace
and love across the country seven days ago in Bristol, Conn., after
staying there for several months with family.

His final destination is the Bridger-Teton National Forest, in
Wyoming, where this year's Rainbow Gathering will take place.

The Rainbow Gathering is a yearly tradition that dates back to 1972
when nearly 40,000 people gathered to share thoughts of peace, love
and harmony from July 1-7. The event has taken place each year since
in different national forests throughout the United States.

Woodstock has been participating in the gatherings since their
inception in 1972 at the Roosevelt National Forest, in Colorado.

His transportation, a mo-ped, which covered top to bottom with
memorabilia from his journeys, is what he likes to call his "peace train."

On his peace train is a stool, which he attaches to the mo-ped so
that he can stand and salute passers by with a honk of his bicycle
horn and a wave of the peace sign.

With him he has bags of supplies which include clothing and a
sleeping bag that he sleeps in at night.

Grandpa Woodstock stays at homes when people take him in, but
otherwise will sleep in the woods.

His only source of income is from a small can that hangs off the
handlebars of his mo-ped.

"If someone gives me a dollar I tell them peace," Woodstock said. "If
they don't I still say peace because I'm not here to make money,
peace is my main motivation."

He travels about 8-12 hours per day, but carries no map and as of a
few days ago, no longer has a working watch.

Since the attacks on September 11, 2001, Woodstock has been traveling
cross country every year; three times hitchhiking, twice on a bicycle
and three times on his mo-ped.

"I wondered after seeing the bombings, what ever happened to the
peace sign," Woodstock said. "We are all born with peace in our
hearts as little ones."

He said that he does not blame George W. Bush for the attacks on
September 11, but thinks that Bush was born with politics in his
blood and is a victim of circumstance.

Politics aside, Woodstock said that once he reaches the Rainbow
Gathering, which he hopes to do by July 4, he plans to stay there
until the end of July before returning to Woodstock.

Prior to living in Woodstock, N.Y., he said that he lived in Bisbee,
Ariz., for a period of time in a private cave.

The cost of Woodstock's journey is relatively small, he said.

"I use the dollar bills I get from people to fill up my gas tank and
buy food," he said. "It only takes me $3 to fill my tank."

He said that he has several friends who help him along with his
journey by posting sightings of him online through ride sharing
services to help get him to his destination.

"I have quite a following on the internet," he said.

And a Google search of 'Grandpa Woodstock' is proof, as dozens of
photos and websites talking about him appear on the site.

Though the road may sometimes get rough for Woodstock, he has no
plans of stopping.

"I can see no end to my journey," Woodstock said.

.

Zuzus and tie-dyes: Rainbow gathering is a world unto itself

Zuzus and tie-dyes: Rainbow gathering is a world unto itself

http://www.mysanantonio.com/salife/travel/stories/MYSA.062208.1KWelcomeHome.247459b.html

Web Posted: 06/21/2008
Tracy L. Barnett
tbarnett@express-news.net

"You may say I'm a dreamer, but I'm not the only one." ­ John Lennon

OZARK NATIONAL FOREST, Ark. ­ The road to the river spiraled downward
endlessly, and after a two-mile hike past the police roadblock at the
top of the hill, the gear on our backs was digging into our
shoulders. A steady drumbeat and the murmur of many faraway voices
filtered up through the trees, growing louder with each step.
Suddenly the lush green forest framing the muddy road gave way to a
sunny clearing.

This was the Buffalo River, inhabited by a colorful tribe of drummers
and dancers, children and elders. A brightly painted Krishna tapestry
hung between two trees with white streamers on each side. A
rainbow-hued palette met our eyes as the scene unfolded.

"Welcome home, sister!" a bearded man in a tie-dyed T-shirt called
out. His eyes met mine, and I saw that they were sincere and smiling.
"It's good to be home," I responded. And uncannily, though I had
never been here, and certainly never seen any of these people before,
it did feel like home.

"Where are you from?" he asked as we stood on the rocky banks,
blinking in the sudden flood of sunlight. A long, loud conch shell
tone rang through the woods. "That's the signal for dinner ­ you've
arrived just in time!" he told me. "Let's go!"

I had heard of the Rainbow Gathering for years ­ friends and family
had traveled frequently to its annual and regional meetings, and I
had long been curious, but it wasn't until last summer, when the
gathering crossed my path on a road trip to a sister's wedding in
Missouri, that I decided to investigate.

What I found was astounding. The stories I had heard and certainly
the media reports I had read didn't prepare me for the size and
sophistication of the alternative reality that had been created here.

Each year, in the week preceding the Fourth of July, up to around
30,000 people from all around the country converge on a different
national forest site to build a sort of village in the wilderness.
These are constructed around "kitchens," or tarp-covered campgrounds
that serve food and drink to passersby. Everything is free of charge
­ donations are accepted, but no money is requested or exchanged at
Rainbow, or at least not publicly. There are no official leaders and
very few rules. There is, however, a free health care system, a free
conflict-resolution system, a barter-based marketplace and a
multitude of healing and spiritual growth workshops from which to choose.

Campground odyssey

Laden with our ill-prepared burden ­ we had no idea we'd be hiking up
to three miles to find our campsite under the trees ­ we labored
onward, past a kitchen called Montana Mud, which offered free coffee
and a round-the-clock drum circle; the Information Booth, which
offered little in the way of concrete information, but the smiles
seemed genuine (in their defense, we had arrived two days before the
official start of the gathering, so maybe it was a bad moment); the
Krishna tent, which offered storytelling and chanting; and Lovin'
Ovens, a kitchen that specialized in bread baking and boasted as its
centerpiece an enormous oven covered in Ozark clay mud, sculpted into
fanciful faces and shapes.

We had several false starts ­ one near the Information Booth, where
the volunteer in charge had told me I could set up but then recanted
once I began; one where I was advised that a family of "toxic redneck
hillbillies" with a collection of pit bulls would keep me awake all
night and then awaken me at dawn with a round of curses; and one near
the entrance to Lovin' Ovens.

This last one seemed the perfect spot, but I thought I'd check with
the neighbors to make sure there were no conflicts, and their
ironically proprietary self-appointed border cop named Bob assessed
our site. He accused us of moving his path, told us we were too close
to his camp and finally consented when someone else challenged him.
This was the same guy who the next morning, upon seeing another tent
parked nearby, groused to me, "Is that your tent? No? Well, whose is
it? It's camped out in my Bliss Pit! They're going to need to move!"
(A Bliss Pit, I later discovered as I perused the Rainbow Dictionary
making its way around a campfire, is a place for hanging out, getting
to know each other and relaxing.)

Fortunately, Bob the Border Cop was an anomaly. Most of those we met
were exuberantly friendly. Even most of the real cops who patrolled
the woods in search of nudity and controlled substances were
relatively friendly; the majority were green-suited U.S. Forest
Service officials who seemed amused at the whole spectacle, more than
anything. Thanks to their presence, perhaps, the nudity and drugs
that had dominated media coverage of previous festivals seemed to be
in short supply here.

Fun at Food Circle

We finally found an uncontested spot and set up quickly near the Yoga
Camp, where kundalini yoga was practiced at various intervals
throughout the day. It had been a full hour since we had arrived and
dusk was approaching; our stomachs were growling, and we were
pessimistic about our chances of finding dinner. Further complicating
the matter was the fact that we had brought no dishes ("Oh, but you
have to have dishes ­ didn't anyone tell you that?" the unhelpful
information lady had told us as we were taking down our misplaced
tent.) I quickly emptied a can of mixed nuts into a plastic bag and
grabbed a plastic spoon we had happened to pick up at a restaurant on
the road, and we made our way to the Main Circle, where, like an
angel of mercy, a young dreadlocked man crouched on the gravel bar
with an industrial-sized steel pot and scooped out a mess of rice and
vegetables to hungry passersby. This formless mixture had no name ­
"I don't know. Hippie food?" the young man conjectured as he filled
our nut can ­ but after a long day on the road and an arduous hike,
it tasted like heaven.

We finished our nut-can of hippie food and rested our weary bones,
then set out to explore. There was Kiddie Village, where food was
served all day long and the outdoor toilet was blessedly private,
surrounded on three sides by a tarp; the Warriors of the Light
kitchen, which was serving "zuzus" ­ the Rainbow name for sweets, but
in this case, deep-fried batter filled with chocolate and dried
cranberries; and the Pirate Kitchen, festooned with sails and flags
and serving Scurvy Stew.

A little rain on the rainbow

"It's going to be a spiritual experience," my daughter tried to
prepare me before I went in. I wasn't quite sure what she meant at
the time, but as I began to experience the sorts of tribulations that
test the human soul, I began to understand.

It would be remiss on my part to ignore the dreary underside of the
Rainbow Gathering ­ but plainly it's not possible to assemble 30,000
people in a forest and not have some problems. This year, the problem
was the rain.

Rainbow veterans had assembled complex collections of tarps tied high
in the trees, so there was always a refuge ­ but this did not include
the miles of trails that connected the camps and the kitchens and the
toilets to the Main Circle. We were caught in a bone-soaking downpour
as we made our way back into the valley on our second day after
returning to our car for supplies.

When we finally made it down to the campground, the dirt paths had
turned into corridors of mud. Our sandals quickly filled and we
struggled with each step until we finally surrendered to the forces
of nature and removed them.

Altug Icilensu, my traveling companion and photographer, scouted
around for a couple of walking sticks, and we forged ahead. What had
been a 10-minute walk to our tent had turned into a half-hour odyssey.

Miraculously, it was still dry inside; I quickly changed into my last
set of dry clothes and prayed for no more rain.

Lovin' Ovens kitchen was humming with activity when we arrived,
looking for bread, friends or an activity of some sort; we found all
three. Our new friends introduced us to the mud oven and invited us
to make our own contribution to the fanciful structure, which was
growing more ornate by the minute. We joined the children, reaching
our hands into the bucket of red-brown Ozark mud and pulling out
sculptor's clay.

It was then, working the mud between my fingers to reach the precise
consistency ­ now a bit more water, now a bit more dry mud, now a
slippery base to help my creation adhere ­ that I remembered my
connection with this earth. It was nothing to fear. It was, in fact,
the stuff of which I was made.

We were so absorbed in our work that we worked right through dinner,
so we had to grab our nut can and go from kitchen to kitchen, begging
for food. At the Pirate Kitchen a kind, portly man directed us
forward to Rainbow Zion, where indeed we found food and shelter from
the rainstorm that was moving in over our heads.

A colorful cast of characters

Who I'll remember most: A heroic, piercing-studded, shaved-head Cajun
who went by the name of Pan (on the outside, he goes by the ordinary
name of Todd Breaux and dedicates himself to relief work on the
still-devastated Louisiana coast); Rabbi Mois and the group of
Orthodox rabbis who cooked, sang and created Rainbow Zion, where we
were invited to join them in a joyful ceremony with song and dance
celebrating the ending of Shabbat; an Irish Cherokee named Sparky who
sat next to me at the Trading Circle and traded gemstones and
stalactites; Glen, who offered me a Gatorade bottle for water and
explained to me that the secret to making friends and having a good
experience at Rainbow was participation ­ pitching in, whether it was
to help dig a toilet trench or to peel vegetables in a kitchen or to
help build or maintain a fire.

There was Isa, a young woman at the Krishna tent with a deerskin
cape. When I commented on her extraordinary celestial eyes that
reminded me of the iconic Afghani woman who appeared on the cover of
National Geographic some years ago, she laughed. "Yes, I know," she
said. "That's why some people call me National Geographic." She had
studied the life of that young woman and told us of the details that
she had learned.

We pitched in at the Warrior kitchen on the second night to become
zuzu-makers and were abundantly rewarded with hugs and showers of
thanks from the passersby. Our zuzu-making partners, who had traveled
here from North Carolina, explained to us that the whole system was
based on just what we were doing: keeping our eyes open, seeing a
need and pitching in. I was impressed with the level of organization,
and gratified that cooks and toilet-tenders received such honors for
their labors.

"Wouldn't it be nice if real life were this way?" I mused, as I
packed a blob of chocolate and a square of pineapple into a
whole-wheat empanada shell.

The young woman across from me stopped what she was doing. "Oh, but
it is," she said simply, looking at me intently. Nothing more. But
those simple words have continued to resonate in the days since we left.

When this gathering ends, thousands of these folks who make the
Rainbow Gathering their way of life will pick up and move to a series
of regional gatherings that continue throughout the year in different
national forests throughout the country and throughout the world.
With an army of tens of thousands setting up kitchens and toilets and
churches and synagogues and workshops and entertainment venues
everywhere they go, who's to say this is not "real life"?

Trading Circle

On the afternoon of our second day, we packed the items we brought
for trade ­ strings of gemstone beads and incense we found in
Waxahachie, and some dried crocodile we found in a roadside shop in
East Texas ­ and made our way to Trading Circle, which turned out to
be not a circle at all, but a rocky path lined with traders and their
blankets covered with various types of treasures ­ gemstones and
tarot cards, sage sticks and "zuzus," shells and carvings and tapestries.

We set up a little display along the rocky path, and we traded some
of them for sage smudge sticks, a pocketknife, a cluster of crystals,
a rain poncho, five necklaces and a pair of earrings, and a
stalactite from an Arkansas cave.

As I sat back and watched the colorful parade file by, a childof
about 10 stopped to admiremy sage smudge sticks. "I was really
wanting to get one of these," he confessed wistfully, "but somebody
stole my trade things."

I expressed my regret that such a thing had happened to him. As he
started to move on, I considered the situation. Suddenly seized by
the spirit of where I was, I heard myself calling after him, "Sweetie
­ take this." I held out the sage stick, and his eyes brightened.
"Thank you!" he exclaimed. "Thank you so much!"

Then I saw a familiar face emerge from the crowd. It was Isa, the
celestial-eyed woman with the deerskin cape. I can't explain why I
was possessed with a sense that I had known this woman before, and
that I had been longing to see her again without even knowing it ­
that I had missed her with the same longing that I miss my other
sisters who are so far away. I got up to hug her and she gave me her
earrings. I gave her a string of citrine beads and confessed to her
that her eyes filled me with a sense of peace.

She smiled at me. "That's just your reflection that you are seeing,
Sister," she said. "I feel the same way when I look at you."

As she made her way through the crowd, she stopped to turn and smile
at me. I may never see her again on this planet, but I will see her
many times ­ because I will never forget those eyes, or the sense of
peace that they inspired.
--

Tracy L. Barnett is the Express-News travel editor.
--

If you go

The 2008 Rainbow Gathering will be in the Wind River National
Forest of Wyoming at a place called Big Sandy, southwest of Pinedale
Directions and details, along with links to related sites, are at

www.welcomehome.org.

The site seems to be down, but it's not. Just follow the links,
and as the site says, 'Ignore all rumors of cancellation or organization!'

.

Which Way Forward for the Antiwar Movement?

Which Way Forward for the Antiwar Movement?

http://www.dissidentvoice.org/2008/06/which-way-forward-for-the-antiwar-movement/

by Ashley Smith / June 24th, 2008

Ashley Smith is a member of the ISR editorial board. This is the text
of a speech he delivered at the New England United Regional Antiwar
Conference, April 25–26, 2008, in Boston, Massachusetts. This speech
is printed in the July/August Issue of the International Socialist
Review (www.isreview.org).

I have been asked to lay out the political rationale for a mass
action strategy for the antiwar movement. To do so we must begin with
the horror the United States has brought to the Middle East. The
United States has nearly destroyed Iraq. Its invasion and occupation
of a country of 27 million people has led to the deaths of well over
1 million Iraqis, the expulsion of 5 million refugees and internally
displaced civilians, and the near complete wreckage of the economy.
Nearly 70 percent of the population is unemployed. The invasion and
occupation outranks the worst horrors of European imperialism as one
of the great war crimes and examples of state terror. The U.S.
assault on Sadr City and Basra shows that with each passing day they
commit atrocity upon atrocity.

But as Max Elbaum argued on his panel last night, far from fulfilling
Bush's neoconservative fantasies of U.S. domination over the Middle
East, the invasion has, in the words of General William Odom, led to
the "greatest strategic disaster" in U.S. imperial history. Why?
Because the Iraqi people resisted the occupation and put a stop to
the other regime changes from Syria to Iran the United States had planned.

The U.S. occupation is a failure. It is one of three failed wars Bush
has conducted ­ Iraq, Afghanistan, and his proxy war carried through
by Israel against Lebanon. The cost of these disastrous wars has led
Bush into enormous deficit spending that has exacerbated the economic
crisis the United States and world have entered.

Like some cursed mortal from ancient Greece, Bush suffers from a
reverse Midas touch as everything he touches turns to lead. His
popularity has plummeted from nearly 90 percent in the aftermath of
9/11 to now 28 percent. The only politicians who are less popular are
in Congress; their approval rating hovers at about 22 percent. The
majority of Americans have turned against the war and the Bush agenda.

Yet neither Bush nor the Democrats have a plan for an immediate
withdrawal from Iraq. Last night Stephen Zunes and Max Elbaum laid
out the reasons. The war was not about weapons of mass destruction,
terrorism, liberation, or democracy. These were all smokescreens for
the real ambitions of U.S. Empire in the Middle East. In truth, the
Iraq war was part of a long-term and bipartisan plan to lock in U.S.
dominance over a unipolar world order. Their goal in the invasion of
Afghanistan and Iraq was to secure control over the key areas of the
world energy system in the Middle East and new energy sources in Central Asia.

By dominating these regions the United States aimed to lock in their
advantage against rising energy-dependent competitors, especially
China. This imperial ambition explains their tenacity in the face of
the utter failure of their invasions and their overwhelming lack of
popular support.

Complicity of Democrats and Corporate Media

Too often this imperialism is passed off as a product of Bush and the
Neocons. In reality, the Democrats voted for these wars and continue
to vote for the funding even going so far in the most recent proposed
bill to give Bush billions more than he requested. They also opposed
immediate withdrawal in favor of redeployment that would leave
thousands of "anti-terrorist" troops in Iraq, effectively extending
the occupation in the guise of ending it. And neither Hilary Clinton
nor Barack Obama could guarantee that they would even be able to
implement this plan by the end of their first term.

Even worse, the Democrats have often positioned themselves to the
right of Bush in the campaign against their next target in their
battle for Mideast imperial dominance ­ Iran. Hilary Clinton just
last week promised to "obliterate Iran" if it attacked Israel. She
targeted not just the government but also the entire nation, a threat
that can only be called a genocidal. While not sharing Clinton's
Bushite bluster, Obama has stated, "launching some missile strikes
into Iran is not the optimal position for us to be in" given the
ongoing war in Iraq. "On the other hand, having a radical Muslim
theocracy in possession of nuclear weapons is worse." Obama has also
promised that military strikes on Pakistan should not be ruled out if
"violent Islamic extremists" were to "take over." And both have
called for an increase of U.S. troops in occupied Afghanistan, the
occupation they view as good and right.

Far from dissenting with this bipartisan imperial project of the
so-called War on Terror, the corporate media has loyally parroted it.
The corporate media has in fact been exposed as, for all intents and
purposes, state-controlled in a manner reminiscent of Stalin's
Izvestia. As the New York Times reported, the Pentagon handpicked the
military experts that the major media outlets used for "informed"
opinion in support of the war on Iraq. One of the experts went so far
as to say that he felt like a Pentagon puppet carrying their line
right onto the pages and screens of the corporate media.

Antiwar Public Opinion

Despite this imperial unanimity of both corporate parties and their
media, the U.S. public has overwhelmingly turned against the war and
is increasingly moving to the left on most issues. Over 67 percent
want to end the war. Sixty percent of troops wanted to be out of Iraq
by 2007. Twenty-three percent of Americans want an immediate
withdrawal of U.S. troops. And as the Pew Research Center documents,
workers have moved dramatically to the left, the most left-wing they
have been since the last upsurge in the early 1970s. These facts
conclusively dash the myth of a "right-wing America" that many even
on the Left believe.

The media, however, squelches these opinions as well as the
developing forces of the antiwar movement. For example, the corporate
media conducted a virtual blackout of Iraq Veterans Against the War's
(IVAW) amazing Winter Soldier: Iraq and Afghanistan. In reality the
corporate media, we must recognize, is owned by the same corporate
power that led the war charge into Iraq.

Far from expressing this overwhelming antiwar sentiment, the
presidential candidates either oppose it or attempt to co-opt it.
John "McCentury" McCain threatens to keep U.S. forces in Iraq for 100
years if that's what it takes to "win."

Now Obama and Clinton, in order to get elected, have had to posture
as antiwar. But, in truth, both oppose immediate withdrawal. Both are
for retaining "anti-terrorist" forces of thousands after
"withdrawal." Both are hawks on Iran. Both are unflinching advocates
of Israel's occupation of Palestine. Both are for increased
intervention in Afghanistan. They are in fact presenting themselves
to the real power brokers, the American ruling class, as competent
managers of the empire. While they may have this or that tactical
difference with Bush, they share his commitment to U.S. dominion in
the world system. They boast that they can do this more effectively.

We already have tested the Democrats and found them wanting. The
American public swept them into power in Congress in 2006 with the
expectation that they would end the war or cut the funding. Instead
they have continued to fund the war and offered only verbal opposition to Bush.

Antiwar Strategy

As a result, an enormous gap has opened up between, on the one hand,
the people and, on the other, the corporate politicians and the
corporate media. The question we confront in this situation is what
strategy the antiwar movement should pursue to win our demand for
immediate withdrawal of U.S. forces from Iraq.

The mass action strategy remains the only viable means to win. It
will take the mass mobilization of workers, soldiers, and students in
solidarity with the resistance of occupied people. Stephen Zunes was
right last night when he invoked the mass struggles that it took to
end the Vietnam War ­ rebellion of the troops; campus strikes; mass
demonstrations; and large-scale civil disobedience. Given the stakes
for U.S. imperialism in the Middle East, it will take an even more
militant mass movement to drive the United States out of the region.

Now the mass action strategy is very different from the dominant
liberal strategy in the antiwar movement and the common sense of the
vast majority of people opposed to the war. Co-chair of United for
Peace and Justice (UFPJ), Judith LeBlanc describes this strategy as
"creating a peace block in Congress." The argument is essentially
that yes, we should build the movement, yes, we should call
demonstrations ­ but all with an aim of electing Democrats who are
thought to be the vehicles, the means, of ending the war.

Inevitably then, the Democrats, who have been pro-war, begin to shape
the demands and protests of the antiwar movement. Demands and issues
and speakers that might offend the so-called "peace block" get
dropped. Protests that might step on the toes of the Democrats don't
get called. During the elections the movement gets funneled into the
election in the vain hope that the Democrats will do what they say
they will not do ­ bring an immediate end to the war.

The main antiwar coalition, UFPJ, has thus demobilized the movement.
UFPJ opposed united mass demonstrations on the fifth anniversary of
the war, saying they would never work with the other antiwar
coalition, ANSWER. Nearly every email I get from UFPJ is about
phoning congress, voter registration and education, or lobbying.

The combination of the pull of the election on mass antiwar sentiment
and UFPJ's liberal strategy of orienting on Democrats has
precipitated a crisis in the antiwar movement. At a national level,
it is really the weakest it has been since the beginning of the Iraq
war. It is in near collapse. Even at a local level there are real
weaknesses in antiwar organizations on campuses, in cities, and at
workplaces. Thus there is an enormous gap between consciousness and
the organized movement.

We have to be honest and sober about that. The last thing we need is
drunken driving in the struggle. But we also cannot be bearers of
doom and gloom or give up on building a mass movement. We have to
nurture the small, local coalitions in workplaces, among soldiers,
and on campuses. These are the first shoots of a future mass movement.

We can organize excellent local antiwar actions and educational
events. We have the powerful examples of Winter Soldier and the very
successful regional conferences of the Campus Antiwar Network (CAN)
as well as conferences like the one we are holding this weekend. We
have to build on these new foundations in every way possible at the
local level. At the same time we have to develop a strategy that can
forge a stronger national movement.

Avoidable Traps

In developing a new strategy there are some traps we should avoid
that will prevent the development of a new mass movement. Some have
wrongly argued that movement tactics like mass demonstrations are a
thing of the past and no longer work. They argue we need savvy media
strategies instead. Now I am in favor of using the media as best we
can, but as the New York Times article demonstrated, the corporate
media is the voice box of the Pentagon and the White House. It is
occupied territory. The very corporate backers of the war and the two
mainstream parties own the media and will be on the whole unfriendly
to the movement we must build. This should come as no surprise; they
have been hostile to every progressive social movement in history, at
home or abroad.

Others argue that instead of mass actions we need small direct
actions. Now I'm in favor of direct action and civil disobedience as
a tactic in certain circumstances. After all, mass and illegal
factory occupations helped build the trade unions in the 1930s.
Similar tactics of mass civil disobedience like the Montgomery bus
boycott and the wave of sit-ins built the civil rights movement. But
direct actions that are small, secret and not oriented on winning
over a sympathetic mass audience can and will backfire. Moral witness
can make us feel good but fail to galvanize mass struggle.

Mass Action Alternative

These are not strategies but tactics. Our alternative strategy to
UFPJ's must be independent mass action. Our movement must be
independent because the electoral cycle must not set our agenda. That
does not mean excluding forces and people who are going to vote for
the Democrats. Yet we must be clear that our movement's goal is not
electing Democrats but the immediate withdrawal of all U.S. forces
from Iraq. The Democrats and the election cycle cannot shape our
demands or actions. We must fight for our demands no matter who's in
office, and we must fight for our demands right through the election cycle.

Our organizing must aim for mass collective action. Why? Because that
is the lesson of history. Change always comes from below through the
mass mobilization of the exploited and oppressed. As Howard Zinn has
said, "the really critical thing isn't who is sitting in the White
House, but who is sitting in." Mass organizing is what built the
unions, won civil rights, ended the war in Vietnam, and won abortion
rights. Mass independent, collective struggle won everything we
cherish today. As the great black abolitionist Frederick Douglass
said, "Without struggle, there is no progress."

That strategy in turn shapes our tactics. Our strategy of mass
collective action must include a wide variety of tactics. We must be
incredibly flexible in tactics, always with a mind of leading the
activist minority to win over the sympathetic majority. So we should
organize mass, legal demonstrations in some circumstance. In others,
mass direct actions like those that shut down the World Trade
Organization meetings in Seattle in 1999 are vital.

But I want to defend the tactic of demonstrations in particular since
many have grown disillusioned with their utility. Demonstrations help
to build the base of the movement. In the process of organizing for
demonstrations, coalitions grow in size and sense of purpose. The
preparation offers an opportunity for coalitions to educate new
layers of activists in the politics of the struggle. On the
demonstrations themselves, activists new and old feel the power of
their forces. And after effective mobilizations, activists can reach
out to include wider layers of new activists, thereby building larger
local organization. In and of themselves, demonstrations are not
adequate. But they are a decisive component for building organization
for even more militant struggle.

Lessons of the Vietnam Era

To really understand the kind of mass struggle we must aim to build,
we should draw on the lessons of the movement against the war in
Vietnam. It was not the president or Congress that ended that war.
Instead it was the dynamic interaction of three militant mass
struggles. The mass civilian antiwar movement staged mass marches,
mass civil disobedience, and a wave of campus strikes that shut down
the universities and colleges of the United States.

On top of that, the U.S. troops revolted against the war. As David
Cortright's Soldiers in Revolt describes, civilian activists in
collaboration with vets and GIs set up coffeehouses where soldiers
could organize their antiwar movement and build Vietnam Veterans
Against the War. In Vietnam itself, the U.S. troops refused to fight,
organizing "search and avoid" missions and even threatening their
officers with fragmentation grenades to prevent officers from sending
them into combat. This GI rebellion essentially paralyzed the
American military in Vietnam.

Finally and most importantly, the Vietnamese people themselves forged
the National Liberation Front that fought for their own emancipation.
They proved especially after the Tet Offensive in 1968 that the
United States and its puppet government had no support in the Vietnam
and that the people were committed to driving the U.S. out of
Southeast Asia. This three-dimensional, militant movement won the
liberation of Vietnam.

These three interrelated movements should also give us ideas for
devising the strategy of our movement. To be clear, the movement of
the 1960s is not a blueprint for today and we cannot simply reproduce
it. We must find our own way. But we can draw from its lessons.

In reality, we will need an even strong mass movement this time. Why?
Because the geostrategic stakes for the United States in Iraq are far
higher than they were in Vietnam. Former Federal Reserve Board Chair
Alan Greenspan finally admitted the "unfortunate truth": It really is
all about the region's oil. Whoever controls that oil controls the
world economy. And the U.S. has no intention of leaving Iraq or the
Middle East as a whole. They want to lock in a unipolar world order
against rising global powers like China as well as eliminate regional
challengers like Iran and Venezuela. We thus have an even bigger
fight on our hands than activists in the 1960s.

The Movement Today

We are, however, far from the kind of mass movement we will need to
win Iraq's liberation. As I have said, the national movement is in
sorry shape. While there are inspiring flashes of local struggle and
organization, it too must be built or re-built. This is challenged by
the election year, but not in a fashion that much of the Left thinks.
The pull of the election is obvious. Yet at the same time, the
election is raising hope ­ expectations for change and a host of
reforms from ending the war to addressing social inequality, racism,
and sexism. I do not have hope in Obama to really address these
realities, but I have hope in the people who have hopes in Obama.

We have to be patient and determined through the election year and
seize opportunities at the local level. It is simply not true that we
cannot do anything during the elections. For example, just last week
in Boston over 600 students came to hear Noam Chomsky lecture against
U.S. imperialism. There are countless other example of hopeful small
actions and educational events that embody the future of the movement.

Our key task is thus to rebuild the base of the movement. We have to
initiate local organizations through educational events, actions, and
all sorts of events from movie screenings to local Winter Soldier
hearings. While I support the upcoming National Assembly in
Cleveland, I do not think we are in a position to launch a new
national formation. Cleveland will be a chance for activists to share
ideas and initiate collaboration, but our key emphasis has to be on
building the infrastructure of the movement.

We need to organize and build antiwar organization among students,
workers, soldiers, and military families. We need to build existing
and new chapters of the CAN, U.S. Labor Against the War, IVAW, and
Military Families Speak Out. We must build the base for a future mass
movement that will likely emerge in the aftermath of the presidential
elections. As in the struggle against the Vietnam War, those
organizations will be necessary to mobilize the social power to
compel our rulers to get out of Iraq.

Demands for the Movement

A key part of rebuilding the movement is figuring out the demands
around which we must organize the coming struggle. I agree with Max
Elbaum, who argued last night that demands are a tactical question.
We must figure out which demands are necessary for the movement and
will galvanize popular opposition and action. In doing so, we should
avoid the trap of single-issue dogmatism on the one hand and on the
other ANSWER's endless laundry list of demands. Neither is a guide to
building the movement.

Our central organizing demand must be the immediate withdrawal of
U.S. forces from Iraq. But we should have important subsidiary
demands that are necessary for preparing the movement to confront
U.S. war plans. Thus, we must demand "no war on Iran," since they are
clearly preparing for a future confrontation with Tehran.

We also must put forth a position against anti-Arab racism and
Islamophobia as that clearly is the legitimating ideology of the war
and is responsible for horrific oppression of Arabs and Muslims. If
we hope to build bridges of solidarity with the peoples of the Middle
East and if we hope to bring Arabs and Muslims into the U.S.
movement, this is a necessary demand.

Finally, we must put forward class demands such as "money for jobs
and education, not for war and occupation." This can broaden the
movement among sympathetic workers who see the United States wasting
$3 trillion on war and occupation while New Orleans gets washed out
to sea, their homes are foreclosed, and their jobs are lost amidst
the recession.

I also think it is important for the left wing of the movement to
argue for including opposition to occupation of Afghanistan even
though we may lose it. We should be clear that the entire War on
Terror is united in the minds of our rulers from Afghanistan to Iraq
and we ought to oppose it across the board ­ especially since the
Democrats are campaigning for a surge in Afghanistan. Moreover, we
should argue for speakers on Palestine to show how the Israeli
occupation is a crucial component of U.S. dominion over the Middle East.

Flashes of the Future

While we have many challenges today, we can see the first shoots of
the new movement developing in smaller or larger scale around us
today. The Winter Soldier hearings captivated the entire antiwar
movement and projected a new and hopeful GI and vet resistance. The
ILWU (International Longshore and Warehouse Union) strike on May 1
represents a huge development where workers in an historic union are
striking against the war to shut down all the ports of the West
Coast, one of the busiest areas of trade in the world. We will need
such class power to liberate Iraq from U.S. occupation. Also, new
student activists in conferences and actions this spring displayed
exciting new stirrings of youth resistance. These are early signs of
forces stirring that have the social power to shut down the U.S. war
machine through mass militant protest.

Through the election year we must be patient but also persistent and
aggressive to cultivate each new shoot of resistance. Whoever wins
this election ­ and I think the Democrats are likely to sweep every
level of government ­ will have raised both people's expectation for
an end to the Bush regime and expectation for real change. However,
they will preside over an economic crisis, two failing occupations,
and deepening social inequalities inside the United States.

Today we must seize every opportunity to educate, organize, and act
locally to establish vehicles to mobilize the growing sentiment for
change; we must do so with the determination to provide an
alternative means for winning change when the Democrats either fail
to deliver or deliver inadequate solutions to the various crises we
will confront. We do not know the timing of when people will become
frustrated with the Democrats' refusal to deliver what we want, when
they will look for our alternative. No one has a crystal ball, but we
must organize the bases of a future antiwar movement prepared to
galvanize sentiment and lead a mass and militant resistance to the
U.S. occupation of Iraq.
--

Ashley Smith is a writer and activist from Burlington, Vermont. He
writes frequently for Socialist Worker and the International
Socialist Review. He can be reached at ashley05401@yahoo.com

.

Pot party at the Playboy Mansion

Pot party at the Playboy Mansion

http://www.philadelphiaweekly.com/articles/17244/columns--laptop-anthropologist

by Tara Murtha
24 Jun 2008

I slip into line for the open bar and spot Margaret Cho in front of
me. Painted in borderline geisha-face, hunched and twiddling a
lollipop in her mouth, she looks fabulously bored to death. She's
talking to Bridget the Midget. After years of thinking it was a waste
to study liberal arts, I'm grateful to Sallie Mae. I've arrived.

Perry Farrell will be DJing. Monkeys swing a few yards away.

I think: Los Angeles is so great.

Adrianne Curry of America's Next Top Model "fame" is onstage in a
shiny fuchsia prom dress barking about the benefits of marijuana, a
belief I endorse on occasion but that many dear, dear friends support
intensely, even in the morning and on workdays.

Being from the East Coast where, in general, the natives are
chestless (at least compared to L.A.) and indulgence means a $100
night on overpriced Crayola cocktails, I'm eager to study the
partying habits at the Playboy Mansion.

I'm going to walk in on hairless, evenly tanned group sex in the
grotto! Watch Rollerblading orangutans zip by butlering trays of
cocaine! Witness unsavory acts illegal in red states and purchased
per hour in blue ones!

One thought keeps running through my head: There is a little person
who has sex on film for money standing so close to me I can touch her implants.
--

Onstage, Adrianne's shilling for the Marijuana Policy Project, the
largest lobbying organization in the country dedicated to the
legalization of medical marijuana and the decriminalization of plain
old shwag. It sounds like a goofy cause until you know someone with
cancer. The crowd claps and tokes in approval.

After a while something terrible happens: My friends and I get kind of bored.

How can the buzz of standing next to Margaret Cho and Bridget the
Midget fade this fast? I'm restless. I need to find the big man of this tribe.

I want Hef to float by in his silks, or maybe in the tiny
little-skipper costume and captain's hat he sometimes rocks on Girls
Next Door. Where are the bunnies?

But no bunnies. No Hef.

Like heat-seeking missiles, we split up and go looking for the action.

The art gallery showcases stunning original portraits of Marilyn
Monroe, Elizabeth Taylor and other iconic Hollywood women. My gaze
wanders from the photos of these women to Adrianne Curry. Huh. Perry
Farrell hits the decks with an M.I.A. song.

We reconvene. My friend Dennis interviews a guy from the
Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies. Jeff spots
Jackie the Joke Man in the bathroom.

I try not to notice that most of the guests are regular people
gussied up to look like celebrities trying to look like regular
people. I press on and change bars. I strike up a conversation with
the guy next to me, a bartender who's seething about not slinging
drinks. He sweeps his arm across the party. "This," he says
dramatically, "this is the final frontier."

I say something like, "Yeah, they must be making a lot of money tonight."

"Fuck money!" he yells. "I don't want money. It is the fame. The fame!"

I back away slowly.

Jeff says douchebags in L.A. are cooler than the ones in Philly. I'm
not so sure. I swerve on. Perry Farrell is playing the radio-friendly
version of "Let's Get Retarded."
--

It's almost midnight and the party organizers start herding everyone
toward the exit. Although the activist in me feels good, the
anthropologist in me is deflated.

Elvis had a nine-way in a suite at the Playboy Mansion. We're out on
the lawn talking to a failed porn star. My friend says he feels like
he's in Day of the Locust.

Instead of the after-party we go to a diner and dissect our
disappointment. What could've made our evening at the Mansion
"crazy"? Nothing, really. There isn't much that we hadn't seen before
that would've been shocking and awesome.

The night reeked of impossible ambition, a whiff of New Year's Eve
times 100. We were plebes.

We can't really be blamed for hoping for a taste of recklessness and
indulgence on the level of an entitled few. But I still feel vaguely
foolish for having fallen for the illusion, for having thought we
could bask in the reflected glory of privileged debauchery.

On the plane ride home I meet a big brawny soldier from L.A. named
Gerald who's flying into Fort Dix. We talk about the war a bit. I ask
him if he thinks about the politics, and he says not really. He just
treats it like a job. He asks me what I did in L.A. I tell him. He
laughs and says he'd been to the Mansion too. For his high school prom.

.

Tuesday, June 24, 2008

Hot Rod Comics and Drag Racing Cartoons of Pete Millar

The Hot Rod Comics and Drag Racing Cartoons of Pete Millar on View in Pasadena

http://www.artdaily.com/index.asp?int_sec=2&int_new=24789

PASADENA.- Pete Millar (1929 - 2003) is considered to be one of the
greatest satirical cartoonists, working within the hot rodding and
drag racing communities. After finding his original inspiration from
the artists of Mad Magazine's heyday in the 1950s and 1960s, Millar
turned his drawing skills to humorous situations involving souped-up
cars and their errant drivers, as well as his spoofs of actual
personalities and controversies during the rapid growth of drag racing.

Millar was an editor, publisher and cartoonist best known for his
automotive-related cartoons in CARtoons, the magazine he co-founded
and edited during its initial, landmark issues.

Millar was born on December 14, 1929. Trained as an engineer, he
harbored a secret dream of becoming a full-time cartoonist and book
editor. In 1953 he moved from San Diego to Los Angeles, home of Hot
Rod magazine and the "Stroker McGurk" feature. His work rejected by
editor Tom Medley, Millar found a home with Quinn's Rod & Custom and
editor Spencer Murray. When Trends Books purchased Quinn, Millar was
offered the assignment of doing illustrations for the tech letters in
Hot Rod. Eager to fulfill his dream and give up his engineering day
job, Millar had a more ambitious project in mind.

Millar and Carl Kohler created CARtoons for Trends in 1959, based on
Millar's idea for a complete cartoon book focused on cars. Trends
would later become Peterson Publishing, a name that grew to be
synonymous with automotive cartooning due in great part to the
success of the formula shaped by Millar and subsequent editors.
Millar and Kohler were given a $2500 contract by publisher Robert
Peterson to put together a 64-page magazine in the smaller digest
size at which Rod & Custom had been published. Kohler left after the
first issue over a dispute with Peterson executive Ken Bayless about
the arrival of the check, but Millar stayed with the magazine as an
editor and contributor. He did four issues at home, and then worked
on magazine-sized issues until the 11th, published in 1963. At this
time, it was decided to take the publication in-house, and Millar was
cut out of the editing job that had long been his dream. "When
Peterson took it in-house, I was hoping to become the fulltime
editor, but Dick Day got the job." Millar recently told racing writer
Dave Wallace. "I told Bayless what he could do with CARtoons."

CARtoons was one of the most unlikely success stories in 20th Century
magazine publishing, and by itself would have guaranteed initial
editor Millar a place in comics history. CARtoons sold extremely well
for years, offered a MAD-style outlet for talented West Coast
cartoonists when nearly all comics publishing was based in New York,
anchored a line of similarly conceived titles and underwent at least
two radical content changes to make best advantage of various trends
-- moves that would have killed less-sturdy publications. Kohler and
Millar put into one place the various threads of automotive-related
cartooning that developed in the post-war period to serve car-crazy
youths, and instigated what would become an entire school of American
cartooning. Almost from its first year in print, CARtoons set the
standard for the humorous automotive cartoon, typified by an
energetic drawing style reminiscent of hot rod art and contrasting
sharply with adventure comics featuring cars and car culture.
Peterson would remain a player in the comics magazine business for
over three decades, with CARtoons as a bi-monthly, sometimes
quarterly, and sometimes irregularly published flagship. Other
Peterson titles included Hot Rod Cartoons, which ran from 1965-1974,
CYCLEtoons, which was launched in 1968 and terminated in 1973, and
even Go Kartoons, which ran for a single issue in 1960 (with Millar's
name advertised on the cover). Various other publishers also dipped
their toes into the automotive field, following Peterson's lead.
CARtoons admirably changed with the times, capitalizing on satirical
characters and recurring comedic features when MAD was selling well
in the 1960s, and re-fashioning itself in the 1970s to play up its
grotesque-art aspects when that vein of humor began to dominate. The
Peterson magazines were also known for resisting over-advertising for
a significant stretch in their history, and for offering such extras
as iron-ons and full-color posters. Its letters pages in the late
1960s and early 1970s, filled with notes from soldiers in Vietnam and
letter from fans one might guess weren't usually the letter-writing
type, captured the mood of the times like few popular publications.
Many of the titles struggled and faded with the major 1970s changes
in magazine distribution. But the flagship CARtoons held on before
ending its long, successful and improbable run in August 1991.

Millar was therefore not only an important mover for one magazine,
but an entire sub-culture of comics expression. During its three
decades and change as a publishing phenomenon, and additional years
on either side of that period as a legitimate avenue for cartoon
expression, automotive cartooning featured dozens of talented artists
who loomed as large for their readers as the men and women working in
any popular comics sub-genre. Working in that part of the field were
cartoonists perhaps better known for their contributions to other
kinds of comics, like Alex Toth, Robert Williams, and Rick Griffin,
and several homegrown automotive cartooning superstars such as George
Trosley, Nelson Dewey, George Lemmons, Willie Ito, Shawn Kerri and
Renfrew Klang. None were any more important, or admired by fans, than
Pete Millar.

Upon leaving editorial duties at Peterson, Millar moved into an area
that more accurately reflected his primary interest in automotives,
publishing and providing much of the material for his own Drag
Cartoons. The first issue debuted in June 1963 after Millar secured a
deal with a distributor to cover advance editorial costs and
shipping. When the federal authorities took out his printer, Millar
rescued 100,000 copies and their mailing labels and sent them to
various parts of the country himself. Irregular distribution would be
a troubling theme in Millar's career as a publisher.

In addition to Drag Cartoons, Millar Publications also produced four
issues of the fondly remembered Big Daddy Roth Magazine. Millar told
Wallace that Roth approached him with the idea of doing a magazine
based on advertising support from the artist's various licensing
partnerships. "Revell was gonna buy advertising and put a
subscription form in every one of the models that went out; millions
of them!" When Revell backed out, Millar was left extending himself
in service of a national magazine with regional appeal. "It died in
the Bible Belt," Millar reported. Millar canceled the title based on
first issue sales, although those did not come in until the fourth
issue had been released, compounding the publisher's financial difficulties.

In 1966, Millar published one of the seminal features of the
underground era, picking up Tony Bell and Gilbert Shelton's "Wonder
Wart-Hog" feature for a run in Drag Cartoons. "Wonder Wart-Hog" had
previously run in the humor magazines Ranger and Help! As described
by Gilbert Shelton to Frank Stack in 1997, Millar became an important
connection between those magazines and underground comix. "In March
1966, Tony Bell and I started doing regular Wonder Wart-Hog stories
in an automotive magazine published in Torrance, California, called
Peter Millar's Drag Cartoons. Then Tony and I moved back to Austin
and continued sending in the strips from there until Millar went out
of business in 1968." Shelton offered up that one of the reasons for
Millar's financial difficulties as a publisher may have been the
release of two issues of Wonder Wart-Hog Quarterly, by Bell, Shelton
and Joe Brown. But more likely it was the same distribution
difficulties that occasionally plagued the automotive magazine.
"Millar had had 140,000 copies of each printed, and he had to sell
half of them to break even," Shelton said. "But the thing was too
weird for the distributors and most of the copies stayed in the
warehouses. Only 40,000 of each number were sold. I remember looking
and looking for a copy on sale at various newsstands around Austin,
and I never found one anywhere."

In price and format, Wonder Wart-Hog Quarterly was modeled after the
popular Warren newsstand magazines such as Creepy. The second and
final issue of WWHQ featured what became one of the most famous
instances of '60s cartoon humor -- a grotesque parody of a rejected
Lyndon Johnson portrait bearing the title "The Second Ugliest Thing
in the World." Neither satirical magazine nor underground comix
proper, Wonder Wart-Hog Quarterly holds a place alongside
publications such as Jack Jackson's 1964 God Nose as an important
precursor to the larger comics movement to come. But at the time,
together with the failure of Big Daddy Roth Magazine, it cast a
financial pall over its publisher.

Due to the popularity of the subject matter and the acknowledged role
of cartoon magazines with the culture, Millar enjoyed a certain
amount of wider celebrity largely denied artists and editors working
within fantasy comics. Millar was a part of the industry he covered
above and beyond his publishing efforts, as a vital figure in the
early Southern California racing scene. Millar at one point even
owned a drag racing car funded in part by donations from his Drag
Cartoons readership, with a stylish shell calling attention to the
magazine's artistic foundation. Photos of the car in action at
mid-1960s events, and of Millar with celebrities in attendance
Frankie Avalon and Annette Funicello, wink at readers from a page on
Millar's "Laff Yer Asphalt" web site. Involvement in drag racing gave
Millar's cartoons a sharper edge and added credibility to his pen and
ink inquiries -- as someone with engineering experience, Millar could
draw a engine blowing it up as it actually, technically occurred.
Millar remained involved in the sport on a serious level into the 1970s.

With the 48th issue of his magazine, with a press run around 150,000,
Millar sold the title to his printer to absolve himself of debts
incurred by the Roth and Wonder Wart-Hog efforts. He took his wife
and three daughters to Sweden. Returning to California three years
later, Millar produced annual editions of a full-color newspaper
tabloid called Drag Comics from 1971-1973. Taking his cue from a
freelance job for an attorney representing a driver who had lost his
legs in a racing accident, Millar embarked on a lucrative career as
an illustrator specializing in preparing evidence to be used in trial
cases. He would not return to the racing fold in significant fashion
until 1993, although some remember the 1980s Millar efforts in
magazines like Autobuff.

With his work as an editor and cartoonist on Drag Cartoons and Drag
Comics, Millar became known by his peers and the occasional savvy
outside observer as one of the best draftsman working in an
increasingly crowded field and as an artist who would occasionally
leave the low-minded hi-jinks or jaunty, character-based humor to one
side in favor of commentary on practices and excesses to be found in
that highly competitive sporting milieu. When Millar had worked for
Peterson, a close partnership with the National Hot Rod Association
had led to an occasionally stifling atmosphere for significant
commentary on the hot rod racing milieu. Policy-driven splits in the
racing world led to certain races and personalities not being covered
at all. The NHRA was so careful to protect its image as the sport
surged in popularity that for a time cartoon characters were scanned
for adherence to dress standards. None of this squared itself with
Millar's first-person view of the racing world. The cartoonist found
places to express his voice where he could -- Millar enjoyed
showcasing the dirt that riders and mechanics collected on their
person by adding a few flies in proximity.

As a publisher in control of his own content, Millar was one of the
few voices in automotive cartoons that could safely express critical
views and generally satisfy journalistic expectations. Millar
portrayed personalities right down to their idiosyncratic mannerisms
and details on their uniforms. Sanctioning bodies were lampooned if
Millar thought they deserved lampooning, while certain policies and
practices could be cruelly and hilariously mocked. Wallace called
Millar in his heyday "one of the most-respected and most-powerful
media figures in an era overflowing with journalistic talent." No
American sub-culture has since invested so much fourth estate power
in a single artist.

Millar was much liked by those who worked with him, and upon his
death the tributes from fellow professionals flowed into the Millar
family home at an astounding rate. The influence of Millar's work
pops up in unexpected places. One admirer is Peter Bagge, who for
many readers embodies several of the same artistic values and
energetic approach to cartooning as Millar and his peers. Bagge came
to the cartoonist's work late. "I missed out on the opportunity to be
an adolescent Pete Millar fan, simply because I never saw a single
copy of CARtoons Magazine on the stands while in my hometown of
Peekskill, NY (which isn't much of a 'hot rod' town, apparently)! It
wasn't until I found copies of it in second-hand stores years later
that I saw what I had missed, and felt very deprived. Millar's work
was clearly influenced by and representative of all the elements that
make up what I always considered Good Comics. It also expressed this
very unadorned, American working-class worldview that I always found
very appealing -- comforting, even! -- and still do."

In 1993, Millar re-appeared on the racing scene by attending that
year's NHRA California Hot Rod Reunion. Enjoying the experience, he
began to sample several such racing events, including maintaining a
booth at some events. In recent years Millar also attended the
Comic-Con International held in San Diego, where he was able to meet
several of his admirers despite not receiving the general laudatory
attention that event usually heaps on cartoonists with Millar's
displayed skill and massive lifetime readership. Millar kept busy
until the end. He contributed an introduction to the book collection
of Alex Toth's automotive work, One for the Road, and had assembled
several of his own work into stand-alone books sold through his web
site under the promising slogan, "Comic Books Are Back." The Internet
and its ability to provide a viable, low-cost publishing platform for
a scattered audience has served as a friendly home to many previously
published Millar cartoons. On various web sites, including his own,
Millar became a friendly and authoritative voice speaking to the
significance and skill of automotive comics. According to Scott
Shaw!, a hoped-for traveling show featuring the greatest achievements
in automotive art remained an unfulfilled ambition. Six CD-ROMs
advertised on Millar's web site under the "It's All a Bunch of
Millarkey" imprint contain hundreds of pages of his comics magazine
art broken down by theme and publisher, an impressive cartoon legacy
to be relished by older fans and discovered by newer ones. The family
plans on keeping his web site going for another five years in memory
of their patriarch.

.

Former Grateful Dead Guitarist Bob Weir Keeps Doing What He Loves Best

[2 articles]

Expect smokin' jams from Weir and pals

http://www.sltrib.com/arts/ci_9658067

RatDog and Gov't Mule carry a load of rock history

By David Burger
The Salt Lake Tribune
Article Last Updated: 06/21/2008

Legendary musician Bob Weir knows The Depot is a nonsmoking venue.
The musician has good reason to follow the rules after an
incident in Park City several years ago. The drummer for Weir's band
RatDog was caught smoking a joint before the show, and the police
nearly canceled it.
"Somehow we lucked out of that one," Weir said in a phone
interview from his home in Northern California.
Weir and the rest of Salt Lake City wouldn't want Tuesday's show
with a double bill of legendary jam bands, RatDog and Gov't Mule, to
be canceled. Weir, rhythm guitarist with the Grateful Dead, still has
a sparkle in his voice despite looking more and more like Gen. Robert
E. Lee every day. The youngest member of the Dead - he joined when he
was only 16 - is now 60 and has no plans of retiring from performing.
"It's all I've ever done," he said. "I wouldn't know what to do
with myself [if I stopped]."
Weir is especially happy to be reunited with Mark Karan,
RatDog's lead guitarist, who has recovered from a bout with throat
cancer last year. "He dodged a bullet," Weir said. "The odds were
stacked against him."
RatDog is Weir's priority, although the band has only released
one studio album, "Evening Moods," since forming in 1995, and there's
no plan to release a new album any time soon. "We've got plenty of
new material, but we don't know what to do with it," Weir
After Jerry Garcia died in 1995, the rest of the Grateful Dead
performed occasionally as The Other Ones, and became The Dead in
2003. One member of The Dead has been Warren Haynes, the leader of
Gov't Mule. "He's easy to get along with," Weir said of his good friend.
Haynes offered a similar assessment of the pair's friendship, in
a phone interview while taking a break recording a solo album. "We've
been friends for quite a few years," he said. "He's one of the most
open-minded guys. [Weir's attitude is] 'Whatever happens is meant to
happen.' That's a beautiful concept. He still loves to play, night
after night."
The same can be said of Haynes, who besides playing with Gov't
Mule and The Dead is a longtime member of the Allman Brothers Band.
Gov't Mule, like RatDog, writes new material, but both bands play
cover songs that are considered the highlights of their shows.
"There's a whole world out there when you've got as many
influences as we've got," Haynes said. "It's a never-ending source of
inspiration."
Gov't Mule will be no mere opening act. Haynes said the plan is
for Gov't Mule to play for at least two hours, and maybe even more,
depending on the mood. "There's a different set list every night," he
said. "We have a repertoire of hundreds of tunes."
Disregard the first line of this story. There will be smoking at
The Depot on Tuesday night.
---

* DAVID BURGER can be reached at dburger@sltrib.com or
801-257-8620. Send comments to livingeditor@sltrib.com.

--------

Former Grateful Dead Guitarist Bob Weir Keeps Doing What He Loves Best

http://www.redorbit.com/news/entertainment/1443363/former_grateful_dead_guitarist_bob_weir_keeps_doing_what_he/

20 June 2008

It would be tempting to simplify Bob Weir's career as a long, strange trip.

And, certainly, it has been that.

But as one of the founding members of the Grateful Dead, Weir always
has sought outlets for his creativity beyond being one of the
originators of the world's most famous jam band. And he did it for a
simple reason; he loved it.

"The M.O. (of playing through the years) is pretty much the same," he
told the Vancouver Province last year. "For me, it's doing what I
love to do. It's not a matter of establishing an identity or anything
like that."

Weir and his band, RatDog, will perform as part of the Ironstone
Amphitheatre Summer Concert Series on June 27 along with the band Gov't Mule.

Weir's first and most famous band, the Grateful Dead, was founded in
San Francisco in 1965 and became an icon of the 1960s thanks to its
eclectic, free-flowing mix of rock, folk, bluegrass, blues, reggae,
country, jazz, psychedelia, space rock and even gospel. Weir
distinguished himself playing rhythm guitar alongside the fluid lead
solos of Jerry Garcia. He also sang lead vocals on a number of tracks.

Still at the height of the band's popularity in 1972, Weir released
his first solo album, "Ace." Through the years, he has released seven
solo albums. His independent streak continued in 1975, when the
Grateful Dead took a year off and he took the time to record and tour
with a number of groups, including Kingfish and Bobby and the Midnites.

Weir stayed with the Grateful Dead until Garcia's death in 1995.
Shortly before that, he also had started a new band, RatDog, with
bassist Rob Wasserman. The band, like the Grateful Dead, was a
jam-based group that toured incessantly and developed its own
following. Also like the Grateful Dead, RatDog has a revolving lineup
with Weir at its center.

RatDog's music is a mix of rock, blues, Americana and jazz. The group
also performs Grateful Dead songs and covers during its live shows.

The group released its first studio album, "Evening Moods," in 2000
and followed it the next year with "Live at Roseland."

Since Garcia's death and the Grateful Dead's disbanding, Weir has
worked with his former bandmates on various projects, most notably in
reunion tour stints in 1998, 2000 and 2002 as The Other Ones and from
2003-2004 as The Dead.

But the jamming spirit of the Grateful Dead is alive and well in
RatDog, too. Weir also told The Vancouver Province that his shows can
be epic events, like the old days.

"We're open," Weir says. "We have an enormous set list. We play a
long show -- three to three and a half hours. You remember a song and
really lean into it because this might mean you won't get another crack at it."

Jamming out with RatDog on a double bill at the Ironstone show will
be Gov't Mule. The Southern rock jam band was founded in 1994.
Ostensibly, it was an Allman Brothers Band side project.

Founded by Allman Brothers guitarist Warren Haynes and its former
bassist Allen Woody, the group charted a top 5 Billboard Blues Album
hit with its self-titled debut in 1995.

Last year, its independently released "Mighty High" landed on
Billboard again, this time in the top 10 of the Independent Albums charts.

--------

Shaped after Saigon's fall [John McCain]

Shaped after Saigon's fall

http://www.boston.com/news/nation/articles/2008/06/23/shaped_after_saigons_fall/

Return visits to Vietnam helped mold McCain as a conciliator

By Sasha Issenberg
Globe Staff / June 23, 2008

WASHINGTON - In November 1974, a year and a half after his release as
a prisoner of war, John McCain traveled to Saigon to visit the South
Vietnamese army war college, where he delivered a half-hearted pep
talk to allies he knew were about to get routed.

Six months later, Saigon fell to the North Vietnamese army, marking
the war's end. McCain celebrated the 10th anniversary of the occasion
by returning to Hanoi in 1985 with Walter Cronkite for a CBS documentary.

The two walked the city's streets, stopping at a statue covered in
bird droppings of a well-known American "air pirate" whose plane had
been shot down there. A curious crowd gathered, seeing the statue and
the man himself, and shouted an approximation of his name: "Mah-cain!
Mah-cain!"

Those two trips - one as McCain negotiated his reentry into American
life and the other as he began his ascent as a national political
figure - helped ensure that Vietnam would remain part of McCain long
after the war's end, according to a review of McCain's congressional
papers made available to the Globe.

The 1974 visit to Saigon, as the United States was withdrawing its
support for the South Vietnamese, prompted McCain's generation-long
search "in every prospective conflict for the shadow of Vietnam," as
he later put it, shaping his approach to foreign policy that was
marked by a vexing mix of caution and aggressiveness.

After the 1985 visit, McCain committed himself to ending a stalemate
over American soldiers missing in action, pursuing steps that led to
the eventual restoration of American diplomatic ties with Vietnam.

These legacies of the Vietnam war became signature causes of McCain's
first decade in politics and helped to build his reputation as a
conciliator unfazed by past antagonisms.

"He's got an open architecture; he's always rethinking things," said
John Lehman, Navy secretary when McCain entered Congress. "He's had
many emotions in his life, but they've never risen to the level of
his intellectual assessment of a situation. Those trips back there
are a good example of it."

Upon his return to the United States in 1973 after 5 1/2 years as a
prisoner of war, McCain showed little interest in reconsidering the
war's causes and consequences. An essay he wrote for US News & World
Report about his Vietnam experience offered a detailed narrative, but
little reflection on broader questions.

Months later, invited to Saigon as part of a VIP delegation, McCain
was forced to confront the complexities of the war still underway. He
was dispirited as he tried to offer encouraging words to South
Vietnamese soldiers he knew his government was abandoning.

"It was a conventional invasion of the South while our Congress cut
the aid and cut and cut again," McCain told author Robert Timberg.

When he first ran for Congress in Arizona in 1982, McCain ran ads
with wartime footage and, when accused of carpetbaggery, said that
"the place I've lived longest in my life was Hanoi." But he did not
dwell on Vietnam, saying "the war is over for me."

Yet McCain did not easily leave behind all his wartime grievances. He
questioned the credibility of David Stockman, a conservative Reagan
administration budget director, for having participated in student
peace protests. "As Mr. Stockman was a member of the antiwar movement
during the Vietnam conflict, I do not believe he should be the
individual to evaluate military pay, benefits, and entitlement,"
McCain wrote to a constituent.

After McCain learned that antiwar activists Jane Fonda and Tom Hayden
had been VIP attendees at a 1983 space-shuttle launch, he drafted a
letter to White House aide Ken Duberstein protesting the "atrocity"
and demanding that NASA's director "be held accountable."

"The fact that those two people who were responsible for so much
agony and suffering upon my fellow POW's should be invited guests by
this Administration is beyond my comprehension," McCain wrote.

Initially, however, McCain largely avoided the most contentious clash
over Vietnam's legacy: the fate of American service members never
recovered in Southeast Asia, a mystery fueled by recurring reports of
"live sightings" of troops.

In October 1983, two weeks after the TV show "Real People" included a
segment on the issue, adviser Jay Smith sent McCain a memo marked
"Confidential" that proposed "the idea of having you, in your
capacity as a US Congressman, take some action or initiative to break
the deadlock in talks" between the United States and Vietnam over the missing.

McCain was long skeptical of the allegations that Americans were
still being held in Vietnam. When an aide presented him in 1981 with
a draft set of remarks about the issue, McCain drew an X through
paragraphs referencing "eyewitness reports" of sightings. He crossed
out the claim that Hanoi "knows Americans are being held captive" and
replaced it with a demand that the government "must have a full accounting."

Smith saw a political opportunity in McCain's skepticism. "You are in
a unique position to do something positive on the issue, even if the
only tangible result of your effort proves to be the realization
that, like it or not, Americans are going to have to live with the
fact that many of our MIA's will be unaccounted for indefinitely," he
wrote in the memo, which is now in the archives at Arizona State University.

Smith proposed asking President Reagan to name McCain an "official
emissary of the US in going to Hanoi for the purpose of having talks
with their leaders." Such a trip, Smith suggested, could offer
footage for a "30-minute documentary film built around the subject of
the MIAs and your effort to resolve the issue . . . if done well it
may be something that PBS or some cable outlets would want to run nationally."

"Finally, in addition to the film (which we should not announce we
are doing), the news that you are planning definitive action on the
issue will play very well in Arizona," Smith wrote. "I think it's a
winner from virtually all standpoints, as long as we maintain control
over what we do and how the story is disseminated."

Smith was working to raise McCain's stature in anticipation of an
expected Senate run in 1986.

It turned out that McCain never needed to produce his own
documentary. In late 1984, CBS News invited McCain to join Cronkite
in Hanoi for a special that would air on the anniversary of Saigon's fall.

McCain immediately defended himself against critics who saw the trip
as accommodationist. "I can assure you that my visit will not be
entirely pleasant," he responded to one critical letter writer.

"I decided to go back to Vietnam because I felt that those of us who
were fortunate enough to return have an obligation to those who have
not returned," he wrote elsewhere.

McCain's staff happily publicized the news that Vietnam's government
initially refused to give McCain a visa: Communist officials were
afraid he would push the MIA cause, they said.

McCain and Cronkite were eventually allowed to enter Vietnam,
although denied a visit to the prison where McCain had been held. He
was jarred by the despair he saw across Hanoi. "I found the capital
almost unchanged from the grim, listless, eerily quiet place I had
left twelve years before," McCain wrote in a memoir.

Famous in wartime as a Navy admiral's son, McCain was mobbed on his
return to Hanoi - "perhaps the first time that someone was more
recognized than Walter Cronkite," he joked - and also found his
national profile raised at home when the CBS special aired two months
later. "It put him on the map in a way that he had not been before,"
said Torie Clarke, then McCain's press secretary.

Most crucially, the Cronkite trip ensured that as a politician McCain
would remain linked to Vietnam, as deeply entangled in the future of
American relations with the country as he was in the past.

"His thinking that we needed to begin to solve the wounds of Vietnam
came out of that trip," said Lorne Craner, a McCain foreign-affairs
aide during the 1980s. "His belief that we could help Vietnam by
being there was helped by that trip."

McCain returned to Vietnam regularly in the coming years, working
toward his preferred framework for reconciliation: full diplomatic
ties in exchange for help with the MIAs, the release of political
prisoners, and allowing the departure of children born to American
military personnel.

"He had a hard time revisiting those places and dealing pragmatically
with a regime that at that time was Stalinist," said Lehman. "It was
difficult emotionally for McCain to do it. Intellectually, he knew it
was the right thing to do."

Vietnam assumed a prominent place on McCain's legislative agenda
after he was elected to the Senate in 1986. With Representative Tom
Ridge of Pennsylvania, a combat veteran, McCain introduced a
resolution to open a diplomatic office in Hanoi, a move Reagan opposed.

Later, McCain played a key role with Senator John Kerry on the Senate
committee that in early 1993 concluded there was "no compelling
evidence that proves that any American remains alive in captivity in
Southeast Asia." A year later the United States lifted an economic
embargo against Vietnam, a step toward full normalization in 1995.

When Ridge made his first trip back to Vietnam, a government official
showed him the lakeside statue of McCain in Hanoi - initially erected
as a testament to the "people's air defense," it had become a
monument to the politician featured on it.

"The impression I got was how much they respected him," Ridge said.
"They long ago distinguished the war from the warrior."

.

Major legal victory for Angola 3

Major legal victory for Angola 3

http://www.pslweb.org/site/News2?JServSessionIdr009=d1v3dnr2a1.app7b&page=NewsArticle&id=9407&news_iv_ctrl=1261

Tuesday, June 17, 2008
By: Richard Becker

Judge recommends overturn of Woodfox conviction

In a major victory for the long-imprisoned Angola 3, Federal
Magistrate Judge Christine Nolan recommended on June 10 that Albert
Woodfox's conviction be overturned.

Woodfox, along with Herman Wallace, has been imprisoned for more than
36 years­nearly the entire time in solitary confinement­inside the
infamous Louisiana State Prison at Angola. The third member of the
Angola 3, Robert King Wilkerson, was released in 2001 after serving 29 years.

Judge Nolan called for overturning Woodfox's conviction due to
incompetent counsel by his ex-lawyer. In his 1998 retrial, Woodfox
was again convicted in a proceeding widely viewed as a travesty of
justice. His attorney failed to object to the admission of testimony
by witnesses who had died since his original 1972 trial for the
killing of prison guard Brent Miller. Woodfox's lawyer also allowed
the prosecutor to testify about the chief prosecution witness's
credibility in the retrial.

Nolan's recommendation must be accepted or rejected by U.S. District
Judge James Brady. In most cases, federal judges ratify the
recommendations of magistrates. However, given the highly political
character of the case, Angola 3 supporters are hopeful but know that
there is no such assurance. Last year, a state commissioner's
recommendation that Herman Wallace's conviction be overturned was
rejected by a state judge. That decision is under appeal.

Angola 3 Defense Committee spokesperson Marina Drummer said of the
June 10 recommendation: "The recent magistrate's ruling in Albert's
case is a landmark decision that we believe will lead to his freedom.
And surely, Herman will not be far behind. That would mean that one
sad chapter in Louisiana's miserable, racist injustice system would
finally come to an end for these two men and their families. But
there are thousands of other unjustly convicted men and women who
continue to languish in the prisons of Louisiana and across the country."

Political activists caught in racist frame-up

In 1971, Woodfox and Wallace helped found a chapter of the Black
Panther Party inside Angola, the most notorious prison in the United
States. A wave of rebellion was engulfing the U.S. prison system at
the time­from Attica in New York to San Quentin in California.

Angola penitentiary is a complex of buildings amid huge sugarcane,
cotton and soybean fields run on the slave labor of prisoners. Nearly
all the prisoners were and are African American.

Angola became the site of the first official prison chapter of the
Black Panther Party. The Black Panthers grew rapidly in strength, and
attempted to put an end to the extreme corruption and brutality of
the "trustee system." Under this system, selected prisoners were made
"trustees," given favors and guns, and empowered to rule over and
exploit the majority of inmates. Rape of young prisoners was rampant.
In the dormitories where the Black Panther Party was strong, these
practices were stopped. This was viewed as a threat by the authorities.

The all-white prison administration, headed by the notorious Warden
Murray Henderson, responded to an upsurge of prisoner activism with
extreme repression. In the years that followed, many bodies of
murdered prisoners were exhumed from the surrounding swamps.

In April 1972, guard Miller was stabbed to death. Only one person,
inmate Hezekiah Brown, witnessed the killing. At first Brown said he
could not identify anyone involved because their faces had been covered.

After several days of pressure, however, Brown changed his story and
identified four men: Albert Woodfox, Herman Wallace, Gilbert Montegut
and Chester Jackson. They became known as the Angola 4.

Montegut, a revolutionary activist like Woodfox and Wallace, was
later acquitted. Jackson struck a deal and testified for the
prosecution. Years later, evidence emerged that both Hezekiah Brown
and Chester Jackson were paid off with sentence reductions and
material incentives.

Putting the Black Panther Party on trial

After winning a new trial, Woodfox was indicted anew in 1993. One of
the grand jurors was Anne Butler, an author and the wife of Warden
Henderson. Butler had written a book, "Dying to Tell," about Angola
prison. The first chapter was on the death of guard Miller, based on
the state's version that Woodfox and Wallace were guilty.

Instead of calling witnesses, the assistant district attorney in
charge of presenting the case to the grand jury requested that Butler
"explain" the case. The new indictment was then handed up. Judge
Bruce Bennett turned down a motion by Woodfox's lawyers to throw the
case out based on outrageous grand juror prejudice.

Woodfox's 1998 trial was before a classic kangaroo court. As Dr. Gail
Shaw, a long-time supporter of the Angola 3, said at the time, "the
state's case was really based on putting the Black Panther Party on trial."

The prosecution introduced statements from Hezekiah Brown and former
warden Henderson, which were allowed into testimony unchallenged by
the defense attorneys. In an intimidating show of force on the final
day of the trial, prison guards, state police and local sheriffs­all
in full-dress uniforms­packed the courtroom, emphasizing to the
small-town jury of Amite their expectation of a guilty verdict. Their
expectations, predictably, were met.

Outside the Amite courthouse in 1998, Geronimo ji Jaga, who himself
had just been released the previous year after spending 27 years in
behind bars in California on frame-up charges, testified about the
courage of Woodfox and Wallace: "They endured and survived over all
these years with very little help from the outside. They are the kind
of unsung heroes who we must come forward to help because they never
asked for anything from us in exchange for what they have suffered."

Ten years later, the Angola 3 are still victims of indescribable
justice. What has changed over the past decade is that their case has
become internationally known, thanks to a tremendous campaign waged
by the Angola 3 Defense Committee and supporters in the United States
and around the world.

Now, the challenge is to win the final victory and set Woodfox and
Wallace free.
--

The author attended the 1998 retrial of Albert Woodfox in Amite,
Louisiana. For more information about the struggle of the Angola 3,
go to www.angola3.org.

.

The Black Devil Doll Is on the Loose!

EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW: The Black Devil Doll Is on the Loose!

http://www.movieweb.com/news/76/27376.php

Brothers Shawn and Jonathan Lewis are bringing some much-needed
controversy back to the horror scene

Warning: The following article may contain subject matter that is not
suitable for children under the age of 18.

The water cooler trailer of the moment is Black Devil Doll. The film,
which is still in post-production and won't be completed until later
this year, has already kicked up quite a bit of controversy. With a
lead character based on a real Black Panther party member accused of
raping and killing a number of white women and a relentless orgy of
graphic sex and violence the likes of which have never before been
preformed on screen by a puppet, you can bet that the film has been
targeted by a number of advocacy groups. It seems that creators Shawn
and Jonathan Lewis are indeed bringing some much-needed controversy
back to the horror scene.

Like any good follower of William Castle, the two brothers have used
any and all bad press to their advantage. They happily glorify the
fact that director Jonathan has been labeled a "self-hating negro",
and are using this self-deprecating barrage of indecency to sell what
could be the funniest blaxploitation film of the past decade. With
the film still a ways away from getting a proper release, we decided
to catch up with the Lewis brothers to find out what they are really up to.

Here is our conversation:

Does the actual full-length feature live up to the trailer?

Shawn Lewis: Yes, it does. We didn't put any of our good stuff in the
trailer. There is just so much more going on in the film that isn't
even hinted at in that trailer. I think it is safe to say that the
film itself will blow the trailer away. I hate films that put all of
the cool stuff in the trailer. You go see the movie, and you're
bummed. You already saw all of the good stuff, and it's just a waist
of time. So I made a conscious effort not to do that with our film.
There is a ton of stuff that you aren't even aware of right now. Some
good stuff happens, its definitely cool.

Jonathan, what's it like to still be in film school and have a
project like this already on your resume?

Jonathan Lewis: (Laughs) It is funny. To have this movie coming out
and to still be in school is pretty cool. But it is weird. Amongst
certain groups at school, this film is looked down upon. There is the
core group that gets it. And they really appreciate it.

Why do some of the students look down on it?

Jonathan Lewis: I don't know. It is the weirdest thing. I think this
particular group of film students, and even some of the professors,
who are all industry professionals, look down on horror in general.
They don't like that kind of stuff. I don't really know what the deal
is. They had a mandatory seminar the other night, and the speaker
says, "I know horror films and slasher films make a lot of money, but
you should look further than that. You should try to bring something
to the people that would inspire them." He just went on and on. Hey,
I am all for that. But you don't have to knock horror. There are good
movies in every type of genre.

Now, Shawn, you run the apparel company Rotten Cotton. Did seeing
those iconic horror film images constantly come through your offices
at all inspire this film's inception?

Shawn Lewis: I was raised on Grindhouse films and Italian horror
films. I love exploitation films. I've always wanted to make one. I
did attend film school. I ended up dropping out and started this
T-shirt Company instead. I was disillusioned with the kids in film
school. Like Jonathan said, they looked down on me for being into
exploitation movies. They were more interested in making these
self-indulgent documentaries. I simply wasn't happy there, and the
T-shirt thing fell into my lap. I started doing that. When Jonathan
went to film school, we decided that we should do something together.
We ended up doing this. Besides being a fan of exploitation, I am
also a huge fan of those cheesy Puppetmaster films. And Child's Play.
That kind of stuff. I wanted to make something that was a doll
exploitation movie. I combined those two subgenres to create what we have here.

How did Jonathan become involved in this as the director?

Shawn Lewis: We basically decided to do this as a collaborative
thing. It was me and Mitch Mayes, who works with me on the T-shirts.
He wrote and produced Brawlin' Broads, which was a hillbilly, white
trash, cat fighting video. If you go to brawlinbroads.com, you can
look it up. As you can see, Mitch has had some experience writing and
producing. We got together and wrote this script. Then I called my
brother, and he went over the script. He added some stuff and changed
some stuff. We all collaborated on it. Then we went from there.

What was it like having to actually direct the doll?

Jonathan Lewis: Sometimes, it was like a nightmare. Because you can't
tell a puppet what to do. (Laughs) That kind of got to me. The fun
part was when we had the ventriloquist behind him. It was fun to see
that guy working the puppet. To see this thing come to life. When you
are looking at it through the camera, it's as if he is alive. He is
moving around and talking. I'm like, "Wow! This really looks cool."
Those were the cool parts. But there were so many times where his arm
wasn't working right, or his dick wasn't working right. We couldn't
get him to look right in certain shots, even when the shot was cool.
We had all of these storyboards, and we ended up having to cut some
of them because we couldn't get the puppet in the position we wanted
without getting something in the shot that we couldn't take out in
post. We were working with a pretty limited budget. So, it was interesting.

After watching the trailer, I need to know what the casting sessions
were like? How did you describe this to these girls and convince them
to get naked with this puppet?

Shawn Lewis: We were honest with them. We had the script ready, and
we had a few girls in mind that were Rotten Cotton costumers. They
are kind of crazy. I sent the script to them, so they knew exactly
what they were getting into. They knew that there was going to be
nudity. They knew that there would be simulated sex, and that a
puppet would be involved. They knew that there was violence. We made
it clear that this was a gutter film. Most of the girls were into it.
They were fans of this kind of stuff and wanted to do it. We had a
few girls that read the script and ran for the hills. We had to
replace them. Overall, I found girls that were into this kind of
stuff. They might be a rare breed, but we found them. (Laughs)

Once you got on set, how did you convince these girls to get intimate
with this puppet? Especially if one of them was having a bad day?

Shawn Lewis: Well, I don't know. We didn't really have a problem with
that. There were a few issues. Let me see. I'm trying to think of any
specific problems we had without giving away too much. It was really
strange. The star of the film, Heather Murphy, had never acted
before. When she got the script, she was just a bagger at Safeway.
And she went for it, no problem. But some of the other girls, besides
being aspiring actresses, they were also strippers. You would think
it would be easier to get a stripper to do these kinds of things. So
we went for girls that were used to being involved with adult
entertainment. They didn't have a problem with it. But some weird
stuff started to happen. Our film is not porn. It is not XXX rated.
There is no penetration. There isn't anything that explicit. There is
full frontal nudity, but there aren't any hardcore sex scenes. The
closet we get to that is the fact that the puppet does have a dick.
And there are a few scenes were the puppet ejaculates. This one
actress has no problem with that. She gets raped. She gets killed.
Then she gets raped again after she is dead. And then the puppet
jizzes in her face. She had no problem with all of that. But she had
a problem with the puppet hands touching her breasts. Which was
really strange. (Laughs) I don't know what the deal is with that. We
had to talk her into letting the puppet hands fondle her breasts. She
didn't have any problem getting hit in the face with fake sperm, though.

Jonathan Lewis: I remember one of the actress' had a hard time saying
the line, "You're a nigger puppet." She didn't want to say that. I
had to tell her, with this type of film, you have to go all the way.
If you hold back, it's just going to ruin it. You can't go up to that
line and then stop. I think of American Psycho when I think of a film
that did that. The book was outrageous. When they did the film, its
like they went up to the line and then they decided they didn't want
to go beyond it. And it ruined it. That movie could have been so much
better if they had gone all the way. A lot of that has to do with the
producers and the studios. We were lucky enough to have actresses
that were very open-minded. They wanted their chance to be in a
full-length feature film. And they knew about Rotten Cotton. They
knew we were going to go somewhere with this. So, it wasn't that
difficult to get these girls on board. We did go through a couple of
chicks that read the script and said, "No way." But we could always
find another girl that was willing to do it. To have them run away
wasn't that bad of a thing. Our actress all knew what was in the
script. They signed their release forms. They knew what was going on,
and when it came time for the money shot, they were good for it.
Though, our main actress? Yeah, she was a little difficult. Like my
brother said, the puppet is doing all of these sexual things to her.
These were some pretty graphic acts. So we got this idea. We thought
the puppet should be rubbing her nipples with his hand. And she goes,
"No. I want to be able to show this to my mom. I don't want her to
see the puppet's hand rubbing my nipple." I didn't get the logic
behind it. Fake sperm on the face is okay, but puppet hands on the
nipples are going to freak mom out.

What were you using for the fake sperm?

Shawn Lewis: We tried a number of different things. Ultimately, we
didn't want it to look too realistic. Because, even though the
subject matter of the film is a train wreck, it is just in the
gutter, in case we did get a distributor interested, we wanted it to
be more comical. At least as far as when he does that on screen. So
the sperm is a lot whiter than it would normally be if it were real.
It didn't look all that real. I think we used lotion, and water, and
milk for the consistency. So, we weren't going for authenticity. It
is an outrageous amount when he does it. When he hits the girl, it
just covers her whole face. It is really crazy. I don't think any
body is going to see it for the realism. It is along the lines of
Meet the Feebles, early Peter Jackson.

It seems like you got a Russ Meyer vibe going on here too.

Shawn Lewis: Definitely. We owe a lot to Russ Meyer.

From what I understand, the puppet is based on a real person?

Jonathan Lewis: Yeah. Kind of. In a way. The whole idea was that we
wanted to do a puppet movie and we wanted it to be a black puppet.
Because we wanted this to be hardcore and in your face, we put a lot
of thought into whom this puppet was going to be. We tried to develop
the character by looking at different people in history. We tried to
use what we could find. What we stumbled upon was this Black Panther.
We changed the name from Black Panther to Black Power due to legal
issues. This real guy was on death row for murder and rape. We
elaborated on that, and changed his name around. I forget his actual
name. But we changed it around. We named him Nubia. So, it is loosely
based on this real person. We took from his background. Other than
that, it is totally original. We were just sitting around, thinking
of ideas. At first I was thinking we should have him in black face.
But that got shot down. It could have gone a lot of different ways.
But the militant type of guy works the best. We looked into that, and
we saw this real guy that was imprisoned for raping and killing white
women. Wikipedia says that he was falsely accused. But there are a
lot of sources that say he did it. The evidence is overwhelming. You
never know with our justice system sometimes.

Now, Shawn, are you the voice of the puppet?

Shawn Lewis: We are trying to keep that a secret. We want to keep it
ambiguous. On the DVD, the doll does his own audio commentary for the
film. We are going to do the doll one like Mystery Science Theater
3000. He'll be seen in silhouette. It wont be a movie screen though.
We have it set up to look like his apartment, and he is sitting in
front of this old TV set in some ghetto neighborhood. It will be very funny.

Well, I think you just sold me on the DVD right there. Lets talk
about Reverend Al Sharpton. He has spoken out against your film. Do
you think he even knows what it is that you have made?

Shawn Lewis: When he originally quoted us, he was just speaking
without having seen the film. Since that time, we have gotten the
trailer into his hands. Since that time, he hasn't commented. But he
has seen it. I think its one of those cases where it would be stupid
for him to come out and bitch about our movie. Because it would just
give us so much publicity. Even though he is an opportunist, he is
aware of that. But you never know. He could come out and be on Fox
News complaining about it. And that would be beautiful. That's what
we want. I don't think he would do that, though.

Why do you think it is so easy to target these sorts of films when
the central character is black, yet when the killer is white, no one
really comments on it?

Shawn Lewis: It is a double standard. If it was called White Devil
Doll, no one would be saying anything. I am used to that. It's like
David Chappelle. He can get away with all kinds of shit on Comedy
Central. No one says anything to him because he is black. We sort of
went with that in a way. I'm white, but my brother Jonathan, who
directed the film, is black. We have the same mother, different
fathers. We have already been accused of, "Oh, Jon's just getting
away with this because he is black." But that's not the case.

Jonathan Lewis: Everybody seems to forget that Freddy Krueger is a
pedophile. He goes after kids. And he is basically raping them, and
molesting them. Now he is going after them in his dreams. I don't see
how our character is worse than that. Maybe its because our character
is presented in a more straightforward way. Then again, it does have
that supernatural element. His soul is trapped inside this doll, and
he is acting out through the doll. The double standard is very
interesting. I don't know what I can tell you about that, except that
we have run into that time and time again. That's Hollywood. I think
it has a lot to do with this country. Racism has been a stain on this
country since it got up and got started. I don't know if we will ever
be able to get past that. It seems like other countries have no
problem with it. But we are always hung up on it. Even in our
elections today. People are hung up on stupid stereotypical shit. It
is a pain in the ass. I have come to the point where I don't let it
bother me. I understand where people are coming from, and you can't
change it. What are you going to do?

Just going back to the trailer, Johnathon is labeled a "self-hating
negro". You seem to be using that to dust up some publicity.

Shawn Lewis: I think part of the problem is that people nowadays are
just into today's horror films. And they are unaware of horror's
past. You have kids kicking around that have seen the Dawn of the
Dead remake, yet they have no idea there was an original. I could go
on like that forever. The kids that went to see The Hitcher remake
didn't know there was an original. Those kids aren't aware of
exploitation films or what they were like, or about. They will see
our trailer and automatically go off screaming, "Racists!
Misogynists!" They don't know that the reason for the exploitation
genre was to exploit stereotypes. They don't know what those films
were about. They see our trailer, and they don't get were the homage
is. Or what we are winking and nodding at. They don't get it. That is
the film culture. A lot of kids just don't get it. They don't look
this stuff up. The hard-core horror fans do. They look up and buy
every single film they can get their hands on. I have been
experiencing a lot of younger people that see the trailer, and they
simply have no idea what a blaxploitation movie is. Or what a
Grindhouse movie is.

You also run into the old people that have no basis in fact for
anything. They just want to complain about something.

Shawn Lewis: People like to bitch and complain. The internet is just
full of people that want to bitch and cry about everything. But that
is good for us. We knew that was going to happen when we cut the
trailer. And we made the film we made. We knew we were going to get a
lot of flack. But negativity? There is nothing better than free publicity.

Jonathan, what is it like being labeled "a self-hating negro" in
relation to this film?

Jonathan Lewis: I thought it was cool. At first I was like, "Really?"
It came from this venomous hate mail. This guy just decided to call
me that. At first it sort of took me back, but then I thought it was
cool. If someone is going to take time out of their day to go and
write something about me, and how much they hate me, it means I must
be doing something right. (Laughs) I was blown away. I took it, and I
owned. I wanted to shove it right back in their face. I wanted to see
what would happen with that.

I understand that this is a potential franchise. That you guys are
working on a second one already.

Shawn Lewis: Yeah. Originally, the second one was going to be Black
in the Hood, but we changed it up. We are going more ambitious with
it. We purchased a Red Camera. It is an amazing fucking camera. Peter
Jackson is pushing it. It is this new camera that is all digital. It
is the closet thing to film that you can get without actually being
film. We dropped thirty grand on this camera. It is going to make the
sequel look so amazing. The sequel has him in space. We are renting a
warehouse, and we are having the entire interior of the spaceship
built in this warehouse. It is going to be a combination of Alien and
Black Devil Doll. It is going to be pretty crazy.

Jonathan Lewis: We are going to have a bigger budget. We are going to
go off of the first one. I'm not sure exactly what we have lined up for it.

Do you have any special guest stars lined up for the second one?

Shawn Lewis: We don't like doing that. We had a chance to have David
Hess in the first one. And we could have had Ken Foree and Bill
Mosley. We just decided not to do that. That is one thing I hate
about these genre films. When I went and saw Rob Zombie's Halloween,
and every five seconds there was some cameo of some washed up old
actor, it took me out of the film and ruined it for me. It got
annoying. I have grown to hate that shit. I lot of people do that
because they think, "If we get Ken Foree, we will get a better
distribution deal." But to me, our movie stands alone. So we don't
need David Hess, or whoever, to be in our film. We don't need that to
sell tickets. The doll is the star, and I think that's why people are
going to go see it. I have about eight or nine DVD companies waiting
for our movie. I am going to pick our best offer and go for it. We
didn't need a guest star to get that. So, there you go.

I'm not even sure who David Hess is, actually.

Shawn Lewis: He is an exploitation star from the 70s. And he is
trying to make a little comeback. The reason I thought of him was
because he wanted to be in our film. The first one. We were also
going to have Ken Foree in it. But we decided against that. It just
wasn't worth it.

So, Black Devil Doll will be coming out on DVD around Halloween?

Shawn Lewis: That is our plan. If we miss Halloween, it will be out
by Christmas. No later than that. But I am 99.9% sure that it will
hit that Halloween release date. That's what we are shooting for.

Look for more on Black Devil Doll in the near future!
http://www.blackdevildoll.com/trailers.html

.

Former Black Panther Faces Parole Hearing After 38 Years

Former Black Panther Faces Parole Hearing After 38 Years

http://www.blacknews.com/news/free_chip_fitzgerald_committee101.shtml

Imperial, CA (BlackNews.com) - On July 2, 2008, the possibility of
freedom awaits Romaine "Chip" Fitzgerald, who has been in prison over
38 years. This is the date of his upcoming parole hearing. Chip's
case epitomizes the culmination of the dirty tricks and tactics the
U.S. government employed in its effort to destroy the Black Panther
Party, of which he was a member when he was arrested.

It is well-documented that, in the late 1960s, the FBI and other
policing agencies of the government developed and carried out a
concerted plan to neutralize or wipe out the Black Panther Party,
after FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover issued his infamous declaration
that the Party was the "greatest threat" to the nation's security. As
a result of the FBI's brutal campaign, many Party leaders were
assassinated, falsely imprisoned, imprisoned under extraordinary
sentences, slandered and demonized, as Party offices were assaulted
and Party programs were undermined. On January 17, 1969, the Party's
Southern California Chapter, of which Chip was a member, suffered the
loss of its main leaders, Alprentice "Bunchy" Carter and John
Huggins, at the hands of FBI-sponsored assassins. Prior to that, in
August of 1968, Los Angeles police gunned down Panthers Tommy Lewis,
Steve Bartholomew and Robert Lawrence in a single incident.

In September 1969, Chip himself was involved in a shootout with Los
Angeles police, and sustained a gunshot wound to the head. He
survived this attack, only to be arrested later and charged with
assault on police and the murder of a security guard. He was
convicted and sentenced to death, which was commuted to life. That
year, 1969, ended with the Chicago police assassinations of Black
Panther leaders Fred Hampton and Mark Clark and a nearly six-hour
raid by the LAPD's newly-formed SWAT Team on the Party's Los Angeles offices.

Today, Chip is the longest held Black Panther Party political
prisoner in the United States, now housed at Centinela State Prison,
near the California-Mexico border. His upcoming parole hearing is one
of the most anticipated dates for many community leaders, students,
and supporters around the world, all waiting to see if the California
Board of Parole Hearings will employ justice in this hearing,
particularly in consideration of the era and climate of Chip's
arrest, conviction and sentencing in late 1969.

The Committee to Free Chip Fitzgerald has been formed to advocate to
the Board for Chip's parole, encouraging people to sign its online
petition at www.freechip.org to urge the Board to release Chip back
into his community as he has served more time than his sentence
prescribed, and the State has no further interest in his continued
incarceration. A public tribute to Chip is slated for June 28, 2008,
in Los Angeles, at noon at filmmaker Ben Caldwell's Kaos Network,
4343 Leimert Boulevard, where support messages from elected officials
like Rep. Maxine Waters will be read, and labor leaders like Tryone
Freeman, SEIU Local 6434 president, will speak, along with former
Black Panthers, including Elaine Brown and David Hilliard, in a
program hosted by Dominique DiPrima of Stevie Wonder's radio station KJLH.

CONTACT:
Emani Bey or Jenn Laskin
Committee to Free Chip Fitzgerald
831-254-2580
freechipfitzgerald@yahoo.com
www.freechip.org

.

American Gangster: Season Two

American Gangster: Season Two, Disc Two Review

http://www.411mania.com/movies/dvd_reviews/77956/American-Gangster:-Season-Two,-Disc-Two-Review.htm

Posted by Wendell Mitchell on 06.21.2008

Learn the story of a man that nearly became a Libyan sponsored
gangster, the exploits of a gang leader whose ideas inspired New
Jack, and how good a job Denzel Washington did playing Frank Lucas.
--

Let's look at the lives of three more of the country's most notorious
gangsters.
--

Frank Lucas and the Coffin Connection

Frank Lucas Jr. claims that the real life story of his father is more
fascinating than the movie, but if you were to judge solely by the
merits of this episode, you would probably be a bit skeptical.

After the interesting story of Larry Hoover, and captivating account
of Melvin Williams' life, the episode dedicated to Frank Lucas is
noticeably not as attention grabbing.

Born in the rural south, Lucas started his criminal career at the
tender age of eight. After witnessing his cousin murdered by the KKK
for "eyeballing a white woman," his father confronted the sheriff,
killed him, and Frank was left to raise his younger siblings. Not
seeing many alternatives, he would wait outside of clubs or
prostitution houses and attack the inebriated or otherwise distracted
patrons and steal their money. This would go on until he was caught
and put on a chain gang. He would eventually break free and flee to
Harlem, hook up with father figure Bumpy Johnson and become educated
in the ways of gangsterism.

After Bumpy died of a heart attack amidst intense investigation of
his organization in 1968, Lucas took over, and cemented his status by
killing a local tough called Tango.

The episode gets a bit interesting here as there are conflicting
stories about how Lucas first got connected with Thailand.
Authorities and the film argue that he met with a local G.I. Leslie
"Ike" Atkinson who ran a bar, knew the locals, and eventually
introduced him to the man that oversaw the poppy fields that would
provide the raw material.

Lucas has been quoted in other material as agreeing to this story,
yet in the episode he says he did it all alone and had only a passing
involvement with Atkinson. He also does not mention anything about
Atkinson being married to one of his [Lucas] cousins.

The "coffin connection" involved Lucas substituted military coffins
with his own that possessed hollow bottoms where he would transport his drugs.

By cutting out the middle man and setting everything up himself,
Lucas reported accrued one million dollars daily at the height of his
empire. He even gained enough influence that the Italian mob bought
their heroin from him.

Normally low key, the one time Lucas's wife persuaded him to live a
little, he wore $150,000 dollar chinchilla coat and hat to the
Ali/Fraiser fight and drew the attention of federal agents. The
agents were in attendance to keep tabs on the various mob bosses and
were interested in how respected Lucas was amongst them. Four years
later, they would indict Lucas on heroin trafficking charges. He
spent a few years behind bars, got out, busted again 3 years later
and after his former prosecutor defended him, only had to server
seven years of a life sentence.

American Gangster the film is about as accurate a story of Lucas life
as one could probably get. There were a few things Lucas denies, such
as turning state evidence; or outright neglects to address such as
spending time in federal witness protection. Like those before him,
he claims to not care about the collateral damage his ascent to power
caused, but Richie Roberts, the arresting officer and lead prosecutor
of Lucas paints a different picture of a man feeling remorse for what
he did to his community.

Rating 6.5: Mainly for the fact that Lucas could not read up until
late adult hood and controlled such a huge empire. There is some good
stuff here, but the episode as a whole was not nearly as interesting
as I would have liked it to be because Lucas seemed more guarded than
Williams and Hoover.
--

Felix Mitchell, Jr. and Oakland Drug Wars

This episode begins with a brief recap of Mitchell's funeral, which
depending on your viewpoint was either "a ceremony befitting a king"
or "a horrible glorification of the exploits of a drug dealer."

Another fairly bland episode as compared to disc one. This one is
slightly below the Lucas episode.

Since the subject is deceased, a vital component of the story is missing.

This is also one of the more graphic episodes, depicting scenes of
mutilated bodies and bullet ridden corpses lying in fields, where in
most episodes they merely showed the covered bodies on stretchers.

Like many of the gang leaders depicted throughout this series,
Mitchell was considered highly intelligent, but felt trapped by the
system and turned to drugs. If you've seen one movie about black drug
dealers, you know his story. In fact, much of New Jack City was based
on his "small timer makes it big" story, including using a housing
project as a distribution center and utilizing the tenants as workers.

Easily the most interesting aspects of his story are his collision
with Black Panther founder Huey P. Newton, which I would have liked
them to get explore more.

Despite their militant nature, the Panthers did really want change
and did not approve of Mitchell's tactics; especially his
incorporation of young children to serve as look outs.

Mitchell's downfall can be directly attributed to his rivalry with
Mickey Moore. The escalated violence between the two, involving six
reported murders and the kidnapping of Mitchell's young son, garnered
police attention and by 1985, Mitchell was convicted and sentenced to
life in prison. He lasted just a year before he was stabbed a
reported fourteen times. No one has claimed the stabbing to this day.

Rating 6.0: Above average. The episode played as if Ving Rhames read
Mitchell's wikipedia entry and every now and then a former associate
or teenager would declare him a hero to the community while others
decried him as the cause of Oakland becoming as violent as it is today.
--

Jeff Fort and the Black Stone Rangers

Like many a gang head before him, Fort's original goal for his gang
was to provide protection for one another and by extension, their
neighborhood.

While still a youth, he and Eugene Hairston founded what would become
Black Stone Rangers while serving time at a youth detainment facility.

As the gang grew, so did their ambitions and it was not long before
they entered the drug game.

They would eventually feud with the East Side Disciples and
assimilate several smaller gangs into their fold to become the Black
P Stone Nation. The P stood for "prince" and invoked the stories of
their African forefathers that Fort would tell members.

Once Hairston was jailed, and Fort took control, the membership
thrived at nearly three thousand members and despite preaching about
fighting oppression and injustice, they too would be considered by
many as nothing but drug dealers and killers.

As with the previous episode, the most interesting moments involve
the Black Panther party.

In 1967, as they tried to gain a foothold in Chicago, Fort received a
federal grant to aid his community. The mayor was outraged because
the money went directly to Fort's organization and not through any
city channels. Details are sketchy, but Fort alledgedly misapporiated
the funds and was charged. Fort would retaliate by organizing thirty
thousand voters not to turn out for the election in 1968.

In light of Fort's success, the Black Panthers would try to recruit
Fort and steer him away from the drugs and turf wars continue to
mobilize the people for political power. Fort respected the offer and
considered it, but fake letters circulated by the government kept
them divided. Conspiracy theory? Perhaps, but J. Edgar Hoover has
been quoted as saying the greatest threat to the status quo of the
country was black people with political influence.

After the murder of a police officer, Fort was arrested and convicted
of his earlier charge of misappropriation of funds. He would spend
four years in jail and convert to Islam. His group would undergo
another name change, El Rukn, Arabic for "stone," like the other men
on spread across these two discs, he streamlined his organization and
attacked the drug game with a greater zeal. By 1983 he would plead
guilty to the transporting narcotics.

Like Larry Hoover, whom he would eventually share a penitentiary
with, he would run the remnants of his empire from jail by utilizing
a phone code and having female members work for the phone company.

Here is where his story diverges from the other men on this list.

After Muammar Al-Gaddafi's public donation to Louis Farrakhan, Fort
ordered three of his men to meet with Libyan forces and procure $2.5
million on the condition they would commit terrorist acts in America
on their behalf, which included bombing police stations and shooting
down a plane.

Federal authorities got wind of this and stopped them before it got
off the ground.

From petty gangster to domestic terrorist, Fort was eventually
sentenced to 80 years behind bars. Despite all this, every August
former members of the gang and sympathizers within the community
gather to celebrate the hope Fort's actions instilled in his community.

Rating 7.0. A bit more interesting than Lucas's story because of how
it started like every other gangster story and became a story of a
potential home grown terror cell.

.

Monday, June 23, 2008

La Honda's one and only restaurant

Jane and Tim Sullivan open La Honda's one and only restaurant

http://www.insidebayarea.com/ci_9669202

Eatery offers patio dining amid the redwoods; owners hope to succeed
in location where others have failed

By Julia Scott
San Mateo County Times
Article Created: 06/22/2008

LA HONDA ­ Jane Sullivan thinks she knows what it takes to thrive in
the restaurant business, even though it's all so new.

"You've got to put the hours in, keep the smile, and beer," she
instructs in her thick Yorkshire brogue.

It was a little too early in the day for beer, but Sullivan proved
she had already mastered the other two ingredients on Sunday morning
at her new restaurant, Sullivan's, smiling and talking to every
customer while she fixed breakfast for everyone on less than six hours' sleep.

Sullivan barely stopped moving on Sunday, a sunny day that capped the
end of the restaurant's opening week at its brand-new space in La Honda.

Plates heaped with Scottish eggs, Cornish pies, sausage, toast and
marmalade ­ a north England version of comfort food ­ moved past her
appraising eye to customers seated out on the sunny patio, while the
smell of tri-tip beef leaked out of a sizzling barbecue. A musician
plucked an acoustic guitar on the bandstand at the end of the sitting
area; the brunch crowd, although sparse, was generous with its applause.

The morning's relative calm was a huge relief for Sullivan and her
husband Tim, who were somewhat overwhelmed by the crowds that flooded
the restaurant on its opening weekend of June 14th ­ an event that
coincided with the annual La Honda Faire.

Still, the newly-minted restaurateurs were glad to see such a large
group of locals venturing into their space, La Honda's one and only
restaurant. In time, they hope to inspire a local following that will
tide them through the dark winter months ­ a time when the patio
won't attract tourists but the shepherd's pie will warm the stomachs
of loyal customers from La Honda and the surrounding rural communities.

"They're me bread and butter in the winter months," affirmed
Sullivan, who moved to La Honda with her husband ten years ago after
they were married. They met at a bar in Princeton-by-the-Sea back
when Tim Sullivan was a commercial fisherman and Jane a bartender. He
hired her to prepare meals for his six-person crew on long sea
voyages and fell in love with her at the same time as with her cooking.

The couple decided to purchase the space, which used to belong to a
restaurant known as the La Honda House Cafe, after watching it sit
vacant for two years. Some have remarked that the space ­ which sits
in a mini-mall near a veterinary hospital, a post office, and a
convenience store fronting on Highway 84 ­ is cursed, since no single
restaurant has occupied it for more than five years straight for
decades. Locals remember a time back in the late 1970s when the town
hosted three restaurants ­ a wealth of choices for a community of
1,500. When the La Honda House Cafe (known in a previous incarnation
as the Merry Pranksters) closed its doors, locals lost their only
gathering place.

"This is all we have. We need to keep a restaurant in this little
tiny town," said Marcy Steiner, a La Honda native who owned the Merry
Pranksters for a time before having to sell it for financial reasons.
Steiner has been talking up the restaurant to everyone she meets, and
she believes Sullivan's has all the ingredients of success.

"I think they have a good handle on what we want here. It's simple
Irish fare ­ and it's going to appeal to everyone in the area," she
said with conviction, before ordering some calamari and chips.

"Everybody says the place has never made any money but I think if
it's well run eventually it will," reasoned Tim Sullivan. "There's
not many places in San Mateo County where you can drive out into the
redwoods, sit out on a back patio on a nice day and listen to live music."

The Sullivans have made a point of hiring local kids ­ some as young
as 14 ­ to bus dishes and wait tables, and they derive most of their
meat, fish and vegetables fresh from San Mateo County. Even the art
on the walls ­ when it comes ­ will be created by local artists.

Sullivan's won't be open every day ­ just Fridays for dinner, and
Saturdays and Sundays for all three meals. When summer turns to
winter gloom, Jane Sullivan plans to import some of her favorite
childhood games and traditions from England for the local clientele.
They'll play La Honda history trivia games and gather 'round a piano
at Christmas; do some harmless gambling on Boxing Day and play darts
over pints of beer (preferably Guinness). She intends to introduce a
leg-wrestling game called cock-a-hoop on the grass outside.

"It's a lot of friends having a right good laugh," said Sullivan.
"They're all going to do good out of me, and I'm going to do good out of them."
--

Staff writer Julia Scott can be reached at 650-348-4340 or at
<mailto:julia.scott@bayareanewsgroup.com>julia.scott@bayareanewsgroup.com.
--

Sullivan's: Hours and location

8865 La Honda Rd. (Highway 84) La Honda, CA
(650) 747-9664

Friday 6 p.m. - 10 p.m.
Saturday 8 a.m. -10 p.m.
Sunday 8 a.m. - 9 p.m.

,

A Grandfather Looks Back on 40 Years of Happy Pot Smoking

A Grandfather Looks Back on 40 Years of Happy Pot Smoking

http://www.alternet.org/story/88210/

By George Rohrbacher, NORML
June 15, 2008.

A Father's Day message to young pot smokers: "My mind still finds
cannabis fun and enlightening after decades of inter-cranial adventures."
--

It was the fall of 1969, about six weeks after Woodstock, my senior
year at the University of Denver. I had just moved into an apartment
two blocks off campus. Tuesday, my first day in the new apartment,
I'd borrowed a frying pan from the next-door neighbor, a young woman,
tall and shapely with long honey-brown hair. She was the most
beautiful woman I'd ever seen. I'd stood out on her porch for several
minutes with the borrowed frying pan in hand, stunned.

The next day, on Wednesday evening, I looked up to see someone
knocking on my un-curtained living room window -- a short guy with
wild eyes and a goatee. There was a big, big smile on his face. He
held up a nice fat joint pinched between his thumb and forefinger.
With the other forefinger he pointed next door. My gorgeous new
next-door neighbor had sent him. She wanted to meet me! Did I go?
Hell yes!! No one need ask me twice after such inducements.

Minutes later, in her apartment, we fired up that doobie. We had an
unbelievably fun time together. Ann, my new neighbor, was not only
good looking, but she was smart, interesting, and friendly, too -- as
beautiful on the inside as she was on the outside. To my eyes, Ann
glowed like a homing beacon. I walked her to class on Thursday and
wrote her a poem. On Friday, we flew to Seattle to meet her parents.
A little over a week later, I asked her to marry me -- that was 38
years and many pounds of pot ago.

We were married in June of 1970, standing on a hill watching a
sailboat race in Puget Sound. Six years later, the first of our four
children was born and with him came the start of decades of parental
responsibilities. I found Fatherhood to be one of the very best
things to ever happen in my life, except perhaps for Grand
fatherhood. The marathon challenge of raising children was exactly
what Ann and I were on this earth to do. Our three sons and daughter
are now 25-to-33-years old. They are the recent graduates of Yale,
Lafayette, Colgate, and Cornell. Three of our four children also
competed in Division I athletics; and all have graduated from the
college they started at, and within four years, too. Two are married
and currently Ann and I have four grandchildren.

Regardless that our marriage was a product of the '60's -- flower
power and all that -- I turned out to be a strict and loving parent.
We farm and are in the cattle business. We live on a ranch three
miles from our next-door neighbors. When our kids were growing up
with no TV, or cable, or Internet to sop up time and attention -- we
were like families of an earlier era, we talked to each other
instead. Our children all learned to read long before they went off
to school -- because in our family, you read a book if you were bored
-- or went out to play, or invented a game. Zero time was spent
hanging out at the Mall. No school grade lower than a "B" was ever
acceptable at our house. And, of course, while living on a farm,
there were always plenty of chores to do. Mealtimes at our house were
always together. My wife, Ann, and I saw chief among our many jobs as
parents was the gradual hand-off, to our kids, of the reigns that
controlled their own lives -- and we tried to make that hand-off at
the very earliest time possible. We were here on this planet to be
their parents, not their friends; our job was to prepare them to fly
away. We pushed plenty of extra curricular activities: 4-H, sports,
etc. Burning off childhood's energy properly builds strong kids and
is the key to every parent's sanity. At least two sports each per
child was our prescription. If not sports then, theater or band. Our
simple policy with kids and drugs: NONE. No Beer, Booze, or Wine.
NONE. No prescription drugs, no Pot, no Pop -- and of course, no
Tobacco. The one thing that sets us off from most other parents was
we never allowed our kids Caffeine in any form, none. We've never let
soda pop into our home, though, we do keep tea and coffee to
re-supply visiting adult addicts. And, surprise -- our four kids, as
adults, aren't addicted to caffeine today. This was our parental drug
program: Leave all drugs alone. Be a kid when you are a kid, you are
going to have plenty of time to be an adult for the rest of your life.

Another word about the ubiquitous CAFFEINE, America's one and only
true "gateway drug"(if there is such a thing): Caffeine is now
available in caffeinated candy and so-called "energy drinks" that are
really nothing but sweetened "drug drinks." Espresso shops are on
every corner for a shot of "mini-meth". Children don't need any damn
caffeine, ever. And kids sure don't need the 12 teaspoons of sugar
and/or corn syrup per glass or the swirl of industrial chemicals that
pop is made from -- wake up America, this isn't food for young
growing bodies. Young brains and psyches have plenty of internal
challenges without "getting a buzz on" in the process. The maturation
of the human neurology is a slow and delicate process and
psychoactive drugs have no business there. Getting high, in any form,
should be treated just like driving a semi-truck or skydiving; it is
a potentially hazardous undertaking reserved ONLY FOR ADULTS.

The majority of the people I know who have had real problems with
alcohol and drugs got started young -- usually sneaking their folk's
booze or prescription drugs when they were 13 or 14 years old. Really
bad habits easily get started then, before the competing good habits
are firmly rooted. My wife and I were very frank and open with our
kids, from the very earliest ages, about the dangers of drugs --
about the heroin, cocaine, and alcohol induced nightmares of two of
Ann's youngest siblings, the DWIs that Grandpa got, or the Uncle that
had to be lead, in an alcoholic stupor, off to bed every night, or
the another Uncle arrested for drunk and disorderly who also got
picked up for a DWI and had to call cross-country from jail to
arrange for babysitting for his child that he'd left home alone.

As an example of the prophylactic effects of this straight-forward
approach had on our children, this metered but raw, unfiltered family
reality -- one of our sons, because of the alcoholic problems within
our large extended family, made a secret pledge to himself not to
drink alcohol until he was 21 -- a promise he kept, while his peers,
America's under-aged college kids, slurped up over 1/5th of our
nation's annual booze consumption. A toxically drunk roommate at Yale
pleaded to our son, "Please, don't let me dieplease, don't let me
die" That roomie lived, but several of our daughter's schoolmates
didn't, in an alcohol-related disaster at Colgate. My parental
observation after seeing our kids go through a total of 16 years of
undergraduate education is that ALCOHOL is by far the most dangerous
drug on American college campuses -- nothing else is even close. At
the same time, the evidence continues to show that the worst danger
of using pot is simply being arrested for it.

Ann and I both come from large families. Our combined siblings and
their spouses (first and second choices) total 29 people,
baby-boomers all. We all grew up in the '60's, and, as a group, more
than any other previous generation of Americans, we sampled from the
full menu of drugs and alcohol. Well, now 38 years later, which
substance has proved to be the most dangerous drug for this sample
group of 29 baby-boomers? BOOZE wins, hands down, as America's most
dangerous drug! What was our family's drug wreckage caused by alcohol
over the last four decades? Eight of my brother-in-laws and
sister-in-laws, nearly 1/3 of our group, have ended up with severe
alcohol problems requiring intervention of some type. No one in this
entire group of 29, my children's baby-boomer aunts and uncles, had
similar problems with marijuana.

As part of the larger effort to protect our kids while they were
growing up in a very rural area (and I do mean rural, until two years
ago there wasn't a single traffic light in our entire county), it was
best for all concerned that I be extremely quiet and stealthy about
my marijuana use -- it was for my children's safety, so the state or
local cops didn't rob them of a parent by arrest. Our kids are grown
and gone now. But today, my primary parental job of protecting my
children has changed. Now to best protect my grown children and
grandchildren; I must get loud and active and help to change
America's insane, destructive, and counter-productive marijuana laws
before one of my offspring or their friends gets caught in this legal
meat grinder.

My wife, Ann, during all her child-bearing and rearing years, for our
children's safety used no drugs whatsoever, I mean, rarely even an
aspirin -- while at the same time, I evolved, leaving alcohol behind
entirely, I evolved into a cannabis-only man.

As they were growing up, with all this frankness over the drug
problems of aunts and uncles, did my kids know their Dad was using
marijuana? Sure, you bet they did -- but it wasn't until they figured
it out on their own when they were older. I didn't use pot in front of them.

Every day I went out to check the cows or hiked into the woods to get
high -- very much like the millions of middle-aged suburban moms and
dads who will be out willfully walking their dogs tonight, walking
along, feeling their cannabis in private. But inside families there
are very few real secrets that can stay covered for long. So, no
matter how secretive I was being about my marijuana use, the kids
eventually knew it -- plus, come on, they'd seen pictures of their
Dad during the '60s in the family photo album, and they also could
probably could smell it occasionally on my breath. As for my own
views on the subject of marijuana -- I was silent about them,
completely unlike my openness in any other area of my life.

Here I was, an honest, ethical man, devoted to his wife and children,
a tax-paying involved citizen, law-abiding in every way, every way
except for one -- I absolutely refused to let the government tell me
I couldn't use cannabis. But as my kids grew up, I never defended
marijuana to them, I just stood quietly by and let the state
propaganda machine do its worst, and I trusted that my kids would be
able sort out the truth when they got older.

By 1980, the government started confiscating farms and homes all over
the country for the growing even small amounts of pot. I stopped
raising my own marijuana for the safety of our farm and my family.
I'd practically killed myself during very tough economic times during
the late '70s and early '80s holding on to our family farm of 1,100
acres. I wasn't about to let some over-zealous cop steal our farm
over a couple ounces of weed! I started buying my marijuana on the
black-market like everyone else and paying that black-market price.
For the last 30 years, I've been a farmer too cautious to grow his own.

I love the wonderful feeling of well being that the ingestion or
inhalation of cannabis vapors gives to me. The active ingredients,
the cannabinoids, lubricate my brain in some marvelous and non-toxic
way, releasing torrents of thoughts from which I get to dipnet the
most interesting. Getting high, sitting on a rock or tree stump out
in the woods, communing with the natural world, is a form of sublime
and holy meditation for me -- something I have done joyously and
reverently for nearly forty years now and something I hope to
continue doing for the next forty years. Humanity has been
cultivating marijuana for its psychoactive effects since the dawn of
agriculture. For many thousands of years the Hindus have used the
psychoactive properties of cannabis in seeking the spiritual side of
life on this earth. They believe cannabis to be a holy sacrament,
expressly given to humanity for our use -- a similar view can be
found in the Bible, on page one, Genesis: 1:29-31: God said, "Behold,
I have given you every herb bearing seed which is on the face of all
the earthTo you it will be meat"(cannabis seeds are 33% protein)and
God saw everything that he had made, and behold, it was very good."

But what about the Partnership for a Drug Free America, etc.? What a
sad sick joke these self-righteous, government-funded groups are in
our over-caffeinated, pill-popping, alcohol-addled society. America's
athletes and racehorses are on steroids, our society is saturated,
dripping with drugs of every description, prescription and otherwise,
with more coming on line every day (there are reportedly 400,000
prescription and over-the-counter 'drugs' available in America).
Every trip to the family doctor is expected to end with a
prescription written for some magic substance.

Well, in this environment, what should you tell your kids?

My universal drug safety rule of thumb: 1) avoid all drugs that are
toxic and have an easily achievable poisonous dose, 2) also avoid all
drugs that give you a hangover and/or withdrawal symptoms. (Cannabis,
of course, causes neither; it is truly nature's gift to humanity, the
safest of all psychoactive and therapeutic substances), and 3) Stick
to non-toxic natural psychoactive substances.

With our kids all grown up now, all gone from the nest, what about my
marijuana-aided walks from years ago? Do I still do them? You bet,
every chance I get -- at least 5-times a week. I learned something
during all those trips out to the woods to get high when the kids
were at home: Those walks are very good for my heart, very good for
my chronic back pain and bum leg, and very very good for my spirits.
Hiking up Badger Mountain to see the mists rising out of Swale Canyon
and to hear a red-tailed hawk calling out to meOr, to see the
Sunrise, or SunsetFor some reason, walking, and stretching just works
better for me on ganja. I enjoy it more. I appreciate it more. I do
it more often. Now, as a farmer pushing 60-years old, I still find
myself doing a lot of the very same physical labor I was doing when I
was 25-years old. Luckily for me, I live in Washington State; a
medical marijuana state after the voters (by a wide margin) trumped
our state's politicians by voter referendum in 1998.

As I see it, the prime ingredients of a long and happy life are
good-loving, exercise outdoors, whole grains, fruit, and vegetables,
beef and seafood, fresh air, pure spring water, and marijuana.

Our children have all now grown into fine young adults, what do I
have to say to them now about marijuana? What will I say to my
grandchildren, when they are old enough to have this conversation?

Here it is:

Father's Day 2008My Dear Ones,

Marijuana has been proven one of the safest therapeutically active
drugs known to mankind. I have used it with little or no harm for 40
years. My mind still finds cannabis fun and enlightening after
decades of inter-cranial adventures, and, as an adult, should you
choose to employ a drug for such purposes, marijuana is the only drug
I would recommend. For me, pot is fun and is very easy to walk away
from, if need be. Also, cannabis possesses healing properties I'd
ever dreamed or suspected possible. And as I continue to age, and I
require more healing from my sports and work-related injuries, trusty
cannabis helps me maintain my quality and love of life.

Much Love,
Dad (and now Grandpa)

15 years ago my daughter asked me for the truth, the whole truth on
this subject. I avoided giving her an answer then, and have been
ashamed of myself ever since. Here it is Sweetheart, better late than never.

Since Nixon was president, there have been 20 million Americans
arrested for marijuana, casualties of our government's war on weed.
It's time for America to wake up and fix this problem, it's time to
tax and regulate marijuana. Stop the pot war now!

--

Gerge Rohrbacher is a member of NORML's Board of Directors and a
former Washington state senator.

.

Bill Ayers ...

[2 articles]

You Need a Weatherman To Tell Which Way Obama Will Go

http://www.townhall.com/Columnists/MaryGrabar/2008/06/22/you_need_a_weatherman_to_tell_which_way_obama_will_go

By Mary Grabar
June 22, 2008

When I heard that a major part of Barack Obama's resume included a
stint as a "community organizer," I asked myself what the term meant.

It's sort of like "activist."

I had always wondered what the job description for "activist" was.
How do you apply? Where do you apply? It was unlike any of the jobs I
had had, whether it was pouring beers, serving fish fries, cleaning
toilets, pruning in snow-filled vineyards, or marking grammatical
errors on freshman essays. The people I had grown up with worked with
blow torches, trowels, and brooms, or stooped over sewing machines
all day. If you made it, you were a secretary or supervisor at Kodak.
If you were really ambitious you went to the community college or
state university and became a nurse or an engineer. You could ask
your cousin to put in a good word for you with the supervisor at
Kodak or General Motors, but whom would you ask to become an
"activist" or "community organizer"?

I imagine if someone like Barack Obama had come to Beach Street in
Rochester, New York, in the 1960s where my neighbors relaxed on their
lawn chairs on front porches and stoops after a hard day in the
factory, and said, "Hi, my name is Barry Obama, and I am a community
organizer," the unanimous response would have been, "A what?"

"A community organizer. I've come to organize you, your community."

This would have immediately raised suspicions.

While her husband went upstairs, Mrs. Tischenko would have said, "Our
grass don't need no cutting."

Mrs. Shulman would have said, "We don't need you'se guys to tell us
how to organize ourselves."

That certainly would have been the opinion of Antonio who owned the
one-man barbershop at the corner and Otto who had half the market for
the candy trade for Carthage School #8. "Are you telling me how to
run my business?" each of them would have asked. The Schmidts'
brindled mutt would have made his way off their porch across the
street. "Demon," as he was called, a sneaky cur around adult
strangers, especially those in suits, would have walked stiff-legged
across the street while Barry made his speech on social justice and
equitable distribution of goods, until he was interrupted by the
sting of canine fangs in his calf.

Barry would have been sent running, which would be a good thing for
him because right about that time Mr. Tischenko would be coming
downstairs with the rifle.

So the term "activist" was a foreign one for me. I only started
hearing it in graduate school in relation to what we as teachers of
freshman composition were expected to do: train our charges for
"social activism." They said that right there at the orientations and
in the books. We were to pass on the tradition of the tenured
professors who themselves had been "activists" in the day: burning
draft cards, carrying placards, trashing deans' offices, giving
inflammatory speeches, and sometimes throwing bombs. They would speak
proudly about how they brought about "social justice." They did this
by inspiring many who lived in "ghettoes" to make their own
neighborhoods and adjacent neighborhoods look like the wastes of
devastation the activists charged they were in their speeches. So
inspired, the masses set about to achieving social justice by
smashing windows, looting stores, and overturning police cars. Once
the buildings went from being plain or rickety to burned down, these
communities needed the help of "community organizers," which
apparently is the job of Harvard-trained lawyers.

Ghetto-child Barry Obama, facing the slings and arrows of racism that
all who have the color of his skin suffer in America rose from the
depths of poverty, neglect, and hunger through his brilliance and
sheer determination and got a law degree from Harvard.

Not.

We all know his story: private schools, a nurturing (white) mother
and (white) grandparents, solicitous professors. In addition to the
official government affirmative action programs and private school
minority scholarships, I can tell you from sixteen years in academia
that liberal professors and administrators practically genuflect in
front of any articulate black male, even today, more than two decades
after Obama's own academic career.

Barry Obama had many such academic mentors and one namely is Bill
Ayers, a white guy from a wealthy family who in his leisure time (of
which he had much, not having to mow lawns or deliver newspapers)
liked to throw bombs in order to bring about "social justice" as a
member of the Weather Underground.

Well, rich kids don't know much about munitions, so occasionally "bad
choices" are made in the design, building, and detonation of bombs,
like your girlfriend and buddies getting killed, which happened in
Ayers's case.

But such youthful indiscretions are no reason why the young scion
should not go on to become a professor of childhood education, as
Ayers in fact did.

Obama has acted like he has only a passing acquaintance with Ayers,
as someone living in the same neighborhood, even claiming in an
interview that he thought he was an "English professor." But it seems
that Obama may be hiding a lot of connections, like how Ayers and
similar like-minded revolutionists of the 1960s, helped get Barry
Obama a job as a "community organizer."

I guess you have to know the right people, and it's not the foreman
at the factory.

Steve Diamond, law professor at Santa Clara University , offers a
fascinating account of Obama's connections that the New York Times
has not seen fit to print and that National Public Radio has not
deemed worthy of one of their "in-depth" stories. The professor also
offers along the way little lessons about the various schools of
communism and which type Obama allies favor.

He concludes,

"It is highly unlikely that a 30-something second year lawyer [Obama]
would have been plucked from relative obscurity out of a left wing
law firm to head up something as visible and important in Chicago as
the Annenberg Challenge by Bill Ayers if Ayers had not already known
Obama very well," a "key move in [Obama's] early career."

While Obama claims to have simply happened to have served on the same
board, Diamond calls Ayers the "architect" of the Annenberg
Challenge, "a $50 million grant program to funnel money into reform
efforts at Chicago schools." Its purpose was "to defend the
controversial and troubled local schools council effort" from 1988;
the councils were made up by a majority of parents who would have
"the power to hire and fire principals." Diamond sees these types of
councils as "reminiscent of 'community' bodies set up in regimes like
those of Hugo Chavez and the Sandinistas." Who of course was active
in the councils but Bill Ayers then out from the underground and an
assistant professor of education at the University of Illinois . Such
a position suited Ayers's brand of maoist communism which favors the
strategy of the "long march" through our institutions, like schools
and curriculums. Ayers's view of education can be summarized in a
speech he gave in front of Hugo Chavez whom he said was creating
"something truly new and deeply humane." In front of the "humane"
Chavez, Ayers proclaimed his interest in "overcome[ing] the failings
of capitalist education" and making education the "motor force of revolution."

Diamond points out that "Obama chaired the Annenberg Challenge for
three years and served on its board for another three years, working
closely with Ayers on grants to Chicago schools," although "The
impact of the Annenberg Challenge on actual students in Chicago
schools is considered mixed at best." Bill Ayers, however, "deemed it
a success on political grounds." Through the detailed chronology
Diamond also points out the ties to other members of the Ayers family
as well as to Bill's wife, ex-felon and former leader of the Weather
Underground, Bernardine Dohrn.

Finally, Diamond refers to other radicals who are associated with
Obama's campaign: "Marilyn Katz, a public relations professional, who
was head of security for the SDS (Students for a Democratic Society)
during the disaster in the streets of Chicago in 1968. She is close
(politically) to Carl Davidson, a former vice president of SDS and
longtime Fidelista, who is webmaster for a group called Progressives
for Obama, that is headlined by other former 60s radicals like Tom
Hayden and maoist Bill Fletcher. Davidson and Katz were key
organizers of the 2002 anti-war demonstration where Obama made public
his opposition to the Iraq war that has been so critical to his
successful presidential campaign."

Great stuff. Read the intriguing tale about the alliance between an
indoctrinator of little children and a "community organizer" who
wants to become President.
http://globallabor.blogspot.com/2008/04/who-sent-obama.html

It's a rare treat these days to get a professor writing prose that is
enjoyable and educative. It used to be that way back in the 1950s
before the radical theorists took over the academy. It should be
quite convincing of what you already suspected about Obama, which as
one of my neighbors from Beach Street might have put it, "You don't
need a weatherman to tell you which way the wind blows over the smell
of a rat."

--------

Unapologetic Former Terrorist Teaches Teachers

http://www.rightsidenews.com/200806211239/editorial/unapologetic-former-terrorist-teaches-teachers.html

June 21, 2008
Eagle Forum

Unapologetic Former Terrorist Teaches Teachers; Is Vice President for
Curriculum

As a founding member of the Weather Underground, William Ayers bombed
the New York City police headquarters, the U.S. Capitol Building, and
the Pentagon in the early 1970s. Because of a procedural error in his
trial, he was never punished for his crimes. "Guilty as hell, free as
a bird ­ America is a great country," he later quipped.

Now, Ayers teaches teachers, as a tenured professor of education at
the University of Illinois, Chicago. His wife and former Weather
Underground associate, Bernadine Dohrn, teaches law at Northwestern
University. The couple's friendship with Democratic presidential
candidate Barack Obama has brought them under scrutiny in recent
months. Obama reminded critics that he was only eight years old at
the time of Ayers's and Dohrn's terrorist activities with the Weather
Underground. But as Ed Lasky pointed out in American Thinker, Obama
"elided the fact that they have no remorse for their actions and
Ayers publicly wished there had been more of them."

In a strange twist of fate, Ayers's memoirs appeared in the New York
Times on September 11, 2001. "I don't regret setting bombs," he
wrote. "I feel we didn't do enough."

Although he no longer sets bombs, Ayers's political views are as
radical now as they were in the 1970s. "Viva Presidente Chavez!" he
cried in a speech in Venezuela in 2006, in which he also declared,
"education is the motor-force of revolution." Ayers speaks openly of
his desire to use the classrooms of America's public schools to train
up a generation of revolutionaries who will overturn the supposedly
imperialist regime of capitalist America.

In a 2006 interview with Revolution, the magazine of the devotedly
"Marxist-Leninist-Maoist" Revolutionary Communist Party, Ayers
decried American conservatives as "the most reactionary cabal of
ideologues I've ever seen." According to Ayers, these ideologues
control "all three branches of the federal government, control many
state governments, control the media ­ the kind of bought priesthood
of the media that does nothing but bow down to them and kowtow to them."

Ayers accuses these ideologues of waging "a whole frontal attack on
the very idea of public education . . . an attack on the idea that
there should be free common public education for all." He attributes
to them the "zero tolerance" policies that have cropped up in schools
across the nation. According to Ayers, we owe these irrational
policies to conservatives who are relentlessly subverting democracy
and working to create an authoritarian society.

One might assume these notions would place Ayers on the outer fringe
of the political left and of the education school establishment.
Although he certainly is more radical than most of his peers, those
peers recently elected him to an important position in the American
Education Research Association (AERA), the largest organization of
education school professors and researchers. Ayers will serve as
vice-president for curriculum. This post increases his already
extensive influence; his books are already among the most widely used
in America's 1,500 schools of education.

Sol Stern of the Manhattan Institute has written several articles
exposing Ayers's radical ideas and plans for K-12 public education
(City Journal, Summer 2006 and 4-23-08). "With Bill Ayers now part of
[AERA]'s national leadership," predicts Stern, "you can be sure that
it will encourage even more funding and support for research on how
teachers can promote left-wing ideology in the nation's classrooms ­
and correspondingly less support for research on such mundane
subjects as the best methods for teaching underprivileged children to read."

Ayers has pioneered the expansion of "social justice education."
"Social justice" sounds like something everyone could agree on, but
almost always become a highly politicized exercise in teaching
children that our nation is oppressive and unjust, and that only
socialism can solve these problems.

In Ayers's own classes, students seem to learn more about how
resources should be redistributed than about "urban education" or
"improving learning environments" (two of Ayers's course titles).
"The readings that Ayers assigns are as intellectually stimulating
and diverse as a political commissar's indoctrination session in one
of his favorite communist tyrannies," writes Stern.

It is relatively rare for a professor of education to openly favor
instruction that transforms students' political views rather than
informing students on subjects such as history, science, or math.
Ayers, however, seems to strongly prefer the former to the latter.

.

From 1968 to eternity [Todd Gitlin]

From 1968 to eternity

http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/opinion/la-oe-gitlin17-2008jun17,0,793520.story

From the U.S., to Mexico, to Europe, revolutionaries and reformers
forged our world.

By Todd Gitlin
June 17, 2008

Rare are the times when the world seems to rise up in unison,
energized, electrified, in outrage and solidarity, as millions of
people put aside their everyday routines to obstruct business as
usual, to yell and argue about a new way of life, to break rules, to
conjure new ones -- to barge into history.

Only three modern periods saw such a spirit of revolt roll through
much of the immense and variegated world. Between 1776 and 1789, the
United States and France rose up against superpower monarchies and
their "long trains of abuses," tore down existing states and
established republics of very different sorts, but united on the
principle that the representatives of the people deserved to rule. In
1848, Europe was swept with upheaval as liberal nationalists and
democrats rebelled against the Habsburg, French, Prussian and other
autocracies, and the movement spread as far as Brazil.

And then 1968, when, in the United States, France, Germany, Italy,
Czechoslovakia, Poland, Mexico, the young denounced the institutions
of their elders, declared that some sort of a different world would
be vastly better, tried to jam the old ways and press a huge restart button.

Start with the patterns. The singular noun "it" has its uses: It was
freedom's revolt against a fossilized culture that stifled the young,
the female, the gay, the rambunctious or the just plain different. It
was an uneasy amalgam of radicals who wanted a more intense,
communal, argumentative way of life and reformers who wanted a more
equitable, even meritocratic, order. It tended to relish sex, drugs
and rock 'n' roll. It cherished the virtue of youth against the
fossilized ideologies of the parental generation -- not least its
obsolete attachments to war and the heavy-handed state. And in the
end, its affirmations of a freer way of life prevailed, for the most
part, even as its explicitly political demands were mainly rebuffed.

Danny Cohn-Bendit -- "Danny the Red," once the young German leader of
the French revolt in May 1968 (in those days, a German Jewish student
could lead a French revolt) and now a member of the European
Parliament -- recently pointed out that before the cultural watershed
of 1968, a man such as Nicolas Sarkozy, with a Hungarian immigrant
for a father and a Greek Jewish rabbi for a great-great-grandfather,
with two marriages (and a subsequent third), could scarcely have been
elected president of France. As a conservative! In a race against a woman!

It seemed to many observers 40 years ago that the rebels everywhere
were virtually fused in their ideals -- and, according to naysayers,
in their excess. It was as if some unheard-of conspiracy were at work. As if.

And yet, the upheavals were linked. The world was thick with
reciprocal influences. Television was a bully amplification system;
so was the rebels' own underground press: inspiring rebels here with
images of rebellion there. But the closer you look, the more the
apparently unified picture dissolves. The animating spirit played
very differently depending on the local landscape and what it was up against.

The American movement marched against the war in Vietnam; "black
liberation" reached a boil. The German movement demonstrated against
elders who refused to come to grips with their Nazi past; the Czechs
against the Soviet overthrow of reform communists; Polish students in
behalf of freedom of speech, whereupon an anti-Semitic communist
ruling class cracked down. In France, radical students hurled
themselves against a stodgy Gaullist state and old-fashioned
education; in Italy too the rebels demanded government and university
reforms (and sometimes a Maoist revolution); in both nations,
students were joined by workers striking not only against a
conservative establishment but a stodgy Communist Party. In Mexico,
the movement's target was an encrusted one-party state.

Such moments of liberation, madness and recoil have to be rare,
because human beings are not infinitely adaptable, even for freedom's
sake or the sake of justice, and the collective nervous system can
only take so much. If upheaval took place everywhere for weeks and
months on end, the everyday world would grind to a halt.

As we've seen during the 2008 presidential campaign, it takes
generations to work through cultural changes -- from a pre-'68 world
where, in supposedly modern post-Enlightenment nations, interracial
marriage and homosexuality were illegal, and women could not open
bank accounts without their husbands' permission, to a world in which
the mayors of Paris, Berlin and Portland, Ore., are publicly gay, and
an African American narrowly defeats a woman for the Democratic
nomination for president of the United States.

For grizzled veterans, international conferences abound on the
"legacies" of 1968. So do nostalgia, wonderment, incomprehension and
all sorts of criticism of those times, much of it warranted, much of
it beside the point. Some celebrants still brandish abstracted
slogans not so different from the ones they shouted at the time. Some
embittered conservatives still smolder with unrelieved resentment,
though even they mainly do not dare propose to repeal the human
rights that were secured amid the 1960s upheavals.

"Forget '68, because we live in a different world," said Danny
Cohn-Bendit recently. His point was not that we have passed the
millennium. His point was that a prime reason why we live in a
different world is that '68 happened.

The changes, on balance, were more good than bad. The history, and
the wounds, are still raw because the conflicts that exploded in 1968
and the years immediately preceding and following went to the core of
modern identity. Ideas about how to live in the world collided --
sometimes in the same hearts and minds -- and sometimes they mixed
together, and the terms changed, but the forces unleashed four
decades ago are still rumbling down through the decades.
--

Todd Gitlin, professor of journalism and sociology at Columbia
University, is the author of several books on recent American
history, including "The Sixties" and "The Bulldozer and the Big Tent."

.

Feds to Rainbows: Move gathering

[6 articles]

Sublette official blasts feds

http://www.trib.com/articles/2008/06/22/news/wyoming/29d10cdf99ab76748725746f0070e90c.txt

By CHRIS MERRILL
Star-Tribune environment reporter
Sunday, June 22, 2008

PINEDALE -- A high-ranking federal official has dropped the ball in
his dealings with the Rainbow Family by not requiring accountability
from the group -- and by leaving local authorities out of the loop
until it was too late, a Sublette County official says.

U.S. Department of Agriculture Undersecretary Mark Rey's decision to
allow the "Rainbow Gathering of Living Light" to assemble near Big
Sandy without a permit, and without any substitute for planning and
approval, has undercut the regional response to the event, said Joel
Bousman, Sublette County commissioner. And it has "demoralized" local
law enforcement.

Bousman said he is angry, both as a commissioner and as citizen.

"About six months ago, (Rey), for some reason, took it on himself to
negotiate directly with the Rainbow group, but decided they did not
need a permit or to do any planning with the Forest Service," Bousman
said. "For some reason, Mr. Rey chose to circumvent the whole
government process."

Rey's decision, which Rey said Thursday was an "experiment" to try to
better protect the natural and cultural resources on public lands,
has undercut the ability of the regional Forest Service, the BLM and
local law enforcement agencies to organize for the safety of the
Rainbows and area residents, Bousman said.

"It's not right," he said. "He left local people out of loop in the
planning process, which puts us in a defenseless position to try and
plan for what's going on at the last minute, with no notice, no
planning and no permit."

--------

Feds to Rainbows: Move gathering

http://www.casperstartribune.net/articles/2008/06/21/news/wyoming/f1657ed41234b0778725746e00108f9f.txt

By CHRIS MERRILL
Star-Tribune staff writer
Friday, June 20, 2008

PINEDALE -- There may be a new era of cooperation dawning between the
Rainbow Family and the U.S. Forest Service, but it's getting off to a
rocky start.

More than 20 "influential" participants of "The Rainbow Family of the
Living Light" met with dozens of area residents and several U.S.
Forest Service representatives at the Sublette County Library here
Thursday evening. It was an attempt to reach a new level of
collaboration, and to address some of the more pressing issues for
local communities and federal law enforcement.

The meeting was occasionally contentious, yet civil, and it will most
likely change nothing about the designated location for this year's
national Rainbow gathering in the Bridger-Teton National Forest July 1-7.

Mark Rey, the federal undersecretary who oversees the U.S. Forest
Service, came 3,000 miles to this little town not to play games, he
said, but to urge the Rainbow Family to move its gathering to one of
four sites in the Bridger Wilderness his agency had previously
identified as better suited to withstanding the impact of 15,000 to
20,000 simultaneous campers.

He told the Rainbow participants if they stay in the spot they've
chosen near Big Sandy, it's going to conflict with a Boy Scout
project scheduled for the same general area after the Rainbow
gathering, and set to begin before the Rainbows are finished cleaning
up their site.

"A gathering of this size has a very large footprint," Rey said. "The
imprint of 15,000 people is going to be significant."

The Forest Service's request, Rey said, is for the Rainbows to
consider leaving Big Sandy. He said he went into his meeting with
representatives with the Boy Scouts of America with the assumption
that some sort of compromise could be reached, but he's come to
understand otherwise.

"I came 3,000 miles to tell you that this is not a reconcilable
difference," Rey said. "We made a commitment to produce a particular
kind of experience for the Scouts, that we cannot if you hold this
gathering there."

He told the Rainbows that he understands they have the numbers to
"occupy" the site if they desire, and in that sense they will "win."

"But if you win, the Scouts lose," Rey said.

The Scouts are in the midst of a five-year, multimillion-dollar
project to improve portions of the wilderness, Rey said.

Several Rainbow Family participants argued that they weren't given
sufficient notice about the so-called conflict with the Boy Scouts,
and moving the gathering from Big Sandy is all but impossible at this point.

A Rainbow participant who goes by the name Dia said participants have
already laid four miles of water pipes and assembled and dug in over
a dozen kitchens.

Another participant, Gnosis, said, "I don't see people leaving even
if they wanted to. There are 500 to 1,500 there already."

The problems of moving, cleaning up and setting up all over again at
another site would be too difficult to overcome at this point, he said.

If they were given more notice, it might have been possible, he said,
but everybody out there is of their own minds, and there's no way
they could be convinced to leave now.

Rainbow Family members have assembled on public lands every year,
somewhere in the United States, since 1972, and the events
occasionally draw up to 25,000 participants. The gatherings generally
have been held without formal approval of the Forest Service.

The assembly is intended to be a celebration of peaceful living and
love for the planet earth, and there is no formal leadership structure.

-------

Managing Rainbows

http://www.trib.com/articles/2008/06/22/news/wyoming/20d432285d8608a68725747000006b71.txt

By CHRIS MERRILL
Star-Tribune environment reporter
Sunday, June 22, 2008

RIVERTON -- They come from every region of the United States. They
drive or fly in -- just as they have to this central Wyoming city --
about 40 of them toting dogs, guns, cuffs and federal badges.

Their job from now to the first half of July will be to follow and
police a massive group of counterculture campers who advocate peace
and love for the planet earth, and who assemble annually on federal
lands -- somewhere.

Just like the officers, the campers also come from all over America.

This year, as it has done for the past 11 years, the federal
government has assembled a highly specialized force under the generic
title, "Incident Management Team," to patrol the Rainbow Family of
Living Light.

The Rainbow Family has assembled on public lands every year,
somewhere in the United States, since 1972, and the events
occasionally draw up to 25,000 participants. The family has no
official leadership structure, and all decisions regarding the
gathering and its location are always made spontaneously by a
consensus of influential participants.

While those participants claim a constitutional right to assemble for
"peaceable" purposes on federal lands with or without a permit,
officials with the U.S. Forest Service cite a legal obligation to
protect the natural and cultural resources under their care.

Up until this year, the team has generally approached the
get-together as a technically illegal event. This year, however, as
the Rainbows start to gather near Big Sandy in the Wind River
Mountains, the federal government is trying what USDA Undersecretary
Mark Rey described as an "experiment."

The Forest Service is attempting to work collaboratively with the
Rainbow Family, under an operating plan, in recognition of the
agency's inability to stop the event -- but also in an attempt to
better protect the forest from the impact of tens of thousands of
people, their vehicles, movements and waste.

The gathering will be in full swing in the Bridger-Teton National
Forest July 1-7, although possibly more than 1,000 participants have
already arrived and begun setting up camps, rest room facilities and
water delivery systems.

Incident Commander Gene Smithson, a senior special agent with the
Forest Service, has worked on the federal management team for Rainbow
gatherings for the past four years. A good portion of his year-round
job since he took over command has been to track Rainbow
get-togethers, advise and consult with local authorities for smaller,
regional gatherings that take place sporadically, and coordinate
efforts to minimize the impacts of the assemblies whenever and
wherever they happen, he said.

The Rainbow Family is a loosely affiliated jamboree of craft-trading,
music-playing, dancing, juggling, often pot-smoking and sometimes
semi-clad folks, many of whom reject some of the federal and state
laws the officers are sworn to uphold.

Especially those laws that criminalize the possession and illicit use
of controlled substances.

"There's a lot of drug use," Smithson said. "Marijuana, LSD,
methamphetamines, mushrooms, cocaine, prescription pain meds. Just
about everything."

Because of the sheer size of the gathering, and because the Family
has no real membership structure, the gatherings inevitably draw not
only those who subscribe to the basic tenets of the Rainbow
philosophy -- which are centered on peace and a gentle existence --
but also draw known criminals, as well as violent and troubled individuals.

During last year's Arkansas gathering, officers arrested about 100
participants for a wide variety of offenses, including disorderly
conduct and crimes related to alcohol abuse, Smithson said.

Federal authorities also often must respond to outbreaks of
communicable diseases and maladies, such as tuberculosis, scabies and
even dangerous bacterial infections, Smithson said.

The Rainbows operate their own medical treatment center at the camp
site, he said, but they can't handle all types of medical ailments
and emergencies.

At a recent Rainbow gathering, there was an outbreak of potentially
deadly meningitis, Smithson said. Local health authorities had to
scramble to treat dozens of participants.

The Forest Service is attempting to work as collaboratively as
possible with the Rainbow Family, Smithson said, in order to better
protect not only the forest but the people in and around the event.
--

Environment reporter Chris Merrill can be reached at
chris.merrill@trib.com or at (307) 267-6722.

--------

'A bad apple'

http://www.jacksonholestartrib.com/articles/2008/06/22/news/wyoming/9122439b2363862d8725747000009204.txt

By CHRIS MERRILL
Star-Tribune environment reporter
6/22/08

PINEDALE -- Members of the Rainbow Family of Living Light have only
begun to assemble near Big Sandy, but a local woman says she and her
family have already been threatened by a participant in the get-together.

Bonnie Whitley, a Boulder-area resident and a grandmother, expressed
dismay and anger at a meeting here last week. The meeting drew about
80 people including area residents, U.S. Forest Service
representatives and more than 20 Rainbow participants.

Whitley said she, her husband, children and grandchildren had been
threatened by a camper at the gathering on their way to a picnic
Thursday afternoon as they were riding their ATVs on a Forest Service
road about five miles north of Dutch Joe, where the Rainbow gathering
is taking place.

"We were going to have a picnic with the little kids," Whitley said
in an interview during the meeting. "This fella came running out of
the trees and said, 'I want you to know we're having a Rainbow
gathering up ahead, and you need to turn around.' He kept asking my
husband, 'Are you looking for trouble? You're going to have trouble
if you try to go down there. Are you looking for trouble?"'

She said the man was behaving aggressively, and she and her family
turned around and left to protect her two grandchildren, Joe and Jonathan.

"I never felt so threatened in my life," Whitley said.

When she spoke during the meeting, all of the Rainbow gathering
participants present expressed their sympathies for Whitley and said
they would help her identify and report the man, if she desired.

The gathering participants said the threatening man's behavior runs
contrary to all of the central tenets of the Rainbow philosophy,
which include making peace, living cooperatively and loving fellow
human beings.

"We don't want threatening people here," one Rainbow participant
said. "Our children are here, too."

Another Rainbow participant, who identified herself only as Dia,
said, "We know that everywhere we go, sometimes the wrong people follow."

Rainbow Family member "Owl" Kopelman asked that Whitley not judge the
rest of the Rainbows by the behavior of one "bad apple."

"That bad apple that you speak of -- that's why I don't want you
here," Whitley said.
--

Environment reporter Chris Merrill can be reached at
chris.merrill@trib.com or at (307) 267-6722.

--------

Rainbows may have conflict with scouts

http://www.pinedaleroundup.com/V2_news_articles.php?heading=0&page=&story_id=692

Posted: Wednesday, Jun 18th, 2008
BY: Jennie Oemig

The Boy Scouts of America (BSA), with plans to have members in the
Big Sandy area for a national public service project, could pose a
problem for members of the Rainbow Family of Living Light, who were
looking at the same site as the location for this year's annual
Rainbow Gathering.

"We're hopeful that we can work something out that's mutually
acceptable to the Rainbows and to the Forest Service," said Mark Rey,
U.S. Under Secretary of Natural Resources and Environment, during a
conference call with members of the Rainbow family on Monday.

After unfavorable weather conditions brought about rumors of a
cancelled Spring Council for the Rainbows, it was reported last week
that those who attended the event had quickly chosen a location near
Dutch Joe Guard Station on the Big Sandy River as the site of the
this year's annual Rainbow Gathering.

"Right now we don't have a confirmed spot," said Rita Vollmer, the
information officer of the forest service Incident Command Team that
has been assigned to the gathering. "We're just waiting to see how it
all comes together … we're not talking about it definitely being Big Sandy."

Rey said that the reason for the conference call was to talk with the
Rainbows and explain why the Big Sandy location is not an option for
the gathering.

"The Big Sandy site presents us with a very difficult dilemma … in
that there is a reason that it was not one of the sites that the
Forest Service offered to the Rainbows."

During the call, Rey informed those listening that the scouts had
laid claim on that particular site before the Rainbows showed
interest in holding the gathering there.

"In 2003 the Boy Scouts approached us in advance of the Forest
Service Centennial, which took place in 2005 and the Boy Scouts of
America Centennial, which takes place in 2010, and indicated that
they would like to do a national public service project through their
Order of the Arrow organization on several national forests during
the summer of 2008," he said. " … We agreed with them that we would
sponsor them on five separate national forests for public service
projects that the scouts would perform for us."

After the agreement was reached, Rey said that a contest was
announced through the Forest Service and BSA to solicit nominees for
those five locations – one of those five being the Bridger-Teton
National Forest (BTNF).

"In addition to the Mark Twain National Forest in New Jersey, the
Shasta-Trinity National Forest in California, the Manti-La Sal
National Forest in Utah and the George Washington and Thomas
Jefferson National Forest in Virginia, the Bridger-Teton National
Forest was one of the five selected," Rey noted. " … On each of these
forests, there will be a weeklong work period where 1,000 scouts will
do work to help improve national forest recreation resources or habitats."

On the BTNF, Rey said the scouts will arrive on or about July 26,
possibly earlier, to build and improve several miles of the
Continental Divide trail.

"It's not something that would be possible to move from the site
that's been selected," Rey acknowledged, adding that planning for the
BSA project began in 2004 and materials for the project had already
been purchased.

While the gathering is scheduled to take place July 1-7 with cleanup
to follow, Rey said he was unsure of the feasibility of having the
Rainbows off the land before the scouts arrived.

"You all and they selected the same identical site," he said. " …
[It's] a problem of time and place. You all would like to occupy the
same place that they had previously gotten permission a couple years
ago to occupy. And it appears to me it would be hard to figure out
how we can accommodate both."

In addition to not having the land occupied by two parties
simultaneously, Rey said it was pertinent that there be a winter
season and spring between to allow the grass to grow back so that it
wouldn't look like it had been occupied.

"We would not normally allow two groups of your and their size to
occupy the same site in a single season because, you know, they're
going to have some impact as well," he said of the scouts. " …
Nevertheless, the double impact of the two sites are gonna be
probably more than ecologically we'd like to see happen."

Being as such, Rey informed those on the conference call that the
district ranger had four alternative sites the Rainbows could look at
as possible locations for the gathering.

But U.S. Forest Service official Tom Florich, who has been out to the
Big Sandy site, said the overall consensus of the Rainbows on the
land was to stay put.

"They were rather opposed to the thought of moving and would hope
that somehow we would mitigate some of those concerns and they remain
there," Florich said.

Though the exact location of this year's gathering has not been
determined yet, Vollmer said members of the Rainbow family have begun
to arrive at the Big Sandy Campground.

"They're starting to trickle in," she said. " … The approximation was
around 500 [as of Monday morning]. There could be more by now."

Though the Forest Service is now in a flux waiting for the site to be
determined, BTNF public affairs representative Mary Cernicek said the
Incident Command Team is coming together to prepare for the arrival
of the Rainbows.

"I know they will be having a few training events," she said, adding
that the team is currently in Riverton.

Vollmer said the training has begun with staging and organizing for
the event, which will take place in two weeks.

"Right now, we're just getting set up and getting everyone on the
same page," she said, adding that most of the people on the team come
from all over the country. "We're briefing them on what this is about."

In addition to preparing the team for the gathering, Vollmer said
they are also forming a set of rules that will be enforced on the
gathering site.

"We're putting together an operating plan that the Rainbows will have
to follow," she said.

Once the operating plan is put together and the team is set, Vollmer
said the group will enforce those laws.

"It's like law enforcement of public land," she said, adding that the
team will be in charge of controlling issues such as drug use and
other illegal activity. "We need officers to enforce that."

The town meeting arranged by the Rainbows will be held tonight at 6
p.m. at the Sublette County Library in Pinedale.

--------

Opposes Rainbows

http://www.pinedaleroundup.com/V2_news_articles.php?heading=0&page=&story_id=699

Posted: Wednesday, Jun 18th, 2008
BY: James B. Mariner

Fellow residents of Pinedale!

Lend me your wisdom. I am Brad Mariner, lifelong resident of
Pinedale, Wyoming. I was born in Jackson Hole but spent my life on
the Clark Ranch. (The newer paved road that crosses Duck Creek that
accesses Pinedale Lumber crosses the old ranch.) I am writing today
to shed TRUE LIGHT on the issue of the "Rainbow Family Gathering"
that is poised to take place in our region. There is a lot of talk of
"peace" and "love" coming from them and those of like mind and yet I
am bewildered that the "HELLS ANGELS" are rumored to be their
security! Is this not an obvious oxymoron!?

I was here when they came 14 years ago and saw the misery this town
absorbed because of them. Pinedale certainly had its issues before
they came, but "hard narcotic" use was not nearly as prevalent then
as it was when they departed. I knew several of the youth in our town
who, because of the opportunity provided by this group, are still
horribly messed up today and are hardly contributing to society.

As Mary Lankford stated, "we have been here before" and I would hope
we learned the hard lesson it landed on us. That lesson: WE HAVE AN
OBLIGATION TO OUR CHILDREN, OUR COMMUNITY, AND OURSELVES TO DO WHAT
IS GOOD AND RIGHT AND JUST. In short, expose this group for what it
is, what it does, and what its lifestyle ultimately leaves behind.

We cannot sit on our hands for this "Gathering." What took place in
1994 was nothing short of X-rated and therefore, we as parents,
adults, concerned people should stop all youth under the age of 18
from entering its "location." Now before you start blathering to me
about RIGHTS let's be sure about restrictions already in place on
those under 18. (A 17 year old is not supposed to be allowed into an
R rated movie). At the age of 18 you are "allowed" to view
pornographic material (though I highly question the "benefit" of any
of this material), but you are not allowed by law to use drugs, drink
alcohol, chew tobacco, smoke...am I missing anything here? And yet
certain individuals in this community and abroad will
allow/encourage, AGAINST THE LAWS OF THIS LAND, this group to gather,
USE illegal drugs, have open orgies, violate PUBLIC decency
requirements, and allow for contributing to the delinquency of a
minor(s). Do these people have the "right" to gather...yes. Do they
have the "right" to use forest land...yes. But they also have the
right to imprisonment for destroying lives, for lewd conduct, for
using/giving/selling drugs, and for stealing. In other words they are
just as liable for their behavior as you and I are liable. IF YOU
BREAK THE LAW THERE COULD AND SHOULD BE CONSEQUENCES!!!

My encouragement and challenge to our local security officials,
government officials, and towns people is this, "Do not fear this
group, arrest violators, get as involved as you can to be PRO-active
in sustaining this community." If the concern for "where to place all
the violators" is an issue it isn't any longer. If this town wants to
build a fenced "yard" with constantino wire on my 8 acres you have my
permission to do so. I will provide the "imprisoned" with food and
water while they await trial or post bail. Enough said.

People of Pinedale pull your head out of the clouds, engage your
spine and let's not have a repeat of 14 years ago that sadly is still
with us today.

I think Karin Zirk said it best last week, "I'm going to go to the
gathering and build biodegradable composting shitters..." (I know
this is out of her context) but in my opinion that is all that will
be built from this group coming to our area. These people like a
"shitter" only consume, digest and leave a foul odor when they leave.

Obviously opposed to the "Gathering,"

James B. Mariner,
Pinedale

.

What's in a name? [Red Dog Saloon]

What's in a name?

http://www.nevadaappeal.com/article/20080622/NEWS/290774704/1060/SPORTS%26parentprofile=-1

Karen Woodmansee
Appeal Staff Writer
June 22, 2008

A bar by any other name will get you drunk just the same.

An establishment that has occupied 76 North C Street in Virginia City
for almost 150 years has had three names through most of its history
- The Comstock House Hotel, Kitty's Longbranch, and the Red Dog Saloon.

Except for a brief period when the large, three-story brick building
housed two gift stores and a pizza joint, it has been one of those
three businesses; a hotel/bar/restaurant, then later just a bar/restaurant.

Now, after being closed for three and a half years, with sprinklers
installed and much restoration done, a business with a familiar name
is operating again.

Kitty's Longbranch opened Friday with a new tin-type ceiling, new
owners and a new mascot - a large wooden camel.

"This building can't figure out what it wants to be," said Gary
Jackson, who with his wife, Diane, is opening the bar with Linda Del Carlo.

The Jacksons and Del Carlo have been the promoters for the Virginia
City Camel Races the last few years, say Kitty's Longbranch will be
Camel Race Central, with camel race trophies already displayed.

The Jacksons own the Nevada Camel Company and provide the camels for
the races, along with other events in the region. Del Carlo helped
them with some of their other events and got them involved in the bar.

The first day showed the camel to be the main attraction as tourists
hurried to take their photos in front of it.

Jackson said the bar had its first customer about 10:30 a.m. Friday.

"We sold them a couple of beers and a water," he said. "Then more
wanted to use our brand-new restrooms, and they ended up staying."

Even more people kept coming in to see the camel and take photos.

"I tell them it's my favorite camel because I don't have to feed it
or clean up after it," Jackson said.

Kitty's Longbranch is just a bar now, but it will be a restaurant
that will offer pizza, hot wings and sandwiches as soon as they can
get the renovation work completed.

Though the name, taken from the old Western series, "Gunsmoke,"
brings visions of cowboys and gamblers, Gary Jackson said it's not
just going to be all cowboy and camels.

Virginia City's reputation in the 1860s-70s as the richest place on
earth was behind the decor of the Comstock House, according to Lucius
Beebe, editor of the Territorial Enterprise in the 1950, who
described it as "an amazement of marquetry, ormolu and other
VIctorian splendors."

Del Carlo said a story from the Comstock House era tells of a little
girl that was killed back of the building on B Street, after being
run over by a carriage in the late 1800s, and her ghost still haunts
the building.

Around 1960, when "Gunsmoke" was the most-watched show on the small
screen, the Comstock House ended its hotel operations and became
Kitty's Longbranch, which it remained until 1965, when a group of
hippies from San Francisco turned it into their haven, the Red Dog Saloon.

Mark Unobsky bought the Comstock House building and the Red Dog was born.

The experience of the Red Dog, chronicled in Don and Mary Works' film
"Life and Times of the Red Dog Saloon," was the actual beginning of
the San Francisco music scene, with Big Brother and the Holding
Company, Quicksilver Messenger Service and the Charlatans among the
many bands that performed there before becoming famous.

Chandler Laughlin, of Silver City, was one of the Red Dog denizens,
who described his time there as a group of hippies who dressed up in
period costume and acted out roles.

"We had six women in period costume and the theory of the Red Dog
was, when your feet hit the floor in the morning, you were in a B
Western movie. And the Red Dog was the saloon at the end of the
street where the outlaws hung out, waiting to rustle the cattle of a
starving widow lady.

A few dozen people from San Francisco moved to Virginia City and
helped open the Red Dog on July 29, 1965, with the Charlatans as the
house band.

One of the many stories about the Red Dog Saloon of the mid 1960s was
when Sheriff Bob Del Carlo came in and, honoring a Western tradition
that said men should check their firearms at the bar, he handed the
bartender his gun and said, "Check my gun?"

Don Works allegedly took the gun, spun the chamber and fired two
shots into the floor. "Work's fine, sheriff," he said as he handed it back.

Del Carlo could not be reached to verify that story, but it is one of
many that swirl around the Red Dog Saloon of the hippie era.

Apparently the hippies were better actors than business owners,
because the Red Dog only lasted three years before it once again
became Kitty's Longbranch, which it remained until the mid 1990s,
when Richard and Mary Harris reopened it as the Red Dog.

Locals entertainer Bobby Kittle worked Kitty's Longbranch from 1985
to 1990, seven days a week, in the afternoons and then for awhile in
the evenings.

"For the most part, it was a hard place to get the tourists to come
in the door," he said. "That end of town is that end of town and for
some reason they didn't come in."

He said that Kitty's in those days had good food, ribs and steaks,
with bands on weekends and his show during the week.

"Back then Ray Loper had Solid Muldoon's, which was a local hangout,
and (Rick) Hoover had the Union Brewery and they had the trifecta
where the locals hang out at that end of town," he said.

Once the Harrises took over, they turned it back into the Red Dog and
ran a pizza parlor on one side, bar on the other. It was the place to
be for live music, with Harry Callahan's Monday Night Acoustic Jam,
bringing musicians Danny Greco, Mississippi Mitch, Kittle and more
joining in. Sometimes tourists would get up and sing, and party with
the locals.

The Harrises closed the bar in 2003 and moved away, and Robert
Villegos was one of three partners to open it again. He put in a
great deal of work, renovating the kitchen, building a large stage
and adding slot machines, but it didn't last. The hippie movement was
over, at least in Virginia City.

Now it's Kitty's Longbranch again, which ironically it was when
Jackson first went there in 1987, where he said he met his third wife.

Why did he take his shot at running the bar now? "Lack of
intelligence, same as the camels," he joked.

Though the bar is open now, Jackson is looking to have his grand
opening on July 4. "Give people a reason to stay after the
fireworks," he said.

He said he and Del Carlo had a lot of plans, but will start with the
bar, then go into a restaurant that will offer pizzas, sandwiches,
hot wings and comparable fare.

"We'll try to do a special Bloody Mary, where we'll have different
kinds of hot sauce and people can build their own Bloody Mary," he said.

One thing it won't have is slot machines.

"When we open the restaurant, we want this to be a family friendly
building, and I don't think slots adds to that," he said, adding that
he hoped to have the kitchen open by Camel Races, the second week of
September. By then, he said, the courtyard will be available for
smokers and bands will have dedicated the stage in the corner. They
plan to have live music on weekends, and Jackson thinks it will be a
combination of rock 'n' roll and country.

Though it won't be the Red Dog, Jackson said he would like to honor
that part of the building's history by putting together a pamphlet
telling the Red Dog story, as well as information about the Comstock
House and previous versions of Kitty's Longbranch.

But for now folks can stop by, have a drink, listen to the music and
take their picture with the camel, and the bar will grow with its customers.

"We don't know what will work for us, so we'll try it all," he said.
--

Contact reporter Karen Woodmansee at kwoodmansee@nevadaappeal.com or
call 881-7351.

.

UP in the Sixties [Philippines]

UP in the Sixties

http://www.manilatimes.net/national/2008/june/21/yehey/opinion/20080621opi2.html

By Elmer A Ordoñez
June 21, 2008

With the sense that the official UP centenary celebration has glossed
over the story of dissent in the academe, the faculty group (Contend)
has plans of issuing a book on the radical and activist tradition on
campus by year's end.

Former members of the U.P-based Samahang Demokratikong Kabataan (SDK)
that broke away from the group and then merged again with the
vanguard youth group Kabataang Makabayan (KM) have already come out
with their own story in the book Militant But Groovy which we
reviewed earlier (4/26).

A former student in my literature class, Perfecto Tera Jr. (known to
readers as Jun Terra) was mentioned in the book as one of the KM
original members who were expelled for "splittist" activities. He and
others formed SDK in 1968 with Sixto Carlos as chairman. Jun
eventually left the SDK and decided to try his luck in Europe as a
self-exiled writer/artist with Paris his base.

I wrote to Jun who has been writing for the literary page of Sunday
Times Magazine to tell his own story about his role in the youth
groups. These he remembered: "The core of the original SDK was
composed of the members of the KM Cultural Bureau­effectively the
propaganda arm of the organization which I headed. Members of the
Bureau came from UE, Lyceum, UP, PCC and Cebu."

He recalled that one of the most successful performances of the group
in Manila was during the founding conference of the Movement for the
Advancement of Nationalism (MAN) with Sen. Lorenzo Tañada as
chairman. The group performed Jun's Tagalog adaptation of "Waiting
for Lefty" (by Clifford Odets) called "Welga." Later they toured
barrios in Nueva Ecija, Laguna, Rizal, Cebu and Pampanga, performing
and holding teach-ins.

As Jun put it, "When the forces within the movement re-aligned, the
KM Cultural Bureau members became charter members of the SDK." Many
of the KM members in Manila universities went with the SDK because of
"its broader appeal."

Recalling earlier days, Jun said the Scaup (Student Cultural
Association of the University of the Philippines)" was formed by Joe
Sison and Pete Daroy with their classmates in the graduate school
which included Deanna Ongpin Recto, Patricia Melendres, Gerry Acay,
Rosemarie Magno, etc. They were all students of Dr. Ricardo Pascual,
who was, at the time, the target of the investigations mounted by.
Rep. Leonardo Perez's CAFA to look into so-called anti-Filipino
activities at UP Even if I was not a graduate student they invited me
to join the Scaup." This was in 1961.

Dr. Pascual's students through Scaup came to his defense on the day
he was to face the CAFA investigators. Jun Terra recalled that in
organizing a student demonstration to Congress Jose Maria Sison and
Pete Daroy (later professor of Philippine literature) met with
fraternity leaders like Reynato Puno (now chief justice), Heherson
Alvarez (later senator), Hermie Dumlao (later deputy minister of
education) of Alpha Phi Beta, Dion la Serna of Upsilon Sigma Phi,
Horacio "Boy" Morales (later NDF head) of Beta Sigma, and heads of
sororities and other groups to plan what would be the second protest
march outside Diliman.

(The first was the March 1951 rally to Malacañang to protest the
ouster of UP president Bienvenido Gonzalez by President Quirino.
Perez wrote the blistering manifesto against Qurino. In 1961 he
enjoyed another kind of fame as McCarthyite witch-hunter.)

Jun recalled: "The response from the faculty and students was
immediate and enthusiastic. Having just come from a private, Catholic
boys school, UST High, where everything was sedate and apolitical all
this was exciting for me. The battle cry of the demonstration was
Academic Freedom." It was in effect a dress rehearsal for the mass
rallies of the 60s waged by the KM and the SDK towards the "First
Quarter Storm" and the "Diliman Commune" in the early 70s.

Like many recurring issues on campus, the issue of academic freedom
which occupied the 50s starting with the 1951 UP rally to Malacañang
is again raised by faculty and students corollary to the issue of
commercialization on campus. They are wary of market-oriented
research and administrative practices.

Contend with its alternative book on the centenary wants to be sure
that the chronicle of UP is not just one official "master narrative."
It believes that the history of UP must be comprehensive and does not
exclude dissenting voices.

.

Singing all the way to the bank [Leonard Cohen]

Singing all the way to the bank

http://music.guardian.co.uk/pop/livereviews/story/0,,2286926,00.html

The fans topped up Leonard Cohen's pension fund and were repaid with
an evening of pure gold

Kitty Empire
Sunday June 22, 2008
The Observer

Leonard Cohen
Manchester Opera House

Having spent five years in a Zen Buddhist monastery, Leonard Cohen
should be well versed in the Buddhist teaching of non-attachment.
Tonight, on the first of a four-night run at Manchester's Opera
House, the elder statesman of song certainly carries himself with the
sort of grace that a spell away from the rat race often bestows. He
beams with pleasure at the repeated ovations and cracks jokes when
you least expect him to. One minute he is the Dalai Lama of Dour. The
next he's listing half-a-dozen pharmaceuticals he's taken since his
last live outing in 1993, when he was 'just a 60-year-old kid with a
crazy dream'.

And yet this 73-year-old's world tour - probably, let's face it, his
last - is motivated by that most profane of rewards: lucre. While he
was up the mountain, Cohen's longtime associate gnawed a gaping
multi-million dollar hole in Cohen's retirement fund, one that court
action has so far been unable to rectify. So Cohen, in his own words,
is 'back on Boogie Street', singing for his nest egg. It is awful to
say it, but his loss is our gain. 'It's kind of you to come out on a
school night,' he quips. He apologises for the 'financial and
geographical inconvenience' and adds: 'But I didn't establish the
market.' He's alluding to the diva-level ticket prices, but, playing
24 songs over three hours, the man from Montreal is easily worth a
dozen Barbra Streisands, with a few Madonnas left over.

This frail, dapper gent standing on a Manchester stage in 2008 was
never going to be the monochrome folk singer of the Sixties and early
Seventies, all cut up about his famous blue raincoat. Since the
Eighties, Cohen's arrangements have become more and more synthesised
and his most recent albums positively jazzy. Tonight, all suited and
hatted, his able band - bassist Roscoe Beck, organist Neil Larsen,
longtime collaborator Sharon Robinson, singers Charley and Hattie
Webb, guitarist Bob Metzger, drummer Rafael Gayol, Javier Mas on an
assortment of stringed things, saxophonist and woodwinder Dino Soldo
- look like they are playing a supper jazz gig in deepest Sicily. The
superb Mas, in particular, plays a succession of smaller and smaller
12-stringed mandolins called the laud, the archilaud and the
bandurria, giving many songs a Hispanic gypsy air.

But not even the unwelcome tootling of Soldo can detract from the
power of the songs themselves. 'Bird on a Wire' survives the unctuous
solos, while latterday songs like 'The Future', with its gospelly
vocal interplays, or the superb 'Everybody Knows', are made glorious
by the lushness of the band. Those longing for the literate loser
with the guitar - Jarvis Cocker perhaps? He is in attendance - do get
a small window into the past. 'Suzanne' is untouched, with Cohen
gently plucking at a black - what else? - guitar. Backed only by
three singers and his splendid organist Neil Larsen, Cohen begins his
second set with 'Tower of Song', where he accompanies himself on the
keyboard, getting whoops of applause for his one-fingered solo. He
plays to the natural gags. 'I was born with the gift of a golden
voice,' Cohen growls, even more sepulchrally than ever before, to the
delight of the audience.

Although he made his songwriting name in the Sixties as the hymner of
desolation, Cohen can ham it up just as well as he can wallow. He
does a little 'white man' dance when the lyrics require it on 'The
Future' and, after ending his encore with 'Closing Time', returns a
few second later with 'I Tried to Leave You'.

All this twinkling does not detract from four decades of gravitas,
however. 'Hallelujah' is his best-known song, covered by everyone
from Jeff Buckley to a recent American Idol hopeful called Jason
Castro. Tonight, he invests it with particular intensity, knocking
his knees together, crouching down and squeezing his eyes shut in
supplication. 'Who by Fire' started out as an Old Testament prayer
and retains a spooky prehistoric resonance.

If this is a farewell tour in all but name, Cohen, the
baggy-trousered sage descended from the mountain, has a few points to
make. His political songs - 'The Future', 'Democracy', 'Everybody
Knows' - are delivered with particular relish.

At the end of the first set, Cohen recounts wryly how he has spent
the years studying the religions of the world, 'but cheerfulness kept
breaking through'. The next song is 'Anthem', which he begins as a
recital, as befits this fallen poet. It is mesmerising. The T-shirts
in the foyer bear a quote from it, which goes: 'Forget your perfect
offering/ There is a crack in everything/ That's how the light gets in.'

If he never passes this way again, Cohen's last teachings on human
imperfection will echo for some time to come.

· Leonard Cohen plays Glastonbury 29 June, Edinburgh Castle 16 July,
London's O2 Centre 17 July and the Big Chill 3 August.

.

'Longest Walk' highlights environmental concerns

'Longest Walk' highlights environmental concerns

http://www.citizen-times.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=200880617123

Leslie Boyd • LBoyd@CITIZEN-TIMES.com
June 17, 2008

ASHEVILLE – A group of American Indians walking cross-country to
raise awareness of environmental and justice issues stopped in
Asheville on Tuesday for a gathering in Martin Luther King Jr. Park.

The Longest Walk 2 kicked off in San Francisco in February with two
groups of walkers, one taking a northern route and this one, walking
a southern route. The group has about 100 core walkers, but about
3,000 people have joined the walk for a day or more along the way.

Dennis Banks, one of the founders of the American Indian Movement in
the 1960s, leads the southern walkers.

"We all need to write to our representatives in government and ask
why there is so much pollution in the Colorado River and all the
other places," he told the gathering.

Banks talked about caring for the environment and ourselves.

"We have the worst diet in the world," he said. "Not number 10 0r 20,
but the worst. We fill ourselves full of sugar and impurities, and
then after we finish our fast food meal, we push back and light a cigarette."

Also on the walk was Nathan Leroy of Arizona, whose ancestry is
traced to five different tribes.

"It's about our land and the people living on it," he said. " She
gives us all we need and we need to take care of her. She is our
mother and we have to protect what's left of her sacred places."

The two groups of walkers will come together in Washington on July
11. This walk marks the 30th anniversary of the original Longest
Walk, which brought people to Washington to protest legislation that
would have terminates several treaties between the federal government
and tribes nationwide.

For more information on The Longest Walk 2, visit www.longestwalk.org.

.

Emory Douglas exhibition in UK

Urbis stages first UK Emory Douglas exhibition

http://www.digitalartsonline.co.uk/news/index.cfm?NewsID=10684

Friday 20 Jun 2008

The first UK exhibition of the works of Emory Douglas, official
artist of the US Black Panther civil rights activists of the 1960s,
kicks off at Manchester's Urbis gallery this autumn.

Previously unseen in the UK, Douglas' work from the 1960s, including
posters, cartoons and campaign pamphlets, will appear in a
provocative new exhibition at Urbis in Manchester, from 30th October
2008 to April 2009.

Emory Douglas, campaigning artist of the Black Panther Party and its
first and only Minister of Culture, created a compelling,
motivational graphic style. His Black Panther salute is an
unflinching reminder of the mood of the late 1960s, and his art from
this period, documents growing civil unrest and rapid change.

'Black Panther' will show how Douglas' visual messages helped to
encourage a largely illiterate community to challenge the police
brutality, economic inequality and social injustice they were
experiencing, against a backdrop of growing civil disobedience and
the assassinations of Malcom X and Martin Luther

King Jr. Working alongside Urbis, Manchester, and with support of
lender and Black Panther historian, Billy X Jenkins, Emory Douglas
has helped to select the materials to relive the story for British audiences.

Douglas turned the Black Panther salute into a powerful emblem of
equality that has dogged politicians ever since. At the 1968 Olympics
in Mexico, two black American athletes, Tommie Smith and John Carlos,
used the black-power salute on the Olympic podium, turning an entire
nation against them, and cutting short their own sporting careers.
With civil rights high on the agenda for the forthcoming Beijing
Olympics, Smith and Carlos have encouraged fellow athletes to make a
similar stand.

Emory Douglas became an active member of the Black Panther Party in
1967. He quickly became involved in the Black Community News Service,
a paper founded by Bobby Seale and at its peak, distributing 400,000
copies each week. His cover art, drawings and cartoons, referenced
recent events and news, including the killing of Little Bobby Hutton,
the campaign to free Huey Newton, and satirical treatments of
politicians including a pig-like President Lyndon B Johnson,
languishing on his toilet in the final months before his White House
term ended, an image that should chime with critics of the Bush
administration, due to end in January 2009.

Influenced by the propagandist art emerging from Vietnam, Cuba and
China, Douglas paved the way for contemporary artists like Banksy,
dub-poet Linton Kwezi Johnson and other vocal defenders of civil
liberties. His slogans, 'All Power to the People', 'Revolution in our
Lifetime', and his use of pigs and rats for the first time, to
represent police and politicians, have become part of everyday language.

Though often remembered for their militant stance, the Black Panthers
were far ahead of the state in providing welfare and education to
poor local families, and their passion to educate and empower is
demonstrated by the slogan 'Each One Teach One' and a preference for
giving books, not weapons, to new party members.

Vaughan Allen, Chief Executive at Urbis commented: 'Emory Douglas's
work is of its time, but is still as pertinent today, in Manchester
and around the world. The 'Black Panther' exhibition at Urbis will
relive some of the pivotal moments in the civil rights movement,
through the work of this uncompromising socially-driven artist. It's
a real honour to host Emory Douglas and his work in Manchester,
offering British audiences a first chance to share his talent, his
tenacity and meet the great man himself during a rare visit to Manchester'.

.

Smoked Tuna in the Can

Smoked Tuna in the Can

http://www.browardpalmbeach.com/2008-06-19/news/smoked-tuna-in-the-can/full

He was the first big bust of the War on Drugs. That and two bits
won't get you a cup of coffee.

By Brantley Hargrove
Published on June 19, 2008

Robert Platshorn was a hostage, all right, but you wouldn't have
known it from the lush Caribbean scenery outside his hotel window.
You wouldn't have figured it from his carefree fishing excursions for
marlin and sailfish on luxury yachts or from the big fat joints of
Colombia's finest marijuana that continually protruded from his
lips.But a hostage he was, human collateral for a two-and-half-ton
load of Santa Marta Gold that was slowly making its way up Colombia's
Rio Magdalena on a large wooden raft called a bungo. Its destination:
South Florida. Its value: $1.4 million, minus the $30,000 in bad drug
debts this load was supposed to cover, the $300,000 to be paid to the
Colombian supplier, and the $200,000 for transportation. And until
Platshorn's cohorts took possession of the marijuana and a bank
transaction was completed, a captive Platshorn remained comfortably
ensconced in an opulent suite at a hotel on Colombia's Caribbean coast.

His partners were supposed to fly the load back to Florida in the
cargo hold of a DC-3, a reliable old plane that made its name
carrying supplies and troops during World War II. Then, once all of
the pot was sold and the money was deposited in an account, his
"captors" would release him.

Platshorn wasn't worried. Stoned, yes ­ thoroughly baked, in fact,
and intimately acquainted with the goods he was soon to transport ­
but not worried.

This was just business, and good business wasn't violent, not in the
mid-1970s, when Platshorn ran his transcontinental racket. Marijuana
suppliers were family-run enterprises mediated by political figures
and local law enforcement intent on keeping a lid on the trade while
lining their own pockets. And he trusted his partners. They were his
stoner buddies, and he knew they'd come through for him.

"It was a hippie era," Plat­shorn says. "You tell a guy you'll pay
him $1 million, you pay him."

Those were the years before the cocaine blizzard swallowed South
Florida, and Platshorn was just an entrepreneurial pothead leading
the 007 existence he'd always dreamed of ­ and smoking some really
good weed while he was at it.

Back in Florida, he had a handful of yachts at his disposal. From a
posh suite at the Fontainebleau Hotel in Miami Beach, he operated an
auto auction, a marina club, and a barbershop. He used canal-front
stash houses and wore stylish plaid leisure suits with the broad
collars as sharp as spearheads.

The real cash cow, of course, wasn't the barbershop or the auction.
It was the Santa Marta Gold ­ the finest grass coming into South Florida.

The plan all along was to make $1 million smuggling the stuff, then
get out while the gettin' was good. But like most best-laid plans ­
and that ill-fated load drifting up the Rio Magdalena ­ nothing ever
goes the way it's supposed to.

When shipments of marijuana landed at clandestine jungle airstrips or
a yacht rendezvoused with a mothership on the open sea, DEA agents
frequently heard the code name "black tuna" crackle over the radio.
Plat­shorn didn't choose the sobriquet. It was the DEA that dubbed
his ragtag group of stoners the Black Tuna Gang. And soon, the Tunas
­ and Platshorn himself ­ would become legendary figures in
drug-smuggling lore.

Platshorn and friends would be accused of smuggling, or at least
attempting to smuggle, 500 tons of marijuana into the United States
during the mid- to late '70s. When they were busted in September
1978, the DEA proclaimed it the most sophisticated drug ring it had
ever encountered.

Platshorn's 1980 conviction was a major coup for drug enforcement
agencies, the first-ever joint FBI/DEA enterprise. In all, eight of
the gang's central members were convicted in two federal trials, but
the gang's leaders, Platshorn and Robert Meinster, would pay the
stiffest price: prison sentences totaling 108 years between them.

On April Fool's Day of this year, Platshorn was released to a halfway
house in West Palm Beach after 28 years in the pen. He has absolutely
nothing to show for his stint as one of America's most wanted
smugglers: no money, no job, little remaining family. A benefit
concert for Platshorn, sponsored by High Times, hasn't been able to
secure a venue, and a book he wrote in prison on an old typewriter,
The Black Tuna Diaries, hasn't been picked up by a publisher.

But there is the Black Tuna myth, and Platshorn is eager to peddle
it. He told his story to New Times – about the good ol' days of
trafficking and how it went so terribly wrong. Through interviews
with DEA agents, academics, and attorneys involved in the two trials
that sank the Black Tuna Gang and after scrutinizing hundreds of
pages of court documents, old newspaper articles, and Platshorn's
manuscript, an image of "Bobby Tuna" began to emerge from the smoke
and coke-lined mirrors of three decades of drug enforcement.
Platshorn might have been a hippie at heart, but the traffickers who
replaced him were a far more ruthless breed. Through their
innovations in large-scale smuggling, the Black Tunas unwittingly
paved the way for today's vicious drug game and the law enforcement
practices that paradoxically fuel it.

The feds couldn't have realized that shutting down the Black Tuna
Gang would set in motion even more sophisticated, powerful, and
cutthroat drug organizations. In retrospect, smugglers like the Tunas
would appear quaint and almost romantic compared to the highly
organized Colombian cartels. "To me, Robert Platshorn represents a
kind of outlaw culture most people identify with the Wild West," says
David Bienenstock, a High Times co-editor who wrote a story about
Platshorn in 2004. "Now, most of the marijuana in America is
homegrown, and most smuggling involves hard drugs. Remember, the War
on Drugs created the drug cartels, not the other way around."

The difference between the Black Tunas and the cartels was one of
scale: The Tunas were just one link in a supply chain feeding the
American stoner. They saw none of the grossly inflated profits from
the street and had no part in production.

The cocaine overlords, however, had an incentive to organize. With a
product worth ten times more than pot and with an escalating War on
Drugs, the cartels became more like streamlined multinational
corporations. They had their own security forces, advanced
money-laundering systems, large-scale processing laboratories, and,
most important, their own street-level distribution networks, making
them a model of vertical integration.

Credit Platshorn and the Tunas for teaching a valuable lesson to this
new breed of supplier/smuggler: Why risk a skunky-smelling boatload
of pot when a scentless duffle bag of coke is much more discreet and
much more valuable? By taking down the Tunas and those who followed
them, the DEA forced the market to adapt. It created a climate in
which cocaine was the top commodity ­ a commodity so lucrative that
its revenues fueled the explosion of high-rises that still pierce the
Miami skyline.

"It was the beginning of fundamental changes in trafficking routes
and in forms of gang organization," says Dr. Bruce Bagley, a
University of Miami professor and expert in U.S.-Latin American
relations and drug trafficking.

Platshorn might not have foreseen the level of profits and carnage
that would come to characterize the illegal drug trade, but he had a
gut feeling. To him, coke was "bad karma." It was a substance people
got shot over. He was a stoner, plain and simple, a hippie who wanted
no part of the negative vibes associated with the increasingly
proliferating powder and those who trafficked in it.

Goods worth their weight in gold incite violence. But plentiful grass
at $60 a pound? Come on. That was just a party. It was definitely not
something that would land you a 64-year prison sentence.

The scrape of silverware against ceramic plates and the din of more
than 20 voices fill the dining room at the Center of Hope in West
Palm Beach. At a nearby table, a father asks his adult son, a
resident, how much he's making flipping burgers. And that's how they
start after being disgorged from a Florida federal prison ­ at the
bottom of the food chain.

There are rules here at the Center of Hope. Residents are not allowed
to own cell phones. They aren't allowed to leave without written
approval. They can't leave until gainful employment is found.
Remaining free is contingent upon following the rules.

After nearly three decades in prison, structure and rule are
imprinted on Plat­shorn's brain. He frets about being late from
pre-approved jaunts or staying on a collect call long enough to annoy
his supervisors. He raises his voice over the muddled roar of the
dining room and leans in. The silver-haired former smuggler wants to
talk about his wild days. He speaks quickly and clearly, his Philly
patois slightly altered by a few missing front teeth. He's
self-conscious about it and talks about getting his teeth fixed as
soon as he has the money.

Yet when he talks about a smuggle, a near miss, being one step ahead
of the feds, his eyebrows go up and his face comes alive the way it
did when he was a pitchman selling newfangled contraptions to
passersby on the Atlantic City boardwalk. Each turn of phrase is
practiced, crafted through long hours behind prison walls. The price
he paid, his "debt to society," hasn't quashed his nostalgia for the
good ol' days.

Platshorn is 64 now. On the day of his release, he wore 22-year-old
gray sweats. His hair was almost completely gray. But none of the
indignities of age and hard time have erased the boss man in him. He
complains that New Times didn't provide him with nearly 30-year-old
newspaper clippings quickly enough. He orders a reporter to bring
filterless Pall Malls and lobster bisque to the halfway house.

The genesis of the Black Tuna Gang can be traced back to a dusty day
in August 1974 at the Wisconsin State Fair near Milwaukee. Platshorn
was a pitchman ­ the guy in a white smock demonstrating how well
contraptions like Remington Electric Knives, Dial-O-Matic Blenders,
No-Run Hosiery, or electric toothbrushes worked, dazzling crowds with
his gift of gab.

"He had finesse. He wasn't a barker," says Jerry Crowley, 71, who
pitched with Platshorn from the beginning. "When he pitched the
Vita-Mix, you thought you were going to die if you didn't buy one."

"Put 500 people in front of me," Platshorn likes to say, "and I'd get
into 300 pockets."

Things were going well for him: He was married and had a son on the
way, as well as a few successful businesses. Born in Philadelphia,
Platshorn graduated from high school in Cherry Hill, New Jersey. He
studied communications and journalism at Temple University and at the
University of Miami, but he never graduated. He was a smart
middle-class kid with a restless soul. Unlike many who entered the
drug trade, he wasn't clawing his way out of poverty; he was just a
natural-born salesman and entrepreneur.

At the state fair, he met an old acquaintance from Philadelphia who
was looking for some buyers to offload several shipments of
marijuana. And so it began for Platshorn, who got a little dough for
referring a contact to Robby Meinster, his childhood buddy.
(Meinster, who lives in Pennsylvania now, declined to be interviewed.)

Richard Nixon was out of the White House by then, and the prevailing
attitudes toward pot suggested to Platshorn that legalization was
just up the road. There was an opening for profits, but he had to
move fast. Besides, moving marijuana was so much more exciting than
hustling No-Run Hosiery.

In 1975, Platshorn moved to Miami and began ascending the
pot-purveying hierarchy, establishing Miami-Cuba connections as a
middleman. These Cuban connections would later be severed as the
Colombians violently wrested control of the cocaine trade.

Platshorn lived in the Spring Gardens section of old Miami, on the
Seybold Canal. In spring 1976, he and Meinster opened the South
Florida Auto Auction on seven acres at 2979 NW 36th St. Meinster
relocated to Miami, and business began moving on all fronts. When
Platshorn went to Barranquilla, Colombia, to salvage a failed deal
that his weed-hustling customers' money depended on, he met "Johnny."

Platshorn needed a load of pot on credit, and Johnny knew just the
right people. Johnny introduced him to Raúl Dávila-Jimeno. The
Associated Press later described him as "dark-eyed and handsome," a
man who "never [moved] without his local militiamen or his
silver-plated .357 Magnum beneath an expensive leisure suit." From a
prominent Colombian family, he was the only one from his country
charged in the Black Tuna case. He was never extradited to the United
States to face those charges.

The deal gelled, and Platshorn established a good working
relationship with Dávila. For his second load from the wealthy
Colombian, Platshorn arranged for 5,000 pounds of some "primo
Colombian yerba." As collateral, Platshorn offered himself. He'd be
released as soon as the load was sold and payment was deposited in an account.

It was in the fall of 1976, after an almost three-week stay in El
Rodadero de Santa Marta on Colombia's Caribbean coast as a "hostage,"
that Platshorn finally rendezvoused in Aruba with a couple of pilots
and the DC-3. They flew to a clandestine airstrip near the Caribbean
coast in La Cienaga Grande de Santa Marta, jokingly referred to as
O'Hare South, and took on the load.

But as they prepared to leave, Colombian soldiers began filtering out
of the jungle shouting "¡Tranquilo, hombres!" ­ which, roughly
translated, means "Don't move, stay calm, and put your hands above your heads!"

The soldiers glanced nervously at the glinting pistol stuck in
Dávila's waistband and began disarming everyone. The noon sun glared
high overhead, and Platshorn was wilting in the oppressive humidity.
The soldiers pointed to the far end of the runway to the man in
charge. He was a lieutenant, dressed in olive-drab fatigues, with two
Dobermans on a leash in one hand and a chrome automatic in the other.
When he finally joined them, the lieutenant asked Platshorn if he was
the boss. Platshorn said he was just a laborer: "Yo campesino solo."

The Colombian officer didn't buy any of it. So he ordered Platshorn,
laborer that he was, to begin unloading five tons of Colombia's
skunkiest, one fecund 50-pound bale at a time. Platshorn was
desperate for something to drink and eyed the lieutenant's canteen
greedily. The officer chuckled and waved him toward the DC-3 with his gun.

The cargo hold had by then turned into an oven, and waves of heat
stole his breath when he stepped inside. But the heat was suffused
with the odor of baking marijuana. The THC ­ tetrahydrocannabinol,
the active ingredient in pot ­ from 5,000 pounds of Santa Marta Gold
was coaxed into the air by the rising mercury, intoxicating him like
some massive vaporizer as he toiled and sweated. He stacked the bales
in fours, but after only a few stacks, he found himself utterly stoned.

His business partners had left to retrieve money to buy off the
lieutenant ­ a requested $2 million. But the lieutenant's patience
was wearing thin, and he was toying with the idea of shooting
Platshorn. A fine example that could be of what happens to
traffickers when they didn't pay his "landing fees." Platshorn wasn't
worried ­ not a bit. He tore a corner off one of the bales and joined
four rolling papers. Then he rolled a massive joint and lit it like
some pungent torch. The Colombian soldiers laughed at him and crowed
"loco." Then, with the lieutenant off in the shade somewhere,
Platshorn offered the joint to the bemused, carbine-toting
Colombians, and a few accepted. To them, this man didn't seem to be
much of a threat at all.

The lieutenant returned and ordered Platshorn and the pilots down a
trail through a banana grove and into a van. Thirst overwhelmed him.
They were to be taken to the village of La Cienaga, Platshorn says,
and shot as an example.

The smuggler might have been stoned, but he still had his wits about
him. He plopped down in the middle of the trail, and the pilots
followed suit. Platshorn was stalling for time. Just then, Dávila
rolled up in a Jeep, probably his infamous Renegade, with two clear
plastic bags filled with $40,000 ­ a fraction of what the lieutenant
had asked for, but a dead smuggler was worthless.

Though this particular load involved almost-lethal complications, it
was the beginning of a lucrative partnership that would last the
length of the Tunas' smuggling operations. As the money began flowing
in, the Tunas invested in other businesses. They operated out of the
Fontainebleau Hotel on Collins Avenue in Miami Beach for a time and
even out of a houseboat moored along the same brightly lit main
thoroughfare. Platshorn had a million-dollar home just across the
Intracoastal from the Fontainebleau, with an Olympic-sized swimming pool.

The Tunas invested in yachts, particularly Fort Lauderdale-based
Striker Aluminum Yachts. Its treasurer, Mark Phillips, whose family
owned the company, joined the enterprise, court documents say. He was
able to retrofit yachts for maximum carrying capacity, painting water
lines on the hulls to give the illusion that they weren't riding low
even when they were pregnant with tons of grass. Thus, when pleasure
boat traffic was hull to hull, streaming into Miami or Port
Everglades, the Black Tunas could hide in plain sight.

Platshorn never saw the "herb business" as a career, he says.
Smuggling means living with borrowed freedom. Sooner or later, it all
comes crashing down. The Black Tunas, in fact, were in for a reality
check in the spring of 1977. A stash house on San Marino Drive in
Miami Beach was filled to the ceiling with eight tons of weed when
police raided the waterfront home located off the Venetian Causeway.
Plat­shorn and other key Tunas weren't there, but 17 gang members
were arrested.

With a modest amount of money and a couple of relatively profitable
legit businesses, Platshorn resolved to stay on the margins of the
smuggling trade, no longer a key player. Others, including Phillips,
tried to make a go of it on their own, but it would come as no
surprise to Platshorn that these later smuggles would end in disaster.

"[Phillips] was a fuck-up," Plat­shorn says with a laugh. "Everything
he touched turned to shit."

But it was when the son of a well-to-do Ford dealer in Fayetteville,
North Carolina, entered the operations of the Black Tuna Gang that
the operation really drifted off-course. George Purvis Jr. wanted to
join the business. More important, Purvis (who couldn't be found for
this article and is said to have entered the federal witness
protection program) had connections in the auto industry that could
save the by-then struggling South Florida Auto Auction.

Platshorn needed his legitimate businesses to be financially solvent
so he could provide for his family when he left the game. One hand
washes the other: Purvis would ship cars to the auction, and
Platshorn would introduce him to Dávila. It all seemed so sensible,
and he looked at it as a down payment on the straight-and-narrow
life. But shaking hands with Purvis, who eventually became a prime
witness against Platshorn, was the worst move this businessman ever made.

During Purvis' and Phillips' first endeavor, Platshorn's 85-foot
yacht, Presidential, ran aground in the Bahamas, and 40,000 pounds of
weed was lost. Platshorn wasn't on the boat at the time, but Bahamian
police surprised a couple of Tuna members trying to salvage the load.
The smugglers fled and were allegedly seen throwing green bales into
the azure waters of the Bahamas. In his testimony at Platshorn's
trial in Eastern District Court in North Carolina, Purvis said that
Platshorn was upset that they'd been caught and told them that "if he
had been here himself, it would not have happened."

In September 1977, Purvis and Phillips hatched another plan to bring
in 22,000 pounds of pot off the coast of North Carolina from Dávila's
80-foot Venezuelan trawler, Don Elias. At Phillips' request,
Platshorn got the OK from Dávila.

To meet the Don Elias, Purvis hired Wade Bailey, captain of the
shrimp trawler Osprey, whose name in Wrightsville Beach, North
Carolina, would soon become infamous.

A bag of diapers was sent to Dávila in Colombia, signifying "The baby
is ready; send the mother." The DEA claimed that in November,
Meinster took a room at the Hilton Hotel in Wilmington, North
Carolina, overlooking the Customs offices. Radio equipment was set up
so he could monitor law enforcement chatter (though Platshorn claims
that neither he nor Meinster were anywhere near the deal).

With members of the gang gathered at the hotel, Purvis told Meinster
he suspected Bailey was an informant, court documents say. Purvis
alleged that the Tunas' security chief, Chip Grant, suggested he
shoot Bailey, but Meinster vetoed the idea. The next day, Bailey and
his crew aboard the Osprey met the Don Elias some 20 miles from the
mouth of the Cape Fear River. The transfer began after the crews
shouted the words black tuna back and forth. Purvis was nearby on a
smaller boat but stayed clear of the transaction. He headed back to
port and purportedly received a message from Bailey: "I'm catching
all kinds of fish. My hold's going to be full soon. Why don't you
come back and catch some?"

Bailey hauled the load up the Cape Fear River to its predetermined
destination on the Brunswick River. Halfway through the unloading,
Customs officials swarmed the boat and arrested 11 men. One of them,
Lee Smith, was caught leaving the site in a rental truck full of pot.

The next day, the Coast Guard cutter Vigorous seized the Don Elias.

Bailey was indeed a paid informant, says former Assistant U.S.
Attorney Herman Gaskins. Federal agents later raided the abandoned
hotel room. Among the agents was Gaskins, who says he found the
gang's belongings and CB radios.

Out of everyone involved, it was Bailey who came out smelling like a
rose. He got $7,000 from the Black Tunas for his participation, plus
$10,000 from the government for his role as an informant. After the
bust, Bailey skimmed 500 pounds of pot from the shipment ­ a little
icing on the cake that he turned around and sold for $97,000, the
News and Observer newspaper in Raleigh, North Carolina, reported.
When all was said and done, he was granted immunity from prosecution
and ended up pocketing the ill-gotten cash. Bailey generated a bit of
his own myth: T-shirts reading "Don't Shoot, I'm Not Wade Bailey"
were in high demand along the beaches of North Carolina.

Shortly after turning himself in to authorities in North Carolina,
Purvis bonded out and returned to South Florida and to Platshorn's doorstep.

His legal troubles didn't deter him from trying to land a profitable
load. In yet another failed trip, Purvis and others crash-landed a
cargo plane on an airstrip in the Colombian jungle. The aircraft had
to be buried before the Colombian Army found it. "The Colombians
wanted to bury Purvis," Platshorn says.

Purvis returned to the States and surrendered to federal authorities.
It was then, the government contends, that Purvis began cooperating
with the DEA. Now under the watchful eye of federal agents, Purvis
devised yet another trip to Colombia in March. Platshorn knew pot
wouldn't be the only thing he'd try to haul back. He called Dávila
ahead of Purvis' arrival and said, "Don't give these assholes
cocaine." If Purvis had procured the coke, it would likely have meant
life in prison for Meinster and Platshorn.

But the once-familiar landscape had already begun to change. Coca
refineries were beginning to spring up in Colombia; mountains of
cocaine were on their way. Colombian tough guys would be coming to
Miami to wrest control from the Cubans and clear the way for the
cartels. Platshorn was feeling the first gusts of a blizzard, and he
didn't like it.

Purvis disappeared after that last trip. The next time Platshorn saw
him, Purvis was sitting in the witness stand.

A sealed indictment against the Tunas was opened in federal court in
May 1978. Agents arrested Platshorn, who quickly bonded out. But
several months later, his bond was revoked.

The Black Tunas' attorneys had volunteered to surrender their clients
peaceably. Instead, at 6 a.m. September 10, Platshorn received a call
from a federal agent saying that they were outside his home and that
he had 30 seconds to answer the door before it would be kicked in.
Platshorn's spacious house was soon filled with agents wearing FBI
and DEA windbreakers ­ no doubt a strange sight, since the two
agencies had a long history of mutual suspicion. It was their first
joint venture and a celebrated victory in a renewed War on Drugs.
Then-Attorney General Griffin Bell announced, "It is one of the
biggest drug busts by federal authorities in history."

Watching the evening news or reading the extensive coverage of the
Tuna bust in the Miami Herald, smugglers no doubt took notice. They
saw how risky marijuana was and searched out more valuable and compact goods.

"Operation Banco" was all over the headlines. A thorough review of
bank transactions, in fact, ultimately brought the Tunas down, the
feds claimed. Former DEA agent Michael Levine says the agencies
wanted the public to believe there was a new, fresh way to fight the
war. But no one, least of all Levine, could really argue that the
Tunas were busted up by anything or anyone other than Wade Bailey and
George Purvis Jr.

"Informants are the name of the game," Levine says. "If you have an
informant in the organization, you're gonna make the case."

It was a slam dunk in the Eastern District Court of North Carolina.
The feds had the informants, and they had 11 tons of grass seized
from the Osprey. It took less than two weeks to convict Platshorn and
Meinster of aiding and abetting marijuana importation. But this was
dress rehearsal for a bigger trial ­ the more serious charges leveled
against the Tunas in Florida.

The trial in the Southern District of Florida would be a test of
endurance. It began in September 1979 and dragged on for nearly five
months, with charges against 12 defendants detailed in a 105-page
indictment the Miami Herald said "reads like a paperback thriller,"
with 36 counts of criminal activity.

The trial was, by most accounts, pretty tedious at first. That is,
until December 6, when the jury was sequestered so Atlee Wampler of
the Miami Organized Crime Strike Force, consisting of Justice
Department prosecutors, could announce to Judge James Lawrence King
that they had uncovered a plot to disrupt the trial. In this supposed
plot, Meinster and Platshorn were conspiring to have King murdered ­
an allegation Platshorn calls "bullshit." It was later rejected by a
jury. Wampler also claimed that several of the defendants, as well as
Plat­shorn's wife at the time, Lynn, were planning to bribe jurors.
One juror was subsequently removed and charged with obstruction of
justice. The plot was slapped across the front page of the Herald.
Miami FBI Chief Arthur F. Nehrbass growled to an Associated Press
reporter, "To permit our courts to be destroyed by a gang of drug
dealers is unthinkable."

This trial came to a close in February 1980, with Platshorn sentenced
to 64 years in prison, Meinster to 54. Out of all the defendants,
Platshorn would remain in prison the longest.

The monochromatic world of prison was as different as it could be
from the bright and vibrant seascapes of South Florida. In Marion
Supermax ­ a federal prison in Illinois for only the most violent
offenders ­ tormented souls howled through the night. The clangor of
fists and feet striking steel bars echoed in the corridors.

Platshorn was a born rebel. He rebelled against the marijuana laws he
believed were wrong ­ the very laws that would relegate many of his
best years to prison. Now, his every movement was controlled by the
institution. Still, he found ways to resist, ways that wouldn't
necessarily land him in solitary confinement. He smuggled ­
cigarettes. The vehicles for contraband were food carts, not luxury
yachts, but the tiny smuggles soothed a bruised ego. Asked if he
managed to smoke grass in the pen, Plat­shorn grins and says, "Can I
plead the Fifth?"

Despite some small victories, Platshorn's life as he knew it was
over. He'd be leaving behind his wife Lynn and two children. He and
his previous wife had also remained close, but she was suffering from
complications of lupus and died long before he was released, as did
his 12-year-old daughter, Hope, from an asthmatic condition. "We made
plans we knew would never happen," Platshorn says.

He knew it would be a long time before he'd breathe free air again,
so he and Lynn decided to get a divorce.

The Black Tunas' lengthy prison sentences presented a cautionary tale
for the smuggling trade. Said Judge King: "In a thunderous warning,
the Congress said: 'The illegal traffic in drugs should be attacked
with the full power of the federal government.' The price for
participation in this traffic should be prohibitive. It should be
made too dangerous to be attractive."

But self-congratulatory statements from law enforcement officials
about the pall that the Black Tunas' case had thrown over the drug
smuggling business sounded hollow in the face of new supply sources
and new drugs.

Larger-than-life tales of exotic locales and near misses among the
buccaneering marijuana smugglers would be replaced by stories of the
carnage wrought by cocaine cartels, sensationalized in television
shows such as Miami Vice and films like Scarface. Platshorn and
company stood at the edge of the preceding epoch.

The story of the Tunas can still be found on the DEA's website. But
while the group's demise is touted as one of the agency's great
victories, insiders say the Black Tuna Gang is in fact the emblem of
the feds' ultimate defeat.

Platshorn is standing in a long, shuffling line at the DMV in West
Palm Beach, just one of a hundred seeking validation in the form of a
plastic card. He wears a pair of baggy swim trunks, a gray polo, and
a cap that reads "Stuntman's Association." He could be someone's
grandpa, short and jolly-looking, darkened by a perpetual tan from
years on a boat far off Florida's Atlantic Coast.

Unlike most of the people here, Platshorn won't be getting a driver's
license. In fact, he hasn't driven a car in 30 years, so he'd have to
take a refresher course. He's here to get a state I.D., also known as
a walking I.D.

Jobless, nearly penniless, living at a halfway house, his only means
of identification is a prison identification card ­ Robert Platshorn,
prisoner number 00603-004. His son, Matthew, who lives in Reno,
Nevada, hasn't been to see him in the two-and-a-half months since his
release. In fact, Platshorn doesn't want him to come to this place.

The only job he's been able to secure so far, cold-calling for AT&T ­
an old ex-con standby ­ ended in abrupt and abject failure. He made a
few calls but was angrily rejected each time, something for which
Platshorn had no stomach. Even the renowned pitchman couldn't sell a
prospective customer on the other end of an unsolicited phone call.

His movement and activities are still controlled at the halfway
house. He can't leave until he has a steady 9-to-5 job ­ a prospect
that disgusts the black marketeer, who's never punched a clock. This
new life has stripped him to the bones. All he has are the adventures
of the past, which now seem more myth than reality in this age of
state-of-the-art, home-based hydroponic pot farms. Nobody smuggles
pot anymore. In this new market, Platshorn is a relic of the past and
the jealous guardian of his own legend, which he hopes will provide
his ticket to something approaching prosperity.

Platshorn approaches a curt, blond, middle-aged DMV employee sorting
this human traffic. She asks him for his I.D.

"It's been 25 years," Platshorn says.

She glares at him.

"What?" she says. "Are you saying you're 25 or that it's 25 years
since your license expired?"

"It's 25 years expired."

"Do you have a copy?"

"No."

"Do you think it's in the archives?"

"I've been in jail."

With little resolved, Platshorn waits in line. All around is the
incomprehensible droning of myriad languages and dialects and the
occasional flash of the camera for license pictures. Finally, his turn arrives.

After a few questions, he declares, "I'm the longest-serving
marijuana prisoner."

The woman behind the desk raises her eyebrows, but she doesn't look
up from the computer monitor.

"Lesson learned?" she asks.

.

'We Remember the Sun': Recalling revolution

'We Remember the Sun': Recalling revolution

http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2008/06/18/NSVU118T9U.DTL

Reyhan Harmanci
Thursday, June 19, 2008

Many things have changed and many things have stayed the same since
the chaos that was 1968. In "We Remember the Sun," San Francisco Art
Institute curator Mary Ellyn Johnson has assembled a group of
top-notch contemporary artists, including Michael Zheng, Shaun
O'Dell, Andrea Bowers, Deer Fang, David Gurman and Taraneh Hemami, to
consider the hangover from the youth revolution.

"There have been a lot of exhibitions and film screenings around the
globe that relate to this history," Johnson says. "I wanted to do
something that was more specific about the legacies that have been
left, and the question of how these legacies have manifested
themselves in artistic practice in California."

As the collection of work shows, today's artists employ different
techniques than their brash historic counterparts, and use a variety
of media to reflect on and take action in the world. Video artist
Fang references the Olympic torch protests in her "Don't Talk About
Politics" piece. Amy Balkin takes on the companies that are quietly
profiting from the Iraq war in "Sell Us Your Liberty or We'll
Subcontract Your Death," a collection of rubbings taken from the
signage of the San Francisco companies involved. David Maisel, in the
same "watch-the-watchers" spirit, contributes his large photographs
of secret military sites. Other pieces, such as Julia Page's video
that uses a historic Angela Davis speech, incorporate past works in
different ways.

Johnson says that, as a whole, she sees today's artists taking on
many of the same issues as their activist forebears, but with a more
nuanced perspective. "What I found is there is a lot of work that is
still responding to these utopian ideals," she says. "I was looking
at how a lot of artists seem to be looking at these failures and
successes - and it's no longer black and white. It's a much more
subtle time in some ways."

It seems that artists are less interested in speaking through a
bullhorn about contemporary culture, and more apt to tend their own
gardens. But the collection as a whole doesn't feel dour. "There are
some pieces that are quite dark," Johnson says, pointing to Balkin's
rubbings. "But there's also projects such as Andrea Bowers' 'Weight
of Resistance,' which is a piece about the legacy of San Francisco's
activism. It asks, where do we go from here?" The point is that
resistance movements are alive and kicking, but not uncritically.
"There are both kinds of messages in the works at the same time,"
Johnson says. "It's not over. We haven't completely given up on the
idea of change."

Through Sept. 13. See Web site for related events. San Francisco Art
Institute's Walter and McBean Galleries, 800 Chestnut St., S.F. (415)
749-4563. www.sfai.edu/current.
--

Reyhan Harmanci, rharmanci@sfchronicle.com

.

'The Art that Defined a Generation'

[2 items]

What a long, strange trip it was

http://men.style.com/news/blog/2008/06/what-a-long-str.html

Between their works for Janis Joplin, the Grateful Dead, and the
Doors, the Family Dog invented the rock poster (at least the way the
art form is conceived today). Comprised of artists Alton Kelley,
Stanley Mouse, Rick Griffin, Wes Wilson, and Victor Moscoso, the
group helped define the aesthetic of the times: one part
Toulouse-Lautrec to every three parts Timothy Leary. A retrospective
of the Family Dog's work opens today in L.A.: The Art That Defined a
Generation includes pieces like Woman With the Green Hair aka Janis
by Mouse and Kelley, pictured, and others of similar stripe(s). Some
of the artists will be on hand for the opening, but it goes without
saying that you shouldn't expect them to remember the sixties.

Through July 14, Jack Gallery, 6333 W. Third St., Los Angeles, CA,
(323) 933-4833, jackgallery.com

-------

'The Art that Defined a Generation' at Jack Gallery in Farmers Market Plaza

http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/la-et-weekpop16-2008jun16,0,6958431.story

The '60s-psychedelic-era concert posters are a visual side of rock history.

June 16, 2008

Visitors to Jack Gallery in the Farmers Market Plaza might glimpse
"trails" and hear keening guitars when they view a new exhibit of
lithographs of late-'60s psychedelic-era concert posters that's set
to open Wednesday.

"The Family Dog Presents 'The Art That Defined a Generation' "
features the work of the San Francisco 5 -- Alton Kelley, Stanley
Mouse, Rick Griffin, Wes Wilson and Victor Moscoso -- who created
large, colorful images trumpeting performances by Big Brother & the
Holding Company, Quicksilver Messenger Service, Jefferson Airplane
and the Grateful Dead, among others.

The designs -- an inspired combination of Art Nouveau, the poster art
of Toulouse-Lautrec and the hot-rod art of Ed "Big Daddy" Roth --
have found their way into collections at New York's Museum of Modern
Art, the Louvre and the Tate Gallery.

Rhino Entertainment bought the rights to the artworks from the
entrepreneurial collective known as the Family Dog, formerly run by
the late Chet Helms, and is mounting the exhibit with the gallery,
the artists and S2 Editions.

Eighteen limited-edition remastered lithographs are for sale.

"Rhino handles the Grateful Dead [catalog], and through that
relationship we became aware of the Family Dog," said Gregg Goldman,
executive vice president of Rhino Entertainment.

The deal that Rhino made to acquire the images will financially
benefit not just the label and the Family Dog but also the visual
artists and the musical acts, Goldman said. But money was never a key
consideration for the artists.

"The posters were always works of love," said Mouse, co-creator with
Kelley of the Grateful Dead's iconic logo, a skeleton with roses, who
plans to attend the opening of the exhibit with the two other
surviving artists, Wilson and Moscoso.

"There was no other advertising except the posters at the time, so
maybe we'd do 1,000, maybe 3,000, in one run," Mouse said.

The exhibit runs through July 14.

.

Spaced Out

Spaced Out

http://www.metropolismag.com/cda/story.php?artid=3410

A new book on '60s architecture provides surprisingly fresh lessons
for today's designers.

By Philip Nobel
Posted June 18, 2008

My aunt and uncle's old house in Taos, New Mexico, came with its own
creation myth. The story as passed down tells of an Anglo seeker,
drawn to this spiritually rich edge of the Sangre de Cristo
Mountains, who bought some land up against the national forest on the
side of a ridge outside of town and began to build, as the locals do,
in adobe brick. The first day he built a wall; by the next morning it
had collapsed. The second day he tried again and failed. The third
day a neighbor came by, shook his head, and gave the newcomer two
suggestions: build two walls at a right angle so they will support
each other, or build in curves so the walls support themselves.

It was the late 1960s, and circles were in­cosmic oneness, and so
on­so he chose that course, eventually handcrafting, brick by mud
brick, a great half-buried wheel of a house, a garden in a center
court, podlike bedrooms opening off a wide circular hall. The living
room­­overcrossed by long vigas, the traditional unmilled logs
supporting the roof­was centered on a deep conversation pit. Later he
built a circular guesthouse out front, topped by a white geodesic dome.

I hadn't thought about that house in years­that wing of the family
moved long ago to an equally funky corner of Maine­but it all came
back while I read Alastair Gordon's crucial new book, Spaced Out:
Crash Pads, Hippie Com­munes, Infinity Machines and Other Radical
Environments of the Psychedelic Sixties, to be released this month by
Rizzoli. I value more the memory of that house, and the feeling for
that era it transmitted, after picking up on a pair of tragic ideas
that run through Gordon's book.

Because of the impulsive, low-tech DIY nature of the spaces typical
of the movement Gordon describes­"the stroboscopic light shows, crash
pads, painted busses, and head shops," as he puts it, "the domes,
yurts, tepees, and hand-built ­shelters"­few have ­survived. At the
same time, he quietly makes an argument that should warm the cockles
of any architect's or architectural historian's heart: that the
building of environments, foremost among our cultural products,
maintains the ability to capture the nuances of a complex moment and,
when they last, send them forward in time to be reviewed and interpreted.

We get lost in words, thinking they are the bones of the world, not
mere ill-fitting tags. But words, however much we may love and rely
on them­and architects of a certain stripe seem to value them more
than many writers­don't always cut it. It is evident that the more
dimensions one has at one's disposal, the more information a
construction, verbal or physical, can contain. Consider film versus
painting, hyperlinked versus static text, a monograph versus a
museum. I'm rattling on here, stringing these words in a row, and the
best I can do, squeezing from each a jot of meaning, is to suggest
the contour of an idea, from which it is hoped that you, the
sympathetic reader, will then manufacture within yourself a specific
understanding that matches mine­a favorite old idea triggered anew
while reading a good book. Writing is a Hail Mary. Architecture,
working haptically and intellectually all around us, can play a deeper game.

This may have been particularly true for the era in question, addled
and overwhelmed by its confrontation with inner space and
synesthesia. Gordon gives a concise and amusing account of attempts
by the early "psychedelic explorers" to record and express their
experiences. Many of these tellingly veer to spatial metaphor­the
world as labyrinth, theater, palaces of endless rooms. One
experimenter, the Belgian writer Henri Michaux, coined the term
Anopodokotolotopadnodrome to describe his mescaline trips, "an
improbable word construction," Gordon writes, "that collapsed from
the weight of its twenty-five characters." Michaux eventually found
himself doodling "unthinkable, baroque cathedrals" in his futile
efforts to reduce his