Thursday, July 31, 2008

No Revolution Ever Disappears

No Revolution Ever Disappears

http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/wallace300708.html

30/07/08
by Len Wallace

Penelope Rosemont, Dreams & Everyday Life: André Breton, Surrealism,
Rebel Worker, sds & the Seven Cities of Cibola, Charles H. Kerr
Publishing Company, Chicago, 2008, ISBN 978-0-88286-234-2
--

Despite an era made for modern-day state and corporate Metternichs
there are stirrings, movement, growing discontent. In the words of
Buffalo Springfield's song, "There's something happening here. What
it is ain't exactly clear." It's difficult to define it, but it's
there and it has some folks worried. Today's sparks are being
compared to the sixties New Left.

I recently saw a televised panel discussion making just such
comparisons. The pundits argued that the sixties youth were a
spoiled generation of a consumerist society who never experienced
economic depression and political oppression. Left "leaderless"
because of the assassinations of John F. Kennedy, Robert Kennedy,
Martin Luther King, Jr., the movement spiraled off into excessive
radicalism and violence. Of course, what other "insight" could one
expect from the defenders of the status quo?

I was fourteen in that tumultuous year of 1968 when student youth
congregated in protest at the Democratic Party National convention in
Chicago and were brutally clubbed, tear gassed, jailed by the riot of
the forces of law and order. In Prague, Czechoslovakia, students and
workers rallied in the streets against Red Army tanks of the Soviet
Union sent in to crush attempts of democratization. In Paris,
France, students, spurred on with the slogans of surrealists and
situationists, occupied universities and, allied with workers,
erected barricades in the streets as the country advanced to a
general strike that almost toppled the DeGuallist government
order. Worldwide protest against the Vietnam war raised
consciousness against colonial order. Black Power, the Black Panther
Party of Huey Newton and Bobby Seale, openly confronted
institutionalized and systematic racism of the state. Women's
Liberation challenged male privilege and white men in suits.

The following years were for me a passage of discovery grappling with
and absorbing wide-ranging radical thought, ideas, symbols and images
so different from those I obtained through osmosis from the elders of
Windsor's left-wing working-class Ukrainian-Russian community.

By the time I reached university, the New Left train had departed and
left the station on the way to derailment. The student rebels had
exited the campus and broke into factionalism. Some went off to the
factories to join the proletariat and hopefully ferment
revolution. Others were swallowed up by increasingly commodified
counter-culture. A few would eventually make their peace with
capitalism, seeking gain in publicly funded institutions, amused at
their youthful endeavors, and only speak about their "left-wing
principles" in very hushed tones. And by the 1980s, the corporate
counter-revolution under the various names of Reaganism, Thatcherism,
neo-conservatism, and neo-liberalism with the correlative growth of
state authoritarianism was in full swing.

The actors and activists of that sixties movement have attempted to
define and redefine what it was all about. Was there anything here
worth preserving? Has any program for dissidence, rebellion, and
revolution been snuffed out? Is there any hope of
resurrection? Paul Buhle and Harvey Pekar's Students for a
Democratic Society: A Graphic History tries to tell some of the
stories. One of the chapters focuses on the role of Penelope Rosemont.

Rosemont was at the center of the whirlstorm as activist in SDS, on
its national staff and editor of its theoretical journal Radical
America. In Dreams & Everyday Life she recounts her journey to
becoming a revolutionary from the first moments she stepped onto the
campus of Chicago's Roosevelt University in 1964. Written forty
years later, her account is a retelling of that personal journey
still with the fresh eyes of youth. Artist, writer, editor,
surrealist, she remains a revolutionary still captivated with the
vision that freedom is worth fighting for.

The philosopher Hegel once asserted that "nothing great in the World
has been accomplished without passion." Rosemont's book is a
passionate remembering. In an era when we are taught that there is
no real history because nothing ever changes, that today's society is
the way it has always been and will always be, amen!, remembering
becomes a useful and subversive tool.

If one is seeking an analytical and historical text about the rise
and fall of the New Left, this is not the book. There are no
judgments of people, parties, and programs here. No second thoughts
or justifications. This is a personal history of a history unfolding
-- at once a personal diary and the potent weapon of cultural
critique against conformity and the mindless drudge of imposed wage
work. Rosemont takes us along a journey and trajectory opening
dreams and possibilities. In the conscious surrealist activity of
aimlessly walking the streets of Chicago directed by chance she
discovers the thousands of instances of daily life that exist far
beyond the pale of commodity capitalism, those small rebellions, free
spaces of action, art, poetry, music, and culture, real human
relationships that have not been devalued by the cold exchange of
cash. The discoveries on the streets are also discoveries of the
links to a revolutionary past that reaches back to the Haymarket
strikes of 1886, the birth of the IWW, the street corner soapboxing
of old socialists and anarchists. History is indeed an unfolding and
the past does not simply disappear.

Karl Marx, Mikhail Bakunin, Henry David Thoreau, Ralph Waldo Emerson,
Emma Goldman, Sigmund Freud, and Herbert Marcuse are part of the
journey and accompany her to meetings with the old rebel Wobblies, to
London, England's anarchists, and the profound influences of André
Breton and the surrealists of Paris. This very personal account
recaptures the youthful sense of marvel, excitement, and desire that
are too often pushed aside and buried under the dead weight of life's
daily drudgeries. She takes aim at today's spirit-sucking new world
corporate Disney Wal-Mart order of iPods, Internet, text messaging,
commercial bombardment, official government lies, and doublespeak that numb us.

André Breton announced in an early surrealist manifesto that
imagination balks at being stifled. As we bend to the vicissitudes
of capitalist utilitarianism, it will abandon us to a "lusterless
fate." Fast approaching the age of 54, I'll be damned that such a
fate lays in store for me. Rosemont's book provides a good reminder
never to let go of radical and revolutionary youthful élan.
--

Len Wallace is a singer, songwriter, and activist.

.

Power to the Park People

Power to the Park People

http://www.eastbayexpress.com/artsculture/power_to_the_park_people/Content?oid=799135

Free political theater for the masses.

By Sam Hurwitt
July 30, 2008

It's amazing that there are still people in the Bay Area who act
surprised to learn the San Francisco Mime Troupe does agitprop
musical comedy rather than pantomime. The collective has been putting
on shows for free in the parks every summer for nearly fifty years,
so you'd think people would have caught on by now. It's their
patriotic duty as active, informed citizens to check out what they have to say.

Of course, it's nice when it doesn't feel like a duty. Red State,
written and directed by Michael Gene Sullivan, is certainly amusing
enough to keep you entertained for its ninety minutes sans
intermission. The story is much flimsier than last year's
war-profiteering satire Making a Killing, and the message vaguer, but
it's often very funny, with some strong performances and catchy songs
from rags to R&B to country.

A presidential election has resulted in a tie (the candidates are
never mentioned), and it's up to the citizens of a run-down Kansas
town to break the tie, because they'd been given a defective voting
machine. The former union town has lost all its social services ­ the
hospital and high school have closed, and now the pencil factory
that's the sole source of employment is moving to Uzbekistan. Also
the library's closing, which means the long-simmering love between
right-wing laborer Eugene (Robert Ernst) and progressive librarian
Miss Rosa (Velina Brown) will remain unexpressed as she leaves town.
Gradually the citizens of Bluebird realize they can hold the election
hostage to get some much-needed government dollars for civic improvements.

Ultimately the show's about Eugene, whose labor hero father was
derided as a commie. Now Eugene has a knee-jerk reaction about
spending government dollars on the people and hollers at the
slightest provocation, "I ain't no red!" Will he get over it in time
to help save the town?

Brown doubles as midlevel bureaucrat Faustina Page, who just wants to
get transferred out of whatever state this is ­ she can never
remember ­ for a desk job in glamorous Washington, DC, which she
sings about like it's a tropical paradise. Her song as no-nonsense
Miss Rosa is a knockout, but her parts as written aren't much to work
with. Rosa doesn't get much stage time, and chirpy Faustina makes a
half-baked villain. Former Blake Street Hawkeye Ernst gives a strong
and sympathetic performance as a working-class antihero, and Noah
James Butler has some hilarious turns as hick Wendell and the
cheeseball mayor. Lisa Hori-Garcia, Lizzie Calogero, and Adrian C.
Mejia breeze through as a variety of townsfolk and TV commentators.

The upshot is that the people have the power, and that the taxes we
pay should be spent on us, which sounds both pretty reasonable and
unusually simplistic. It's a good thing the Mime Troupe tends to have
follow-up materials available for the incensed to take action,
because the thesis in the play seems underdeveloped.

You wouldn't have a Mime Troupe if there hadn't been Bertolt Brecht a
generation before, and one thing that Brecht makes perfectly clear in
The Good Person of Szechuan is that nothing is simple.

The gods come to town looking for one good person, and latch on to
the prostitute Shen Te, even though she insists she's not good and is
too poor to follow the commandments. They give her money to open a
tobacco shop, and she's immediately beset by freeloaders and has to
pose as her fictional male cousin Shui Ta to make them back off.

Woman's Will is also staging Good Person free in the parks now, in a
new adaptation by artistic director Erin Merritt with a large cast
and a versatile set by Jackie Scott that looks like its own
unfinished backside. Rona Siddiqui's new a cappella arrangements for
Brecht's songs sound like sea chanteys.

Holly Chou is lively and appealing as outgoing water seller Wang, and
El Beh has a commanding presence as gruff cousin Shui Ta, although
her Shen Te becomes exaggeratedly passive when she goes back to being
herself. Maryssa Wanlass has a terrific roguish swagger as bad-boy
pilot Yang Sun, and Anne Hallinan makes an amusing busybody as former
shop owner Mrs. Shin. Susan Jackson, Molly Nicholas, and Lisa Patten
offer some halfhearted slapstick as the three gods, and their final
musical number comes off, in the second week of performances, as if
they'd never sang it before.

Merritt's adaptation adds a few distracting contemporary references
and could stand trimming, but the staging is generally well-paced,
some missed entrances and variable performances aside. Although
Woman's Will's usual all-female casting adds a layer when the
characters are cross-dressing within the play, Brecht's plays are so
non-naturalistic that it hardly matters. It gets its point across
entertainingly, which is remarkable enough for a play that apologizes
at the end for not solving anything. As informed and active citizens
that's your job. Get cracking.

.

Port Huron Resurrection

Port Huron Resurrection

http://www.eastbayexpress.com/artsculture/port_huron_resurrection/Content?oid=799091

Mark Tribe helps revivify Oakland's Panther history.

By Rachel Swan
July 30, 2008

New York artist and curator Mark Tribe got the idea shortly after he
arrived at Brown University three years ago. It was two years into
the war in Iraq, Bush's approval ratings were finally starting to
decline, The New Yorker was running edgier articles that criticized
the invasion. But Brown's campus remained eerily quiet. "I was really
surprised by how little activism there was," said 41-year-old Tribe,
noting that he'd seen a lot more student-led protests when he was in
college twenty years prior, and that twenty years before that, the
antiwar movement would have probably dwarfed any other campus
activity. "The question in my mind was what is it about these times
that makes us feel that resistance is futile?" Tribe recalled. "And
what would it feel like to believe you were part of a movement that
could change history? What would it feel like to believe you had the
power to join together with your peers and change the political
future of your country?"

With these questions in mind, Tribe came up with a project that was
would draw parallels between Vietnam and the current occupation of
Iraq, while showing the power of oratory as a form of political
protest. Named for the Port Huron Statement ­ a 1962 book-length
manifesto by Tom Hayden (then field secretary of Students for a
Democratic Society) that became one of the founding documents of the
New Left ­ the Port Huron Project comprised six reenactments of
protest speeches from the '60s and '70s, made by such movement
leaders as César Chávez, Stokely Carmichael, Paul Potter, Howard
Zinn, Coretta Scott King, and, in Saturday, August 2's installment at
DeFremery Park (1651 Adeline St., Oakland), Angela Davis. Tribe chose
these speeches because of their staying power and their way of
linking domestic movements (i.e., labor and civil rights) to foreign policy.

If all goes as planned, Saturday's Angela Davis reenactment ­ of the
trenchant 1969 speech "The Liberation of Our People" ­ should be a
haunting performance. DeFremery Park, after all, is pregnant with
Black Panther history. It's an iconic site where Bobby Seale and Huey
Newton organized rallies four decades ago. Actress Aleta Hayes ­ an
instructor in Stanford University's dance department ­ will play the
part of Davis at Saturday's event. She will stand on the porch of the
old park building, the same place where Davis stood in 1969, when she
was just 25 years old. Said Tribe, "If this project goes forward, I'm
struck by how powerful the experience is of standing in a park in the
same place where a speech was given forty years ago and hearing how
relevant it is." He added that if you just changed the proper nouns,
it could have been made yesterday. 6 p.m., free. MySpace.com/porthuronproject

.

My night of joy with the Godfather of Gloom [Leonard Cohen]

My night of joy with the Godfather of Gloom

http://www.spiked-online.com/index.php?/site/earticle/5493/

Poet of pessimism? No way - Leonard Cohen's first London gig in 15
years proves that his witty, heartfelt misery is as uplifting as ever.

by Nathalie Rothschild
22 July 2008

His jog on to stage prompts rapturous applause, wolf whistles and
howls. His one-fingered piano solo triggers an ecstatic round of
clapping. A simple twirl delights the 20,000-strong crowd. He can
hardly get a word in between songs; when he does, every quip draws
roars of laughter, and every sombre recital has the ladies – and the
gentlemen – awkwardly pretending that something's gotten in their
eyes. As he waves goodbye, the crowd calls him back with deafening
standing ovations. Even after the five-number encore at the end of a
three-hour set, the fans still want more.

This is not the response to the latest teen sensation but to the
husky-voiced, at times growling, never less than elegant
septuagenarian, Leonard Cohen. And little wonder: the Canadian poet
and novelist turned folk singer turned Zen Buddhist monk is back on
stage for the first time in 14 years. 'I was 60 then', he says, 'just
a kid with a crazy dream'.

He lists the many anti-depressants he has taken over the past
decade-and-a-half, and says that during that time he has also studied
religion and philosophy – 'but cheerfulness kept breaking through'.

The well-rehearsed joke is also well-placed, coming in between the
doom-mongering 'The future' ('I've seen the future, brother: it is
murder / Things are going to slide, slide in all directions / Won't
be nothing / Nothing you can measure anymore') and the humorous
'Everybody knows' ('Everybody knows you've been discreet / But there
were so many people you just had to meet / Without your clothes').

At last week's performance at London's 02 arena, Cohen spared the
audience any spiritual titbits he may have picked up during his five
years at the Mount Baldy Zen Centre in southern California in the
1990s. This was fortunate given his Zen moniker, Jikan, meaning
'silent one'. Instead, the Cohen we witnessed was positively
effusive. Repeatedly introducing his band members, and clasping his
black fedora in between songs as he thanked and smiled at his fans,
he came across as 'humble yet cosmic'.

On Mount Baldy, Cohen spent his time meditating, chanting, scrubbing
floors, cooking and acting as secretary for his ninetysomething
teacher, Joshu Sasaki Roshi. When he came down from the mountain and
traded his monk's robes for his customary Armani suits, he found
himself in financial difficulty. With little left in his bank
account, Cohen went to work. Whether or not his diminished funds were
truly the main motivation behind publishing a new book of poetry,
recording a couple of albums and setting off on his current world
tour in the space of just a few years, Cohen's loss is certainly our gain.

He is on form and his band – all decked up in dark suits and hats –
give many of his old songs soulful, jazzy, gypsy and Hispanic tones.

Cohen's tour (several new dates have been added recently) is not so
much a comeback as a nostalgia trip, a long gorgeous swansong; and at
every gig Cohen makes sure to thank his fans for 'keeping my songs
alive all these years'. At the London concert, he told an anecdote of
toasting his teacher on his ninety-seventh birthday ('Roshi' is now
102), who then told Cohen: 'Excuse me for not dying.' 'I kind of feel
the same right now', Cohen said.

Well, 'the ladies' man' ain't dead yet. When Cohen sings 'If you want
a doctor I'll examine every inch of you', the women respond
'woooooooo!' - and at the line, 'Or if you want to take me for a
ride, you know you can', they shout 'YES!'. Cohen concludes: 'I'm
your man.' The men in the audience, mostly either grey-haired or
bald, probably identify more with the opening line of Cohen's 'The
tower of song': 'Well my friends are gone and my hair is grey / I
ache in the places where I used to play.'

But Cohen's appeal transcends the generations, as his appearances at
more youthful events over the summer, such as the Glastonbury
festival, testify. In short, his songs are timeless, appealing as
much to pubescent poet-scribblers as to middle-aged melancholics. And
since the release of his 1975 greatest hits album, The Best of
Leonard Cohen, many a teenage girl has stared at the picture of Cohen
blowing smoke rings on the sepia-coloured backcover and angstily
agreed that 'there ain't no cure for love'.

Accused of writing 'songs to slit your wrists by', Cohen has also
been labelled 'the poet of pessimism', 'the godfather of gloom' and
'the prophet of despair'. Aficionados would, of course, disagree. At
the start of the documentary Ladies and gentlemen… Mr Leonard Cohen,
shot in Montreal in 1965, the author (he had not yet started
recording music), far from prompting a mass quietus, has an audience
doubled over with laughter before a voice-over explains that Cohen
'is not primarily a stand-up comic, but a novelist, a poet and a very
confident young man'.

At the sold-out 02 arena concert, Cohen thanked the audience for
'overcoming financial and geographical obstacles' to be there and to
meet him 'at the other side of intimacy'. But everybody knows that
Cohen's is an easy crowd to please; after all his fans have been
desperate to see him for nearly 15 years.

Three hours and 20-odd songs on, and after pretending to end the show
with 'Closing time' and skipping off stage, Cohen comes back singing
'I tried to leave you': 'Goodnight, my darling, I hope you're
satisfied, the bed is kind of narrow, but my arms are open wide. And
here's a man still working for your smile.'

There was little spontaneous or unrehearsed about the show, but, hey,
what a way to say goodbye!
--

Nathalie Rothschild is commissioning editor of spiked.
--

Leonard Cohen returns to the 02 Arena on 13 November. You can find
more details on his website. http://www.leonardcohen.com/tour.cgi

.

A Street Protester Looks Back at 1968

Protest Politics and the Democratic Party

A Street Protester Looks Back at 1968

http://www.counterpunch.org/finamore07312008.html

By CARL FINAMORE
July 31, 2008

Street protests in Chicago outside the 1968 Democratic Party
convention offer a sharp and revealing comparison to the approaching
August 2008 Democratic convention in Denver.

The contrast between the two conventions captures the essence of
political differences between then and now.

In 1968, it was events outside Chicago's Amphitheatre that captured
the world's attention. In 2008, it will be what's happening inside
Denver's Pepsi Center that will have the spotlight.

Of course, Obama's nomination acceptance on the 45th anniversary of
Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech will be loaded with
historic symbolism. This is sure to be shamelessly exploited by a
duplicitous party hierarchy that has itself unquestionably
contributed to the erosion of civil rights over the last four decades.

In addition, a very professional stage production will undoubtedly be
designed to keep focus on theatrics inside the convention.

This is a significant departure from 1968 where attention largely
remained on explosive struggles against war and racism, some of which
were dramatically played out in numerous street actions outside the
Democratic convention under conditions most observers described as a
'virtual police state.'

Why the big difference between the two conventions?

Civil rights and war were center stage in 1968 because a mobilized,
independent protest movement of millions propelled these causes.

Throughout the 1960s, thousands of neighborhood, labor, religious,
campus, civil rights and women's groups were active in organizing
teach-ins, marches, picket lines, student strikes, rallies and mass
protests for civil rights, women's rights, and peace in Vietnam. It
was a time of regular and sustained organizing and protest.

The impending deliberations at the Chicago convention forty years ago
took place against this backdrop of social upheaval. Clearly, the
demands of the peace and civil rights movements eclipsed the dull,
tepid and deceitful party platform discussions inside Chicago's Amphitheatre.

This certainly is not the case in 2008.

Protest Politics and the Democratic Party

The two establishment parties never want to see social movements take
shape outside their control. Dissent is to be shuffled back and forth
between the two parties like a B-Movie 'Good Cop, Bad Cop'
interrogation. This is as true now as it was in 1968.

It is generally known that President Kennedy dispatched his brother
Robert to convince Martin Luther King Jr. to call off the 1963 March
on Washington. To his credit, King understood building an independent
mass movement was far more powerful political leverage than relying
on individual assurances from Washington politicians.

King was committed to keeping his movement from being controlled by
the same politicians he sought to influence. In one notable example
he explicitly defied the advice of powerful, well-funded Democratic
Party liberals that he dodge the war issue.

Instead, in 1967 King delivered his first impassioned speech against
the Vietnam War. He responded to his detractors by saying that
"Silence is Betrayal." That year King led 400,000 of us on April 15
from New York's Central Park to the United Nation's building. (New
York Times, 4/16/67)

Unable to stop the growth of these independent civil rights and
antiwar movements, the government sought to actually disrupt and
destroy them through their criminal COINTELPRO campaign.

But while the protest movements remained viable, they had a profound
impact on politics in America. For example, the Texas "good old boy"
President Lyndon Johnson was the unlikely promoter of the most
comprehensive anti-discrimination laws since Reconstruction.

But that is the point. Johnson supported profound social legislation
despite his biases. Enormous political pressures arose and
overwhelmed his otherwise retrograde impulses.

Similarly, unable to sidetrack the independent antiwar protest
movement, the vulgar reactionary President Richard Nixon withdrew the
last US soldier from Vietnam in 1973.

Politics was driven by powerful social forces operating in the
streets, not from within the Oval Office. Unfortunately, this dynamic
has long been absent.

Who Defines the Political Agenda?

In 1968, civil rights demands to fund a "War on Poverty" and antiwar
demands for "Immediate Withdrawal from Vietnam" were clearly defined
through years of debate and discussion among tens of thousands of activists.

Eventually, this debate spilled over into the homes of millions of
Americans. After several years of experience with the rising human
death toll, the call for "Immediate Withdrawal" was generally
accepted by the American people. Many Americans also came to support
the principle of "self-determination" for developing countries,
opposing the idea of "pre-emptive" interventions.

All this has often been dismissed by right-wing politicians as the
"Vietnam Syndrome," but it is the reason no US occupation troops
remain in that country today.

In 2008, we are still plagued by issues of racism, war and poverty,
but the solutions will be more defined by compromising politicians,
many of whom will be assembled in Denver.

As a result, discussions about getting out of Iraq invariably contain
exemptions for permanent US military bases and the right to intervene
to protect U.S. "interests."

Today's peace movement slogan of "Immediate Withdrawal from Iraq &
Afghanistan" is largely ignored by establishment 'insiders'. That's
because the massive antiwar movement needed to promote this slogan
onto the national agenda is not there in 2008 as it was in 1968.

Antiwar protests are planned for Denver in August, but they are not
likely to distract much from the agenda inside the convention.

The world's attention may be focused on what is happening inside the
Denver convention, but those of us hoping for real social change in
this country must look outside, to the grassroots and to the future
of mass organizing.

No serious reform is possible without this step.

For example, it is impossible to have genuine health care reform
without ending the criminal stranglehold of the enormously-profitable
insurance companies. It is also impossible to terminate wars of
intervention without ending the economic free-trade aggression of
greedy US corporations.

Overcoming these obstacles does not come easy. It requires a very
tough struggle. That's why broad serious reforms have only occurred
twice since Reconstruction, under Franklin D. Roosevelt and Lyndon B.
Johnson. And both times it was under circumstances of near revolt by
major sections of the population.

This is a fact ignored by those who desire to influence Obama
personally from inside his campaign to somehow transcend his class
loyalties. On the contrary, politicians of the two elite parties have
only been influenced to enact major change from the outside.
--

Carl Finamore was chairman of the University of Illinois, Chicago
Circle, Committee to End the War in Vietnam and participated in all
the protests outside the 1968 Democratic Party convention. This
lifelong outsider eagerly awaits a party worth getting inside. He is
former President (ret), Air Transport Employees Local Lodge 1781,
IAMAW, and can be reached at local1781@yahoo.com

.

Socialism and Homosex

Socialism and Homosex

http://gaycitynews.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=19870403&BRD=2729&PAG=461&dept_id=568864&rfi=6

By: DOUG IRELAND
07/24/2008

Recovering our hidden gay history has been a critically important
byproduct of the modern gay movement, and in its current Summer 2008
issue, the 46-year-old independent socialist review New Politics has
published a significant discovery that restores to us a lost moment
of our political history - specifically, of the history of gays and the left.

The discovery was made quite accidentally by the historian
Christopher Phelps, a professor of history at Ohio State University
at Mansfield whose books include the critically well-regarded
biography "Young Sidney Hook: Marxist and Pragmatist." While Phelps
was researching a forthcoming book on anti-Stalinist black radicals,
he came across an article by one "H.L. Small" on homosexual
emancipation entitled "Socialism and Sex," which appeared in 1952 in
Young Socialist, the mimeographed bulletin of the youth section of
the Socialist Party, then led by Norman Thomas.

And on further investigation, and after interviewing survivors of
that period, Phelps unearthed the fact that there was an organized
effort within the Socialist Party at that time to have it take a firm
and bold position in favor of the decriminalization of homosexuality
and the end of discrimination against gays and lesbians - an unheard
of political initiative at the time for any political party.

Until now, it has been thought that the roots of modern gay political
activism could be found only in the work of the legendary Harry Hay,
who began organizing homosexuals while he was a member of the
Communist Party. The first gay organization Hay fathered was created
during the 1948 presidential campaign of Henry Wallace, the former
FDR vice president who that year became the candidate of the
newly-formed, left-wing Progressive Party, initiated and dominated by
the Communists. Bachelors for Wallace was the discreet name Hay gave
to this embryonic group.

And it was in part out of the nucleus he'd recruited for Bachelors
for Wallace that Hay and Rudi Gernreich, who became a well-known
fashion designer in the 1960s and '70s, founded the Mattachine
Society in 1951, the first US "homophile" organization. Gernreich was
an Austrian refugee from the Nazis who brought with him both his
left-wing politics and his knowledge of the early agitation for
homosexual liberation in Germany, led in the first third of the last
century by Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld.

Gernreich was in the same political orbit as Hay, and indeed the
earliest members of Mattachine were mostly drawn from the Popular
Front culture dominated by the Communist Party.

In order to organize Mattachine, Hay was obliged to leave the
Communist Party. As historian Phelps writes in his essay in New
Politics, "The Communist Party forbade membership to homosexuals on
the grounds that homosexuality was symptomatic of bourgeois
decadence, a perversion, a byproduct of capitalism and fascism. It
also viewed homosexuality, like drug use, as a security risk that
would make individuals susceptible to blackmail or exposure that
would discredit it."

Moreover, Phelps notes, "Although he left the Communist Party, Hay
brought many residues of his Stalinism with him. The Party's habits
of organization, combined with the circumstances of McCarthyism and
anti-gay repression (which demanded at least some modicum of
discretion), led Hay to conceive of Mattachine as a hierarchical
organization led by an inner circle while maintaining the secrecy of
the underground."

In other words, Hay followed a Leninist model of organization.

There was a different political tradition in the Socialist Party and
in its youth arm, the Young People's Socialist League (YPSL, commonly
pronounced "Yipsel"). The Yipsels "made no official prohibition
against same-sex desire and had no official ideology against it," as
Phelps records. "No one was ever expelled from the Socialist Party or
its youth group for 'deviancy' or 'bohemianism.'"

This meant that the author of the article on homosexual emancipation
in the Young Socialist, "H.L. Small" - undoubtedly a pseudonym, as
was common in radical publications during the era of McCarthyism to
prevent employer reprisals - "could write freely without fear of
suppression within the left, such as the expulsions gay Communists
experienced... YPSL members in the 1950s were attracted to
libertarian socialism - evincing, for example, a strong interest in
Rosa Luxemburg, the Polish-German revolutionary who supported the
Russian Revolution but was critical of the early Soviet state for its
ominous consolidation of power."

In his 1952 article, rediscovered by Phelps, "Small" drew on
democratic socialism's libertarian traditions, writing, "The freedom
of the legally of-age adult of both sexes to have sexual relations
with whomever he or she wishes of the same or opposite sex, without
fear of sanction, is an important libertarian principle that is part
of the law in many socialist and semi-socialist countries today,
e.g., in Sweden, Norway, the Netherlands, etc. It means, to the
individual 'deviant,' that the fear of legal sanction, as well as
illegal repression, blackmail, etc., are forever banished from his
mind. It means an area of operational freedom that will enable the
emancipated individual to work and think more effectively in his
tasks of everyday life. It means the difference between health and
sickness for thousands of people who are non-productive members of
society today... Whether we individually consider it right or wrong,
healthy or unhealthy, to have a large or small vocabulary of
libidinal expression, repression of such expression, or practice
under fear, does not make for a whole, productive individual.
Propaganda aimed toward the homosexual individual should stress his
importance as a political concern, it should point out his right to
what the Declaration of Independence called 'the pursuit of happiness'..."

Phelps deserves added points for recognizing the importance of his
rediscovery of this article because he is not himself gay, although
he has been in the forefront of the fight against anti-gay
discrimination on the campus where he teaches. And, as Phelps writes
in New Politics, the article "Socialism and Sex" "prefigured the
1960s. It urged socialists to understand the genesis of political
commitment and their ultimate goals in a capacious sense,
transcending narrow economic terms. It treated sexuality as a
political issue, comprehending the interrelationship between personal
and public in a manner strikingly similar to the subsequent feminist
position that 'the personal is political.' While the scant
intellectual resources available to a young person exploring such
questions in the early 1950s lent the article a modest temperament,
the document contains in embryonic form the admixture of socialism
and gay liberation that would find more militant, revolutionary
expression in the post-Stonewall explosion of such groups as the Gay
Liberation Front. For all these reasons, 'Socialism and Sex' is a
document of great significance in the larger sexual history of the
political left... It stands as an arresting forerunner of modern gay
civil rights consciousness."

Moreover, in a series of interviews with YPSL and Socialist Party
activists from the 1950s, Phelps discovered that the Party came very
close to adopting a homosexual emancipation plank in its platform at
its 1952 convention. The chairman of YPSL at that time was Vern
Davidson, a UCLA senior who had had several same-sex affairs,
including with other Party members, and who, he told Phelps, "was
instructed by the YPSL to attempt to put a homosexual rights plank
before the platform committee."

Norman Thomas, often called "the grand old man of American
socialism," who had been the Socialist Party's candidate for
president six times and who was widely admired as a man of principle
in progressive circles way beyond the Socialist Party, was
sympathetic when Davidson raised the idea of a homosexual
emancipation plank at the platform committee. As Davidson recalls,
"He said, 'Well, Vern, if the YPSL thinks that's something that we
should consider, I certainly think we should consider it, and I have
nothing against it, but I wish you could draw up something and come
back with it.'"

Davidson told Phelps he tried and tried to draft an appropriate
platform plank but "I just couldn't write anything that seemed to fit
into the platform. So I let it slide by. I had no guidance. We didn't
talk about 'discrimination based on sexual orientation' in those
days. That phrase would never have come to me. And everything was
going fast, we were fighting over the [Korean] war and everything,
and it didn't get done. And I take responsibility. But I believe to
this day, had I been able to do my job, Thomas would have joined me,
and we would have had it back then, in '52."

The fact that there was political discussion of what we now call gay
rights and an effort within the Socialist Party organized enough to
bring the question to the national decision-makers of the party in
the same time frame that Harry Hay and his pro-Communist circle were
giving birth to the Mattachine Society is a chapter of gay history
that until now has never been written.

Hay's semi-clandestine Leninist model for Mattachine eventually
failed. As Phelps writes, "By 1953, a majority of newer members,
hundreds of whom had joined after Mattachine successfully defended a
member in Los Angeles from police entrapment, came to feel
manipulated and sought an open, democratic organization. Hay opposed
them, holding that such a transformation would sacrifice 'all the
idealisms that we held while we were a private organization.'

"This membership rebellion, reflective of widespread distrust of the
initial conspiratorial and top-down structure, coincided with
threatened inquiry by Congressional investigative committees,
prompting Hay and other radical founders to withdraw from Mattachine
in 1953. As its new and more conservative leaders sought
respectability, the Mattachine Society lost many members and pursued
a timid, self-effacing course..."

Phelps' rediscovery of the "Socialism and Sex" article and the
organizational initiatives it reflected give rise to interesting
speculations as to what course the nascent homosexual emancipation
movement might have taken if the Socialist Party had indeed embraced
the cause back then. Eventually, it did become the first US political
party to put forward an openly gay candidate for president when, in
1980, it nominated veteran pacifist organizer David McReynolds as its
candidate.

Phelps' article in New Politics is a must read for anyone interested
in the history of the American gay movement, and it also was the
jumping-off point for a symposium of mini-essays in the magazine on
"Gays and the Left," with fascinating and widely different political
perspectives from McReynolds; Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Martin
Duberman, known as the "Father of Gay Studies"; historian John
D'Emilio, the biographer of gay civil rights leader Bayard Rustin and
the founding director of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force's
Policy Institute; gay theorist Jeffrey Escoffier, author of "American
Homo: Perversity and Community" and other books; and lesbian Bettina
Aptheker, a professor of feminist studies at the University of
California/Santa Cruz, who was the daughter of leading Communist
intellectual Herbert Aptheker and herself a former member of the CP
for two decades, and author of "Intimate Politics: How I Grew Up Red,
Fought for Free Speech, and Became a Feminist Rebel."

As it happens, the same issue of New Politics also includes a
hitherto-unpublished poem by Pier Paolo Pasolini and a critique of his cinema.

If you can't find this important Summer 2008 issue of New Politics at
one of the better magazine shops, you may order it for $9 from New
Politics, 155 West 72 Street, Room 402, New York, 10023. The Phelps
article and mini-essays in the symposium on "Gays and the Left" are
also available online at http://www.wpunj.edu/~newpol/ .
--

Doug Ireland can be reached through his blog, DIRELAND, at
http://direland.typepad.com/

.

States cast wary eye on salvia

States cast wary eye on salvia

http://www.dailygazette.com/news/2008/jul/27/0727_salviadrug/

Legal herb is hallucinogenic

Sunday, July 27, 2008
By Sara Foss (Contact)
Gazette Reporter

NEW YORK STATE ­ Two years ago, the New York State Office of
Alcoholism and Substance Abuse Services put an informational item
about a little-known hallucinogenic herb called Salvia divinorum on
its Web site.

Salvia is unregulated and can be purchased in head or smoke shops or
on the Internet by anyone with a credit card, and it isn't illegal.

Now, a growing number of states are considering banning or regulating
salvia, which is said to trigger intense but relatively brief hallucinations.

Earlier this year, the New York State Senate passed a bill that would
have made it illegal to sell salvia in New York, but a similar
measure died in the state Assembly. In Massachusetts, legislators are
considering a bill that would ban salvia, and the Drug Enforcement
Agency lists salvia as a "drug of concern." Twelve states, including
Maine and California, have already moved to ban or regulate it.

Though salvia use is far from prevalent in the Capital Region, it's
something drug-prevention experts are aware of.

"We haven't seen a lot of use," said Patty Kilgore, clinical director
at the Saratoga Partnership for Prevention. "We've seen a lot of kids
who are aware of it. … More kids know about it than are actually
using it. It's not classified, but it probably should be."

Kilgore said she's talked to a few teens who have used salvia. She
said there are several reasons teens are less likely to use salvia
than other drugs. For one thing, they may not have a credit card,
which would make it more difficult to purchase salvia online. Some
kids have also complained that salvia is not a "good high" ­ that
because the drug is unregulated, it doesn't always produce the
desired effect. And addicts, she noted, are less likely to use
hallucinogenics because you develop a tolerance to them more quickly.
"Salvia isn't a daily use type of drug," she said.

Nancy Johnson, coordinator of the Schenectady County Substance Abuse
Prevention Partnership, said staff first learned about salvia about a
year and a half ago, when a parent reported that a child's friend had
used the drug. "We were all on the Internet researching it, but then
things died down," she said. "We haven't heard anyone talk about salvia since."

The Schenectady County Substance Abuse Prevention Partnership sent
information about salvia to parents, Johnson said, to make them aware
of it. But in terms of teenage substance abuse, alcohol and marijuana
remain the biggest problems, and officials are concerned about
illicit prescription drug use, she said. Some kids have started
holding "rainbow parties," where they throw different pills into a
bowl, mix them up and then take one or two of them, she said.

Dianne Henk, a spokeswoman for the state Office of Alcoholism and
Substance Abuse Services, said OASAS decided to post the item on
salvia on the agency's Web site after the agency's medical director
read several articles about the drug.

Henk said that it's important that parents know about the drug, and
how easy it is to obtain over the Internet. "Because it's so easy to
obtain and not regulated, it's something the medical community is
talking about," she said. "Because we know the Internet spreads the
word, and because we know there's a great deal of information on the
Internet, the sense was that it was important to address it."

Right now, the state has no plans to regulate salvia, Henk said. "Our
focus is 'let's educate as much as possible,'" she said.

The legislation to outlaw salvia in New York was proposed by state
Sen. John Flanagan, R-Smithtown. "Parents are unaware of this," said
Robert Caroppoli, a spokesman for Flanagan. "[Flanagan] sees it as a
gateway drug to harsher drugs. He decided that if the federal
government wasn't going to do anything, he would try to do something here."

Determining how many people in New York have used salvia is tricky.

"It's not a substance which we track," Henk said.

A National Survey of Drug Use and Health report released in February
found that more people are using salvia.

"There is evidence suggesting the emergence of new hallucinogens,
such as Salvia divinorum, which has been marketed as an 'herbal
high,'" the report noted. About 1.8 million people aged 12 and older
have used salvia in their lifetime, and approximately 750,000 did so
in 2006. In comparison, approximately 23 million people aged 12 and
older have used LSD in their lifetime, but fewer than 700,000 people
used LSD in 2006.

Salvia, which is also known as diviner's sage, is a psychoactive drug
that is typically smoked, but can also be absorbed by chewing, tea
infusions or inhaling the vapors of the burning leaves. It is a
perennial herb in the mint family, native to Mexico, where the
Mazaetc Indians use it in healing ceremonies. But little is known
about its long-term effects.

The OASAS item on salvia states, "Currently, there is a lack of
information regarding plants or weeds commonly found in our
environment that can cause serious legal harm when ingested, smoked
or rubbed into the skin. Most of these substances are not illegal. …
Research suggests that teen misuse of these weeds and plants
increases when they are in bloom in the spring and summer months,
though they can be used year round and could possibly be purchased
over the Internet."

.

35 years of drug war failure

[2 items]

35 years of drug war failure

http://www.pittsburghlive.com/x/pittsburghtrib/opinion/columnists/steigerwald/s_577348.html

By Bill Steigerwald
TRIBUNE-REVIEW
Sunday, July 13, 2008

Belated birthday greetings to the Drug Enforcement Administration.

The DEA, which Richard Nixon created in 1973 and charged with the
impossible but politically useful mission of winning the "all-out
global war on the drug menace," turned 35 on July 1.

So, how's its track record after 35 years of difficult, often
dangerous drug-war-making? If the DEA were a heroin addict, it would
have overdosed on its own incompetence by age 6.

Despite its failures and the harm it's done to American society,
however, the DEA has done more than merely survive. It's become a
typically bloated, self-preserving federal bureaucracy whose power,
budget and continuing existence bear no relation to its performance.

In 1974 the DEA had 1,470 special agents, a budget of less than $75
million ($346 million in 2007 money) and 43 offices in 31 countries.

Today, it has 5,235 special agents, a $2.3 billion budget and 87
offices in 63 countries.

If you consider locking up mostly pot smokers and other perpetrators
of victimless crimes a valid measure of success in the war on drugs,
the DEA and its fellow state and local drug warriors deserve high praise.

Annual drug arrests have tripled in the last 25 years to 1.8 million
in 2005 (when 43 percent of all drug arrests were for marijuana
offenses). And we had about 500,000 drug criminals in various
federal, state and local slammers in 2005, compared with 41,000 in 1980.

The DEA touts its latest alleged successes in cutting demand for
drugs on its Web page
(usdoj.gov/dea/pubs/cngrtest/ct031208_successes08.pdf). If you can
believe the DEA's current statistics or those annual pronouncements
of tough-talking White House drug czars, we're winning the drug war
-- again and again.

Yet today illegal drugs are as plentiful and cheap as ever. And rates
of drug use are essentially the same as they were when the DEA was
born, according to Monitoring the Future, which each year since 1975
has studied the behaviors, attitudes and values of 50,000 American
high schoolers.

Based on Monitoring the Future's latest study, the DEA's most
significant career victory over drugs is that the percentage of
12th-graders who reported using marijuana dropped from 40 percent in
1975 to 31.7 percent in 2007.

Otherwise, despite untold billions blown on the war on drugs, the
percentage of kids in 1975 who reported using cocaine (5.6 percent)
and heroin (1 percent) has dropped insignificantly to 5.2 percent and
0.9 percent, respectively, in 2007.

Meanwhile, a new study of drug use by the World Health Organization
casts further doubt on the long-term efficacy of our war on drugs.

Of 17 countries surveyed, China and Japan had the lowest rates of
drug use and the United States had the highest rate -- by far.

Obviously, culture, economics and politics play important roles, but
WHO's researchers found that there's no relationship between a
country's strict anti-drug policies and its levels of drug use.

Maybe it's unfair to dump on the DEA, especially on its birthday.
After all, it's only following orders.

It's not the DEA's fault that for 35 years Congress and seven
presidents haven't had the brains or the political courage to
decriminalize marijuana or at least work to humanize America's drug policy.

So happy birthday, DEA. But not many happy returns.
--

Bill Steigerwald is the Tribune-Review's associate editor. He can be
reached at bsteigerwald@tribweb.com or 412-320-7983.

--------

Dissing the DEA

http://www.pittsburghlive.com/x/pittsburghtrib/opinion/letters/send/s_579277.html

Friday, July 25, 2008

As a former special agent in charge serving in South America,
Thailand, New York, Philadelphia and San Francisco, and with over 35
years experience in all phases of narcotic enforcement, I take
exception to Bill Steigerwald's column criticizing the Drug
Enforcement Administration for becoming a "bloated, self-preserving
federal bureaucracy whose power, budget and continuing existence bear
no relation to its performance" ("35 years of drug war failure", July
13 and PghTrib.com).

The DEA doesn't waste valuable time arresting pot smokers and
perpetrators of victimless crimes.

• Fifty high-ranking Mafia families, Gambino, Genevese and Ormento,
were all arrested and jailed in New York for drug trafficking and conspiracy.

• Undercover operation "French Connection" arrested Auguste Ricord
for conspiracy and importing multi kilos of heroin into the U.S. This
case was made as a result of DEA cooperation with the French and U.S.
police in New York and with Interpol.

• Timothy Leary, the guru of LSD, was charged with illegal
manufacturing of the drug and setting up numerous labs nationwide.

• In San Francisco, 40 Hell's Angels were arrested and charged with
drug and racketeering charges.

• The DEA in cooperation with foreign diplomats and law enforcement
officials caused the extradition of numerous Mafia drug traffickers
from Thailand, South America, Mexico and Europe.

Mr. Steigerwald made no mention of numerous DEA, state, local and
foreign agents who lost their lives fighting the drug wars.

And it should be noted that the responsibility of setting U.S. drug
policy enforcement and intelligence gathering lies with the DEA, FBI,
U.S. Customs, CIA, U.S. Coast Guard, State Department, Congress, the
White House and state and local law enforcement agencies.

I agree with Mr. Steigerwald that the marijuana laws should be
decriminalized, but that would take the White House's and Congress' approval.

Daniel J. Addario
New Bern, N.C.

.

OBIT: Katherine Kinkade, founder of Twin Oaks

[3 articles]

Kathleen 'Kat' Kinkade, 77; Pioneer Started Va. Commune

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/07/15/AR2008071502719.html

By Joe Holley
Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, July 16, 2008

Kathleen "Kat" Kinkade, 77, a founding member of a rural Virginia
commune called Twin Oaks Community, died July 3 of complications
related to bone cancer. She had been a resident of Twin Oaks, about
35 miles southeast of Charlottesville, since its beginning in 1967.

Eighty-five income-sharing adults and 15 children continue the
communal experiment Ms. Kinkade helped originate. Each member
receives food, housing, health care and personal spending money from
the community, whose income derives primarily from making
high-quality rope hammocks, casual furniture, indexing books and tofu.

Her involvement with communal living began when she was a 36-year-old
secretary and single mother in Los Angeles and happened to read
"Walden Two," a utopian fantasy by Harvard psychologist B.F. Skinner.
The novel imagines a self-contained communal society of 1,000 people
who solve life's problems through behavioral engineering.

"I read 'Walden Two' throughout one day, breaking only to get up and
pace the floor and shout, 'This is what I want!' " Ms. Kinkade told
The Washington Post in 1998.

She wrote Skinner, asking whether there was a real Walden Two that
she could join, but got no reply. A friend pointed out a small
classified ad in a magazine from a D.C. cabdriver named Wayne who was
interested in launching a Walden Two community. Ms. Kinkade and her
daughter moved across the country to join Wayne's group house.

Wayne went his own way, and Ms. Kinkade married another boarder in
the house. The couple eventually found a fellow "Walden Two"
enthusiast who provided seed money to lease a small tobacco farm
southeast of Charlottesville. She, her husband and her daughter were
among the eight Twin Oaks founders.

Unlike thousands of other communes that sprang up in the 1960s only
to succumb to the perplexities of shared living, Twin Oaks gradually
began to flourish, despite early hardship and dissension. It grew to
almost a hundred communards, became a self-sustaining land trust of
450 efficiently managed acres and began to thrive financially when it
signed a long-term contract with Pier 1 for its hammocks.

Although she was involved in founding two other income-sharing
communities -- in Missouri and Virginia -- she told The Post in 1998
that communal life had not measured up to her expectations.

"My mother was disappointed that Twin Oaks did not turn out to be the
model for what the rest of our society would be," said her daughter,
Dr. Josie Kinkade of Louisa, Va. "When she found out that it was
really just a nice place for some middle-class people to live, she
was disappointed."

Kinkade said she reminded her mother that she had created a
"university of life," and she seemed satisfied with that assessment.

Ms. Kinkade was born in Seattle, grew up poor during the Depression
and became the first person in her working-class family to go to
college, when she attended the University of Washington for a year.
She dropped out to marry an Army sergeant. When the marriage
dissolved, she took her 4-year-old daughter to live in Mexico City,
where she taught English to first-graders at a private school.

She returned to the United States in 1960, got a job as a secretary
and became a folk dancer. She encountered "Walden Two" as an
assignment for a class she was taking during night school. Although
the novel was the inspiration for her communal vision, Twin Oaks, as
it evolved, bore little resemblance to Skinner's utopian fantasy.

She quickly discovered communal living was devilishly difficult.
"Freeloading hippies began to turn up," reporter Tamara Jones noted
in a 1998 Washington Post magazine story. "Personality clashes made
living cooperatively a constant challenge."

She found herself swamped with administrative chores and complaints
that she was too authoritarian. Eventually, the community brought in
facilitators to mediate the power struggle, and their recommendations
resulted in more democratic governance.

Although Ms. Kinkade persevered, the challenge never got easier. "She
left Twin Oaks once, 'with a man, but he wasn't mine,' " she once
told The Post, "and she started a new commune that also frustrated
and disappointed her. She ventured into the outside world for a
while, then surprised herself by coming back."

She also got involved in sacred harp music through the nearby
Yanceyville Church, where, as an atheist, she sang in the choir
because she loved the harmonious, shape-note singing of the sacred
harp tradition.

At 70, she moved into a tiny house in nearby Mineral (the first house
she had ever owned) and enjoyed planting flowers and rescuing
abandoned kittens. When she became too weak to live alone, Twin Oaks
took her back in and community members tended to her needs until her death.

Ms. Kinkade's marriages to Donald Logsdon and George Griebe ended in divorce.

In addition to her daughter, from her first marriage, survivors
include a granddaughter.

--------

Community living tests utopian beliefs

http://www.vindy.com/news/2008/jul/26/community-living-tests-utopian-beliefs/

July 26, 2008

When Kathleen Kincaid, 77, died from complications of bone cancer
earlier this month, her dream died with her.

Her greatest hope was to create communities of caring persons who, by
shunning possessions and ambition, might create the best of all
possible worlds for themselves ­ little heavens on earth.

Utopians have been around forever, but "Kat" Kincaid's definition of
Eden originated in the 1960s, when alienated young men and women fled
from commerce and conflict to form rural communes ­ extended families
of otherwise unrelated persons devoted to becoming economically and
contentedly self-sufficient.

In 1967 she was a single mother living with her infant daughter in
Los Angeles. As a class assignment in night school, she read the book
"Walden Two" by B.F. Skinner, a psychologist who argued that people
could re-program their lives to provide for one another's needs and
live peacefully together.

After moving to a group house in Washington, D.C., she married a
resident. Together, they inspired another would-be utopian to lease a
small Virginia farm 35 miles from Thomas Jefferson's Monticello. Five
more enthusiasts joined them to create a primitive community they
named Twin Oaks. Members come and go, but today, 41 years later, Twin
Oaks is still home to an extended family of 85 income-sharing adults
and 15 children.

Joe Holley, writing in The Washington Post, reveals that "each member
receives food, housing, health care, and personal spending money from
the community, whose income derives primarily from making
high-quality rope hammocks and casual furniture" plus indexing books
and marketing tofu.

When freeloading hippies tried to crash the community, "Kat" quickly
discovered that governing a utopian community was an onerous task.
Her daughter, now a physician, says, "My mother was disappointed that
Twin Oaks did not turn out to be the model for what the rest of our
society would be. When she found out that it was really just a nice
place for some middle-class people to live, she was disappointed."

After a time, she left Twin Oaks to help create two similar
income-sharing communes in Missouri and Virginia. In retirement, she
bought her own little house in Mineral, Va., and devoted her life to
planting flowers and rescuing abandoned kittens. When she was no
longer able to live alone, her former Twin Oaks "family" invited her
back and cared for her until her death.

Utopians share a belief in the innocence and perfectibility of human
nature ­ a faith that is severely tested by the rigors of cooperative
living. Although 1960s-style secular communes are hard-pressed to
survive, there are some 20,000 thriving utopian communities across
the nation. The vast majority of them are religiously motivated.
Their members acknowledge human conflict and the need for mutual
discipline to ensure peace. They find it in God's providence.

It's worth mentioning that, although "Kat" Kincaid's utopianism had
no room for religious faith, she refused to allow her atheism to keep
her from singing in the Yanceyville Church choir.

--------

OBIT:
KATHERINE KINKADE, 77

Founder of utopian commune

http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/obituaries/bal-md.delse28.1jul28,0,5106222.story

7/28/08

American soil has proved to be fertile ground for utopian
communities. Since the days of Brook Farm, they have come and gone -
most of them quickly. Twin Oaks, an experimental community near
Charlottesville, Va., inspired by the behaviorist ideas of
psychologist B.F. Skinner, still survives after nearly 40 years.
Katherine Kinkade, one of its founders, died there July 3.

The cause was breast cancer, said her daughter, Josie Kinkade.

Inspired by the ideal society described in Mr. Skinner's book Walden
Two, Ms. Kinkade, who was known as Kat, joined seven other fellow
believers in 1967 and took over a former tobacco farm to realize her
vision of a perfect egalitarian society.

It was not easy. The farm's well ran dry, cows starved over the
winter and rammed-earth bricks did not generate the kind of revenue
that the founders had hoped for. Pot-smoking hippies who drifted into
the commune found themselves at odds with work-ethic missionaries
like Ms. Kinkade, whose blunt practicality and executive talent -
rare qualities in the counterculture - helped the stumbling colony
achieve not just self-sufficiency but something resembling prosperity.

"She was the Hillary Clinton of Twin Oaks," her daughter said.

In 1964, while living in Los Angeles and working in a dead-end
secretarial job, she read Walden Two. Mr. Skinner's novel, about
people living in an egalitarian society, strikes many readers as
bloodless and forbidding, but Ms. Kinkade responded ecstatically. She
wrote to the author asking whether such a community existed and
whether she could join.

She received no reply, concluded that there was no such community and
decided to create one.

Ms. Kinkade found a house in Washington, D.C., whose residents were
trying to put Walden Two into practice and had been living there for
two years when a wealthy devotee of Mr. Skinner lent the residents
money to buy a 123-acre tobacco farm.

"They really thought that the rest of the world would see their
community and follow its example," Josie Kinkade said. "Today I think
Twin Oaks sees itself more as an eco-village, living lightly on the land."

In addition to producing hammocks, an important generator of revenue
for the community, Twin Oaks makes foods like tofu in three flavors
and vegetarian sausage.

Ms. Kinkade helped found two other communes, East Wind, in Columbia,
Mo.; and Acorn, a few miles away from Twin Oaks in Louisa County. Both survive.

.

Down time: Hawkwind

Down time: Hawkwind

http://entertainment.timesonline.co.uk/tol/arts_and_entertainment/music/article4386490.ece

July 27, 2008
Robert Sandall

One of British rock's most enduring hippie institutions, Hawkwind
formed in 1969 and staked their claim as heroes of the counterculture
by playing a free gig outside the Isle of Wight festival. As famous
for their open-door membership policy as their "space rock" sound,
Hawkwind have 29 alumni, including Cream's drummer, Ginger Baker, and
Lemmy. Only the guitarist and main songwriter, Dave "Dr Technical"
Brock, has survived the band's shake-ups. A live album, Knights of
Space, is out tomorrow.

1 Silver Machine Their big space-boogie hit - No 3 in 1972 - had to
be sung by the bassist, Lemmy, after Robert Calvert was sectioned.
2 Urban Guerrilla Released as a single in 1973, just as the IRA's
mainland bombing campaign began, and promptly banned by the BBC.
3 Kings of Speed A Spectorish production, with lyrics by their
literary mentor, Michael Moorcock.
4 Motorhead The last song Lemmy wrote, in 1974, before leaving to
form the band of the same name.
5 The Psychedelic Warlords (Disappear in Smoke) The band's signature
anthem in the 1970s.
6 Back on the Streets With punk kicking off, they reasserted their
anarcho-street credentials.
7 Quark, Strangeness and Charm A song about a sexually inept
astronomer, which, unusually, poked fun at the band's cosmic agenda.
8 Master of the Universe By 1983, Brock and co were the last space
hippies still in business.
9 Right to Decide A convincing stab at techno-rock, from the 1992
album Electric Tepee.
10 Love in Space Still out there, live, in 1996.

.

Party like it's 1969

Party like it's 1969

http://www.rutlandherald.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20080728/NEWS04/807280358/1003/NEWS02

July 28, 2008
By Brent Curtis Herald Staff

BENNINGTON ­ The Elks Lodge on Washington Street was a hip place to
be on Sunday.

Tie-dyed T-shirts, moon beads and hair ­ long, flowing,
untamed-freak-flag manes of hair ­ filled the otherwise square and
well-kempt dining hall at the lodge where the casting call for
Academy Award-winning director Ang Lee's new movie, "Taking
Woodstock," was held.

Hippies and those willing to play the part stood in line, posed for
Polaroid shots and interviewed with casting directors, who asked them
questions about their availability during the August shoot in New
Lebanon, N.Y., queried them about their musical and acting talents
and inquired about their willingness to participate in nude scenes
written into the film. A casting call took place in Brattleboro Saturday.

Nude or not, the dozens of people who came to audition were ready to
get their groove on.

"It's all about the outfits," 50-year-old Valerie Toenes said, in her
colored skirts and a hair wrap that complemented her daughter's peace
sign and guitar nicely. "We figured if we got in, great. If not we at
least had fun finding the outfits."

Toenes, who hinted at hippie-style leanings in her past and her
14-year-old daughter Jillon McGreal, who said she went through a
hippie phase way back in middle school, drove up from Chatham, N.Y.,
to try their luck.

None of the participants learned on Sunday whether they were in or
out, but Toenes and McGreal said the directors seemed interested in
the mother's free-flowing hair and tarot card reading and the
daughter's guitar playing.

Toenes, who most days inhabits a professional office suite where she
works as an architect, said she expected those talents to attract interest.

What they didn't expect was the directors' interest in the family dog.

"They said they might be interested in recruiting our dog," Toenes
said of the family's black Labrador-Rottweiler. "That was a surprise."

Toenes and McGreal said they planned to shop for a tie-dyed dog
collar or a neckerchief to get their pooch ready for the part.

Mother and daughter were like many people at the audition in one key
respect ­ they weren't real hippies.

Stephanie Hedges of Lenox, Mass., for example, never experimented
with the counterculture lifestyle. But as an actress with a resume
ranging from locally produced plays to extra roles in movies such as
"National Lampoon's Christmas Vacation" and television shows such as
"Walker, Texas Ranger," Hedges said she's up to taking on an unfamiliar role.

Unfortunately, her wardrobe wasn't.

But after digging through her closet, the 39-year-old said she hit
upon a transparent paisley blouse ­ actually two large bandanas sewn
together ­ which had a quasi-hippie appeal to it.

As a payday, the extra role would pay Hedges and the other extras
$100 to $130 a day with some meals thrown in.

But Hedges said auditioning for extra roles can be worth the trip
because non-speaking roles can transform into speaking roles if
directors see talent.

"Ideally, a speaking role is what I'm hoping for," she said.

Nine-year-old Skylar Burditt of Rutland looked like a hippie with his
face half-hidden behind long blonde locks of hair.

But Burditt said he doesn't know what a hippie is and he certainly
isn't into the music of the '60s ­ he likes his hair long, according
to his dad, so he can head-bang to the English heavy-metal band Iron Maiden.

"I know it was a concert with about 5,000 people," Burditt said when
asked what he knew about Woodstock.

What Burditt does know is he wants to be an actor some day and a
small role in a movie is just the stepping stone that the Rutland
youngster, who has acted in two plays, said he is looking for.

Ironically, longtime hippies Janet Gordon and David Cook have
something in common with the 9-year-old ­ their experience with
Woodstock is limited to what they've heard.

Both Gordon, 62, and Cook, 58, were immersed in the counterculture
when the iconic music and arts festival rolled onto Max Yasgur's
600-acre farm for three days of love and music.

But Gordon, who was living in a commune, was pregnant at the time and
Cook, who was living in Massachusetts, said he couldn't hitch a ride.

Now Gordon, who works as a nurse, and Cook, who live together in
Pownal, have a chance to relive history.

And Gordon, who said she was inspired to audition in part because of
her successful bout with breast cancer last year, said she has every
intention of playing the extra role like it's 1969 again.

"They asked me if I would do a nude shot and I said, 'Oh yeah,'" she said.
--

Contact Brent Curtis at brent.curtis@rutlandherald.com.

.

Boomer Babes a Hit with the Baby Boomer Crowd

Boomer Babes a Hit with the Baby Boomer Crowd

http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/69622

Dorothy Thompson
July 27, 2008

What do you get when you mix Sex and The City on replacement hormones
and Viagra? You get Boomer Babes: True Tales of Love and Lust in the
Later Years of course!

Maria Grazia Swan´s newest book, Boomer Babes: True Tales of Love and
Lust in the Later Years, is the perfect solution to some outrageous
inspiration to kick start your love life or grab some sizzling
salacious gossip about the woman who could be your next door neighbor!

It´s no surprise that the generation who burned bras and brought you
the The Summer of Love continues to redefine the way the world thinks
about sex. Long-term lovers or one-night stands, there´s nothing
these women haven´t tried. And now they dish on some of their dirtiest secrets!

Chock full of revolutionary real-life stories, tantalizing celebrity
trivia and Cosmo-esque quizzes, Boomer Babes´ wisdom can be put to
use by woman of any age.

Maria Grazia Swan is a writer and Realtor based in Phoenix, Arizona.
When her house was burned down by a stalker in 1998, she became an
advocate for the safety of people living alone. As a result, she
began getting more single clients in her real-estate business. Soon
after that, she began hosting singles parties and is now responsible
for bringing together a number of happy couples.

Swan is a columnist for the online magazine Single for Now .She has
also written a monthly column for singles in Life in Southern
California, a magazine based in Orange County. She has been featured
several times in The Arizona Republic and is the winner of an award
from the Women´s National Book Association.

Swan immigrated to the United States from Italy in 1969. She is the
divorced mother of two and grandmother of two.

You can visit her website at www.boomerbabesbook.com.

.

Democratic Socialist Solidarity and the Farm Workers’ Struggles

Democratic Socialist Solidarity and the Farm Workers' Struggles

http://theactivist.org/blog/?p=303

Jul 25th, 2008
by Perry Landman-Hopman

The ties between American democratic socialism and the struggles of
farm workers have existed for over a century. Since the founding of
the Socialist Party of America (SPA) in 1901, democratic socialist
ideals have been often found at the root of farm workers' struggles.
The Socialist Party of America was formed by the merging of the
Social Democratic Party and a faction of the Socialist Labor Party.
The SPA focused on interaction with organizations such as the
Industrial Workers of the World, whose objectives emphasized
industrial inequities and the necessity of worker unification. Thus,
the SPA revolutionized the idea of industrial unionizing by expanding
to the level of mass organization. The notion of mass organization is
parallel and further demonstrates the long-standing links between
democratic socialism and the struggles of the working class,
particularly farm workers. In fact, democratic socialist solidarity
has often found itself manning the frontlines in this battle for justice.

While democratic socialism finds its roots in a multitude of
philosophies, the central theme is that democracy and socialism go
hand and hand and more importantly, that there is a need to extend
true democratic accountability to the political and economic spheres
of society. Thus, Democratic socialists believe organized labor is a
necessary check to the power of business under capitalism, and that
organized labor will play a central role in the movement towards a
post-capitalist future. American democratic socialist involvement in
organized labor and farm worker struggles are exemplified in the
1930s by the formation of the Share Cropper's Union (SCU). The SCU
was a large labor force in the deep South consisting primarily of
disenfranchised tenant workers and sharecroppers, a majority of whom
were minorities. The ability of share croppers and tenant farmers to
successfully organize in the face of the mechanization and
proletarianization in the South marked the first of many major
victories of farm workers in the struggle for justice. Using strikes
and taking direct action against both police and corporate
authorities, the SCU along with other sharecropper organizing
substantiated the notion of the potential power held in these farm
worker organizations.

This belief proved vital to the formation and success of the National
Farm Workers Association, founded by Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta,
who is today a Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) Honorary
Co-Chair. The National Farm Workers Association soon became the
United Farm Workers Association (UFW), the nation's first successful
and largest farm workers union. In 1965, an independent group of
Mexican and Filipino farm workers orchestrated the beginnings of the
historic grape boycott that would last through 1970, staging a
walkout that Cesar Chavez used as a spark to nationally ignite the
UFW. Chavez understood the importance of demonstrating the potential
power within an organization such as UFW and set about sending
representatives of the grape boycott throughout the entire country.
In New York and Chicago, the local Socialist Party chapters were
known to be particularly helpful in aiding these representatives.
Organizations that were affiliated with the Socialist Party of
America, before the formation of DSA, took on the jobs of finding
them homes and providing them with the networks that allowed for
success. Democratic socialist solidarity was particularly helpful in
New York where grape consumption was decreased by 90%, due in large
part to the cooperation between UFW activists and democratic
socialist advocates such as DSA Chair Michael Harrington.

One of the more important results of the connection between DSA and
UFW became the work of Eliseo Medina, currently the Vice President of
the Service Employees International Union and highest ranking
immigrant union official in the United States. Medina, a UFW activist
in the 1960s, was sent to Chicago with the orders of organizing and
extending the grape boycott. In 1969, Medina came into contact with
Carl Shier, a member of the local Socialist Party of America chapter
and later to be one of the founders of the Democratic Socialist
Organizing Committee, the organization that preceded DSA. Shier
connected Medina with the Chicago Labor movement, a decision that
propelled Medina's success with both the grape boycott and his
career. At a 2001 DSA national convention dinner honoring Eliseo
Medina and the work he did for organized labor and as DSA Honorary
Co-Chair, he epitomized the experience of many UFW activists in their
interaction and cooperation with democratic socialist solidarity:

"…it was the DSA chapter that adopted me in Chicago, that got us
food, found me a place to live…And so I want to thank you, 35 years
later, for what you did for me and for what you did for farm workers,
because, I think, thanks to that help, we were successful, and we did
stop the sale of grapes, and we did build a farm workers union."

Medina's organizing, with the help of the Chicago Labor movement,
resulted in a great deal of democratic socialist participation in the
grape boycott. This relationship did not exist only in Chicago,
however, and was represented in cities across the country. The main
engine of this work was the original Young People's Socialist League
(YPSL), the predecessor organization to the Young Democratic
Socialists. Chapters at schools such as Harvard and New York
University became very active in the grape boycott, spending
incredible amounts of time on the picket lines. Today's YPSL, an
affiliate of the Socialist Party of the United States of America
(SP-USA), is also active in farm worker solidarity.

One of the major ties between DSA and the struggles of farm workers
remains the common ground shared between the two entities in their
anti-racist and pro-immigrant right perspectives and activism. Recent
National Agricultural Workers Surveys shows that over 70% of farm
workers are born outside of the United States. Overall, 65% of the
farm working population is of Hispanic descent. Leo Casey, a former
National Director of DSA, formed the Sacramento Immigration Committee
(SIC) in 1976 in response to the disproportionate numbers of
minorities in farm work, a pattern that began well before the 20th
century. The focus of the SIC was immigrant rights and the continuing
expansion of the organization was prominent in the decision to merge
the institution into DSA, as their Anti-Racism Commission. Thus, this
branch of DSA has strong roots in the struggles of farm workers, with
the goal to ensure their ability to organize and protect their civil
rights. The formation of the SIC and Anti-Racism Commission show the
ability of democratic socialist solidarity to stay realistic with the
changing trends of society. While Dolores Huerta, the co-founder of
UFW, continued to show that it was "okay to be a socialist" ,
democratic socialists began to recognize the importance of a
partnership and mutual respect between their organization and the
growing Hispanic and Latino populations within the country. The goal
became to work with labor in an anti-racist manner, and more
importantly work with youth such as the Chicano student movements to
display the draw of democratic socialism and the importance of
organized labor to their shared cause.

While the 1960s saw the polarization of the African American and
white cultures, DSA used the 1970s and the new decade to emphasize
the importance of the Latino populations. Helping to organize
Latino-dominated organizations such as the Farm Worker's Organizing
Committee or farm workers unions of North Carolina, DSA saw the
importance of these organizations in respect to their mission. The
organizing of farm workers had three major achievements related to
both democratic socialist and farm workers goals. First was the
creation of unions and organized labor, a step that protected
immigrant worker's rights while also creating a greater sense of true
democracy in society. Second, this organizing often created a sense
of Latino solidarity, vital to the survival and flourishing of Latino
culture. Lastly, farm worker organizing served as a way for
immigrants to empower themselves and gain democratic control over
their own lives. Such reforms, which challenge structures of power,
are important to begin moving a capitalist society towards social
justice, and ultimately democratic socialism.

The emphasis on immigrant rights and organized labor has carried
through DSA into the 21st century. Currently, the struggle for
justice of immigrant and undocumented workers remains a high priority
of both the DSA and Young Democratic Socialists (YDS) national
agenda. While YDS, the youth section of DSA, has remained an ally of
the Coalition of Immokalee Workers (CIW) since the beginning of their
organization in 1993, DSA and YDS's more recent work with CIW shows
the continuing trend to fight for the rights of immigrant workers in
the face of big corporations. CIW has been noted on several accounts
for their achievements in fighting the unfair business practices of
Taco Bell, McDonald's, and now Burger King. Leading protests over the
wages paid to farm workers on tomato plantations with the
"penny-a-pound" movement, CIW was hugely successful in their fight
against Taco Bell and McDonald's. The "penny-a-pound" movement was
aimed at increasing the salary of farm workers by one cent per pound
of tomatoes picked, which in time and in large quantities takes CIW
members out of poverty wages. DSA was able to help publicize and
organize two conferences during the McDonald's struggle, as well as
house many CIW supporters in Chicago during the protests and
meetings. Along with financial contributions, the Greater Oak Park
Branch of Chicago DSA organized the final protest of McDonald's
before McDonald's agreed to the CIW terms, a protest that also drew
large support from YDS. Demonstrations organized and aided by YDS
chapters nationwide continue for the struggle against Burger King.
YDS members recently played a key role in the 2008 Student Labor Week
of Action where we were highlighted by Jobs with Justice for our
support work of CIW. DSA and YDS intend to continue the close
relationship between democratic socialism and the struggles of farm
workers. Democratic socialists believe that true democracy and social
equity are intrinsically linked and that neither can be reached until
all workers in society are viewed and treated equally.
--

Perry Landman-Hopman is a rising sophomore at the George Washington
University Elliott School of International Affairs, currently
pursuing two degrees in International Development Patterns with a
concentration in Africa and African History. He is interning with YDS
in the summer and plans to serve a large role in the founding of a
chapter at George Washington University in the fall.

.

Red Faces Over Obama's Red Mentor

Special Report:
Red Faces Over Obama's Red Mentor

http://www.rightsidenews.com/200807281562/culture-wars/special-report-red-faces-over-obama-s-red-mentor.html

July 28, 2008
By Cliff Kincaid

In a strange development, supporters of Barack Obama's childhood
mentor, Frank Marshall Davis, are openly debating the nature and
depth of Davis's commitment to the Communist Party and his
relationship with the Democratic candidate. The debate has gotten heated.

This unusual debate, which is taking place on Obama's official
website, raises the question once again as to why Obama has not been
asked by the major media about this relationship. Davis was
identified as a Communist Party member by various investigative
committees and acknowledged his party membership in a private letter
obtained by John Edgar Tidwell, who was sympathetic to Davis and
edited his books.

On one side of this debate is somebody claiming to be the son of
Davis. On the other side is Alan Maki, a political activist and union
organizer with a long history of involvement in left-wing causes.
Indeed, Maki confirms that he has been a member of the Communist
Party USA (CPUSA) and was a communist decades ago when he was in the
Students for a Democratic Society (SDS).

Although he doesn't support Obama because of his ties to Big
Business, Maki wrote a blog on the Obama website stating that he was
grateful to Obama for bringing Davis to his attention, and that he,
Maki, regarded Davis as his mentor, too. Maki announced establishment
of a "Frank Marshall Davis Roundtable for Change" and invited Obama
supporters to join it.

Maki did his homework, which is more than most of our own media have
done, and he obtained Davis's books. It is absolutely clear, Maki
stated, that Davis was a communist.

In his 1995 book, Dreams From My Father, Obama cites "Frank" as
someone who gave him advice on various matters, including race,
American values, and college, and read poems to him during his
high-school years in Hawaii. One of Davis's poems was a tribute to
the Soviet Red Army. Another mocked the work of Christian missionaries.

New Zealand blogger Trevor Loudon was the first to alert people to
the fact that "Frank" was identified as Frank Marshall Davis, a
controversial black writer and poet, by Gerald Horne, a writer for a
CPUSA publication. Davis's influence over Obama could help explain
why the candidate associated with communists, socialists and
anti-American figures through college and his political life in Chicago.

Maki says his intention is to use Davis's writings "to advance the
unity of working people to be a voice to be reckoned with by the
Obama Administration, which to me, at this point, looks like will be
an overwhelming landslide victory over the Republicans."

Communist-style Change

Into the picture comes the person claiming to be the son of Frank
Marshall Davis, who posted some comments on the Obama website in
which he expresses the view that Maki and I are somehow in cahoots
because Maki agreed to talk to me about his views on communism and Obama.

While Maki doesn't personally like my conservative views, he was
honest and forthright about his own political beliefs. Maki posts his
telephone number, is easy to reach, and doesn't hide his political
affiliation. And since I reported the results of these conversations,
the person calling himself Mark Davis says Maki and I have become
"strange bedfellows" and involved in some kind of alliance against Obama.

This would be amusing were it not for the fact that this Mark Davis
figure seems determined to obscure the truth and tries to publish
this information on various Internet sites. Mark Davis has even
posted comments on the misnamed "Intellectual Conservative" website,
after somebody named Bob Stapler claimed it was a "delusion" on my
part to think that a communist named Frank Marshall Davis had any
impact on Obama. Stapler, who claims to be a conservative, refused to
correct the record after several requests and appeals for him to
examine the factual evidence in the Davis matter.

Sounding authoritative, this Mark Davis character has declared that
Frank Marshall Davis "was not a communist," was not Obama's "mentor,"
and that his influence over Obama has been "exaggerated." However, he
does contend that Obama did have "respect for Davis's social insight"
and showed "good will" toward him. Coming from someone claiming to be
Davis's son, these assertions might appear to hold some weight.

It is important to note that there is no denial that "Frank" was
Frank Marshall Davis. The main question, it seems, is how much
influence he exerted over Obama, and how much of a card-carrying
communist he actually was.

Lately, this same "Mark" has gone further, appearing to embrace
suggestions that it is somehow "defamation" to accuse Davis of being
a communist, even though reports from various committees and
investigations identified him as such and Davis admitted it in the
private letter cited by Tidwell. This is apparently a tactic to try
to prevent people from delving too deeply into the Obama-Davis relationship.

More investigations must and will be done, not only in regard to
Davis but also those in Hawaii and elsewhere who continue to cover up
for him. Indeed, the attacks on AIM for publicizing the Obama-Davis
link appear designed to protect associates of Davis from scrutiny. If
this is the intention, the tactic has backfired.

AIM is vowing to publish more information about Davis and his supporters.

Tell the Truth

Clearly, there is an effort underway to sanitize or play down the
Obama-Davis relationship and try to intimidate the major media into
not covering it. But it is unusual, to say the least, that some of
this effort is occurring on the official Obama website. The reaction,
which makes the controversy even more newsworthy and significant,
suggests that the truth is seeping out through other means, mostly in
the alternative media, and increasing the pressure at least on
Obama's supporters to deal with the matter.

In another strange twist, Mark Davis claims some of his comments have
been taken off the Obama website, but some freely remain (see comment
37) on the AIM website, which is open to a variety of views in the
form of comments on posted columns. Some Davis comments were
apparently deleted from the Obama website on the ground that they
were "part of a racist, anti-Semitic hate campaign" against Maki.
Davis insists they were not of that nature.

Eventually, if this controversy about Frank Marshall Davis continues
to build, Obama could be personally forced by the media to respond,
in the same way that former Democratic vice presidential candidate
Geraldine Ferraro had to hold a full-blown press conference to answer
questions about her husband's alleged Mob connections.

Maki thinks it admirable that Davis was a communist, but the odds are
that few Americans would agree with him.

It is a problem not only for Obama and his campaign, but for those
who associated with and covered up for Davis.

If Mark Davis is truly Davis's son, one would think he would know the
truth and have inside information about his father. His thin
"profile" on the Obama website claims he is an Obama supporter but
not registered to vote. It's difficult, of course, to determine a
true identity based on the limited information available about this
person on the Internet. But it is Obama's website and should be taken
somewhat seriously. Maki has reported that he got a telephone call
from the "real" Mark Davis, suggesting the one posting comments
supposedly in defense of Davis is somebody else.

In any case, Maki is rightly perplexed by the claims that Davis was
not a communist, noting that Davis's own books frankly explore his
communist views.

"Let me get this straight," Maki told Davis, "you are disowning
everything Frank Marshall Davis wrote. Who cares about the use of the
term 'mentor?' Look in any dictionary, you are quibbling about terms
that mean the same no matter who uses them...How come you haven't
taken issue with the editor of the books, John Edgar Tidwell and the
Publishers, University of Wisconsin Press and University Press of
Mississippi. I think you should contact the editor and publishers and
have them either stand behind what has been written or disown it...as
you are fully aware, IF YOU HAVE EVER READ either of the two books,
the only thing I have done is quote the books and say the same thing
the editor has stated."

Maki was referring to Livin' the Blues: Memoirs of a Black Journalist
and Poet, as well as The Writings of Frank Marshall Davis: A Voice Of
the Black Press. Tidwell, the editor referred to by Maki, has to be
taken seriously.

In fact, in Livin' the Blues, Davis charges black writer Richard
Wright with "treason" for leaving and exposing the CPUSA. This is the
mark of a hard-core communist.

"Out of curiosity," says Maki to Mark Davis, "do you think Karl Marx
was a Communist?"

Red and Proud

Maki declared that "If there is one thing Frank Marshall Davis makes
clear is that he had the utmost respect for Communists because of the
way Communists fight for the rights of working people and against
racism. Frank Marshall Davis was entitled to his political
views-there is no doubt he joined the ranks of members of the
Communist Party USA along with his very good friends Benjamin Davis
and Paul Robeson...for you to deny this is cowardly, shameful and disgusting."

Maki also reported, "After calling the publishers [of Davis's books],
they said they never heard from anyone in the family upset with
anything in the books; nor is the family contesting anything in the books."

In the introduction to another Frank Marshall Davis book, Black
Moods, Tidwell quotes an undated private letter written by Davis in
which he confesses that "I have recently joined the Communist party."
The letter was an effort to recruit the prominent writer and poet
Irma Wassall to the CPUSA. Tidwell says that Davis was a "closet"
member of the CPUSA and issued "public denials of his activities."
The FBI engaged in surveillance of Davis and maintained a file on him, he says.

All Mark Davis had to do was read the books. Perhaps he didn't like
what he saw. Or perhaps he's not really the son of Frank Marshall
Davis. Perhaps he should post his birth certificate, like his
candidate claims to have done. But that would not in any way dispute
what we know about Frank Marshall Davis.

Davis's CPUSA Membership

Beyond this controversy, there are some legitimate questions about
Davis's party membership. Tidwell notes that it is not clear how long
Davis stayed with the party. It is also not clear when he joined the
party. However, the same letter cited by Tidwell quotes Davis as
saying that "I have had leanings in that direction [i.e. Marxism]
since I was in college." Ultimately, Frank Marshall Davis is to blame
for any questions about the timing and duration of his party
membership because he publicly refused to talk about it. This is a
void that a real son of Frank Marshall Davis should be expected to
fill with facts and figures, not denials of documented reality.

Tidwell confirms that Davis was "actively involved" in the League of
American Writers as early as 1938, and that Davis came to realize
that the organization was a CPUSA front. Even earlier, in 1936,
Tidwell notes, Davis was associated with the National Negro Congress,
whose executive committee officers "were either party members or
fellow travelers."

As I noted in a recent column, thanks to the work of researcher
Herbert Romerstein, we have evidence of Davis signing a statement by
the League of American Writers in June 1941 opposing war against Nazi
Germany at a time of the Hitler-Stalin pact. This was a reflection of
the CPUSA line.

Earlier, in November 1940, we find the name of Frank Marshall Davis
on a list of endorsers of a National Negro Congress event that
included a statement objecting to "war hysteria" and being "engaged
in another war." Romerstein, who also uncovered this information,
points out, "This was of course consistent with the line of the
Communist Party during the Soviet Nazi alliance against national defense."

The Red Record

Official congressional hearings and investigations confirm Davis's
history of membership and involvement with the CPUSA and its fronts,
and his activities as a Stalinist. As late as 1956, Davis was
appearing before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee and
refusing to deny his CPUSA membership. He also refused to deny that
he was a member of the faculty of the communist Abraham Lincoln
School in Chicago.

This is significant because, as Romerstein describes it in the
44-page report, "Communism in Hawaii and the Obama Connection," the
Commission on Subversive Activities of the Legislature of the
Territory of Hawaii reported on February 28, 1955, that "About
November 1950, the communist party in Hawaii was reorganized on an
underground basis...In the new organization, party groups were to
consist of not more than three members. Groups were identified by
numbers (1-10) rather than by names, as formerly." Among those
identified as having been members of the underground groups were
Frank Marshall Davis and his wife Helen C. Davis.

Lawyer for the Accused

What's also interesting about the Davis appearance before the Senate
is the fact that his lawyer was Harriet Bouslog, identified as a
CPUSA member in the 1959 House Committee on Un-American Activities
report, "Communist Legal Subversion. The Role of the Communist
Lawyer." Bouslog was identified as a CPUSA member by two witnesses,
both former communists.

Bouslong, it turns out, was the star of a 2004 public television
program in Hawaii that completely ignored her documented CPUSA
membership and described her as a "true advocate and defender of
American democratic values." It noted that her long-time friend and
"mentor" was Harry Bridges, president of the International
Longshoreman's and Warehouseman's Union (ILWU), but didn't mention
that Bridges was a secret CPUSA member.

One whose name shows up in the credits as a contributor of some sort
is Chris Conybeare, who also served as the producer/writer of a 1988
program about Davis that ignored his CPUSA membership and activities.
The video was released by the Center for Labor Education & Research,
University of Hawaii - West Oahu (CLEAR) and Hawaii Public Television.

So it is not surprising that Conybeare, who also functions as the
"secretary general" of the World Association of Press Councils, has
attached his name to a press release from the "Honolulu Media
Council" denouncing Accuracy in Media and Bill Steigerwald of the
Pittsburgh Tribune-Review for bringing to light the facts about Davis
being a communist and Obama's mentor.

"We find that there is no substance to these claims," this group of
would-be censors declares. Ignoring all of the evidence against
Davis, including his service on behalf of the CPUSA and its
manipulation of black Americans for the communist and Stalinist
cause, it announced that Davis was a true "advocate for civil rights
in the US."

This media council questions Steigerwald's statement that Davis was a
"lifelong" Communist, when the length of time of his CPUSA membership
is a question that only Davis probably could have resolved. There is
no question, however, that he was involved with the CPUSA and/or its
front organizations before, during and after World War II.

The term "mentor," as applied to his relationship with Obama, is
accurate, even based on the limited information that Obama himself
provides in his own book about "Frank."

But there was one truthful bit of information in the Honolulu Media
Council release. Davis "had many friends, including Barack Obama's
grandfather," it noted.

BINGO. And that grandfather, Stanley Dunham, is the person who picked
Davis as Obama's mentor. Gerald Horne originally identified "Frank"
as Frank Marshall Davis and Dr. Kathyrn Takara of the University of
Hawaii confirmed this. She also told me that Obama had been
introduced to Davis by his grandfather, Stanley Dunham, who
considered Davis a "strong black male figure" and thought he exerted
a "positive" influence over the young man in his high-school years.
"His grandfather was one of Frank's closest friends," she said. "They
played chess or cards together."

However, Takara disputes the overwhelming evidence that Davis was a
communist. Not surprisingly, she was the associate producer of that
1988 Conybeare program which whitewashed Davis.

The evidence shows that Davis, who died in 1987, became Obama's black
mentor during the years 1975-1979, primarily because Obama's black
father had deserted the family. Dunham made a bad decision. It's too
bad Obama didn't describe it as such in Dreams From My Father. He
might have avoided a scandal if he had directly confronted the
problem of his mentor's communist beliefs. But that wouldn't have
gotten him off the hook for associating with communist terrorists
Bill Ayers and Bernardine Dohrn in Chicago and going to Jeremiah
Wright's church.

Don't Ask, Don't Tell
Which brings us back to square one: When will the media ask Obama
about the Obama/Davis relationship? And why did he conceal the
complete identity of "Frank" in his 1995 book, Dreams From My Father?

I think we are beginning to understand the reasons for this cover-up.
Not only would the identification of "Frank" as Frank Marshall Davis
expose communist influence on a young Obama, it might also expose
those who collaborated with him and tried to whitewash his communist
activities.

Davis, it should be noted, was just one member of a communist network
which also included secret CPUSA members Paul Robeson and labor
leader Harry Bridges, who was so deep in CPUSA activities that Moscow
accepted and designated him as a member of the CPUSA Central
Committee. Davis was friends with both of them.

If the son of Frank Marshall Davis is really out there, it would be
advisable for him to come completely clean and set the record
straight. Better yet, as Maki says in one of the exchanges, "I would
suggest that you take up your concerns with Barack Obama, who first
brought Frank Marshall Davis to our attention."
--

Cliff Kincaid is the Editor of Accuracy in Media, and can be
contacted at cliff.kincaid@aim.org

--------
COMMENT:

written by Mark, July 28, 2008

(This was posted to the original AIM column, and is reproduced for
your information)

I'm pleased that Kincaid has finally responded to some of my concerns
concerning my father, Frank Marshall Davis. Thank you, sir!

I believe I was born at 5:31 PM on November 9, 1950, at Kapiolani
Hospital in Honolulu, Hawaii, and Frank Marshall Davis is shown to be
my father on my birth certificate, if you care to verify my identity.
I graduated from Honolulu's Farrington High School in 1968, if you
care to verify my identity. I enlisted in the Air Force in December
1968, and was commissioned as a Second Lieutenant in the United
States Air Force on 15 February 1983, if you care to verify my
identity. As an Air Force Intelligence Officer, I completed the CIA
Deception Analysis Course on 25 August 1989, and have a certificate
from the CIA Office of Training and Education, if you care to verify
my identity. I have a Certificate of Retirement from the United
States Air Force, dated 1 February 1993 and signed by Lieutenant
General Edward P. Barry Jr., Commander, Space and Missile Systems
Center, if you care to verify my identity. I also have a Certificate
of Appreciation signed by George Bush, Commander In Chief, upon my
retirement, if you care to verify my identity. Do you require more
authentication?

I posted as #2 and #21 in the Obama Berlin comments that I am no
longer contesting the allegation that Davis joined the Party sometime
during WWII, as claimed by Edgar Tidwell. That is not defamation. On
the other hand, misrepresenting your speculation as being the actual
truth could very well be.

My problem is with the claim that my father was a lifelong MEMBER of
the CPUSA, and that he was a Stalinist because he STAYED with the
Party after 1939. These are just some of the myriad
misrepresentations that exaggerate Davis's radical background and
influence over Obama, as outlined in my blog at
http://my.barackobama.com/page...eokualoha.

My problem is with AIM misquoting people regarding my father,
including Gerald Horne "noting" he was Obama's mentor, Dr. Takara
saying he was a "socialist realist," and most despicably of all, the
AIM column by Paul Kengor falsely attributing harsh criticism of my
father to Roy Wilkins, when it actually came from a rookie Honolulu
NAACP board member, who just happened to be white.

My problem is with "communist" Alan Maki cooperating with you in
attacking my father, then misrepresenting my criticism on his blog.

My problem is with AIM deliberate misrepresentations such as saying
my father gave Obama advice that "black people had a right to hate
white people." FACT: Obama's book says that Davis told him that black
people have a REASON to hate white people, which is entirely
different. (Japan had a REASON to bomb Pearl Harbor, not a right. Al
Qaeda had a REASON for 9/11, not a right. Bank robbers have a REASON
to rob banks, not a right. There is a world of difference between a
reason and a right.) A later Kincaid blog changed "right to hate" to
"reason to hate," but immediately after Obama's Berlin speech,
Kincaid once again claimed Davis "read his "poems" to a teenage Obama
and advised him that black people had a right to hate white people."

We won the Cold War, but it seems that professional advocates like
Cliff Kincaid cannot accept victory. The "raison d'être" of these
Cold Warriors is fighting communism, just as the "raison d'être" of
old school civil rights activists is fighting racism. Both Cliff
Kincaid and Jesse Jackson seem to suffer from success. Both have been
relegated to fighting shadows in anachronistic bids to retain relevance.

My problem is with AIM's attempts to vilify a dead poet who was more
likely to teach random acts of kindness than disloyalty to young
Barack Obama. That is what makes my "face red." They deliberately
misrepresent the values Obama may have internalized through this
relationship, in a transparent attempt to smear Obama's character.
Every candidate has flaws, but they should be examined with
"Fairness, Balance, and Accuracy In News Reporting," as your banner proclaims.

.

'60s icon Melanie brings multifaceted voice to Hippiefest

'60s icon Melanie brings multifaceted voice to Hippiefest

http://www.mcall.com/entertainment/music/all-hippiefest.6517190jul26,0,2018002.story

By Len Righi | Of The Morning Call
July 26, 2008

From the outset of her career in the 1960s, the public perception of
Melanie has never quite jibed with her own self-image.

Where the world saw a sweet hippie chick folksinger with a powerful
voice doing everything from gospel-fired peace anthems to twittery,
possibly smutty nursery rhymes, Melanie's goal was to project a
worldwise chanteuse.

''The press would always align me with bubblegum [performers],'' she
says by phone from just outside Englewood, Colo., where she had
performed the night before. ''Rolling Stone [magazine] would put me
next to Bobby Sherman. On the other side there was Jimi Hendrix and
the heavy people. If you didn't quite fit into that, you were
bubblegum Â… Of course, everything on Buddah [her label and home to
The Ohio Express, The Lemon Pipers and The 1910 Fruitgum Company] was
suspect. Â…

''When I listen to my early records, I can hear me trying to be
Billie Holiday and Edith Piaf in one and getting them both wrong,''
she adds with a laugh.

Melanie, born Melanie Anne Safka i n Astoria, Queens, is now 61 and
the mother of three. Since she first drew national notice with the
FM-radio hit ''Beautiful People,'' she has had a long, productive
career that includes 27 albums, more than 25 million records sold
worldwide and hits such as ''Look What They've Done To My Song,''
''Brand New Key'' and ''Lay Down (Candles in the Rain).''

Further testament to her longevity: Melanie performed at the
Woodstock festival in 1969 and at the 2007 Meltdown Festival in
Britain organized by Pulp frontman Jarvis Cocker (she drew a sell-out
crowd and earned glowing reviews).

Artists as diverse as Ray Charles, The New Seekers, Mott The Hoople,
Bjork, Macy Gray, Dolly Parton and Cher have covered her songs. And
there are online petitions to have her inducted into the Rock and
Roll Hall Of Fame.

On this day Melanie is headed to Dayton, Ohio, where she and other
'60s icons, including Cream's Jack Bruce, The Animals' Eric Burdon
and Flo & Eddie of The Turtles, will sing their best-known songs at
the third and latest edition of Hippiefest (the tour stops Tuesday a
t Philadelphia's Mann Center).

Although she has participated in all three Hippiefests, Melanie
volunteers, ''I despise the name Hippiefest. If somebody said they
were going to Hippiefest. I would go, 'Hmmm.' Â… The name is kitsch
and it's demeaning. It sounds like something you try on and then discard.''

All this is said with a measure of cheeriness. But it underscores
another constant of Melanie's life -- her natural iconoclasm.

''I was the first weirdo in my high school,'' points out Melanie, who
was raised in the Monmouth County, N.J., beach community of Elberon,
a few miles north of Asbury Park. ''I was bohemian, they would call
it now, in my way of dressing. I was going for a Renaissance look. My
hair was straight. I went for long, flowing things. And boots.''

Her affection for Western footwear turned her into an unwitting
rebel. ''In those days you couldn't buy a pair of boots if you were a
girl,'' she says. ''But I traveled cross-country with my mother on a
summer vacation and she stopped at Indian reservations along the way
and I found these black suede Indian boots with fringe. I thought I
had died and gone to heaven. I wore them non-stop.

Including her first day at Long Branch High School. ''You cannot
imagine what a fuss it caused,'' she says. ''I was taken to the
principal's office. As a result, a policy was instituted banning
boots as disruptive.''

In high school, Melanie also led ''a secret life.''

'' I would take the train into New York City and hang out in the
Village for the weekend.''

While Bob Dylan, Jose Feliciano, Richie Havens and Judy Henski were
making names for themselves in the Village's clubs, Melanie was
singing on the street. ''I'd open my mouth and sing louder than
anybody else and attract crowds. I never passed the hat, though,
because I was too embarrassed.''

Soon people were calling her a folksinger. ''I didn't perceive myself
as a folksinger,'' she says. '' Joan Baez was a folksinger to me. My
voice didn't fit folk songs, the kind Joan Baez sang. [The label] hit
me wrong, even though I looked like one. But I didn't know what else
to call myself. There was no such thing as a singer-songwriter then.''

As for her Woodstock gig, when she heard that Artie Kornfeld and
Michael Lang were planning three days of peace, love and music,
''Naively I thought, 'I like the sound of that.' I pictured a couple
of hundred kids out in the country having a picnic.''

After they promised her a spot on the bill, Melanie went to England
to work on the film score of ''All the Right Noises'' and missed all
the build-up. ''Nobody there knew it was going to be a major thing.''

So when Melanie returned to her mother's home in Elberon, she asked
her to drive her to the festival. They battled heavy traffic, but
finally made it to a hotel near Bethel, N.Y. The first thing she saw
was Janis Joplin, surrounded by the press, swigging Southern Comfort
from a bottle.

''Then I was told, 'OK, get in the helicopter.' So me and my mother
started walking toward it, and were told, 'No, only performers and
their managers are allowed on board.' So I said, ''Bye, Mom!'''

By the time she landed, ''I was thinking, 'Oh my God! What have I
done? I'm not qualified for this.' The biggest crowd I had ever sung
for was 500 at Temple University in Philadelphia. I kept thinking,
'Where's my piece of paper that says I'm qualified?'''
--

len.righi@mcall.com
610-820-6626

.

Slain 1960s leaders remembered in Kentucky exhibit

Slain 1960s leaders remembered in Kentucky exhibit

http://www.wral.com/news/state/story/3284124/

By THOMAS S. WATSON
Associated Press Writer
Posted: Jul. 26, 2008

LOUISVILLE, Ky. ­ Photographer Stanley Tretick is known for his
personal, behind-the-scenes shots of the Kennedy family. The Look
magazine photographer was so close to the family, a longtime friend
said he had to set aside his career for several months after Robert
Kennedy was assassinated.

Tretick's relationship with the Kennedys is evident in images of
Robert and John F. Kennedy, which are on display in an exhibit
through Oct. 5 at the Frazier International History Museum in
Louisville. The show, "Bobby, Martin, & John: Once Upon an American
Dream," also features Tretick's photos of Martin Luther King Jr.

The Tretick photographs show the three slain leaders of the 1960s
interacting with family, campaigning and making personal appearances.
Included in the exhibit is a videotape of King's 1963 "I Have a
Dream" address at the Washington Monument.

Tretick took pictures of the Korean War and later was an official
White House photographer. Some of his more memorable shots include
one of President Kennedy at the Oval Office as his son, John Jr.,
peers out from underneath the desk. In another photo, the president
is swarmed by nieces and nephews while he is driving a golf cart.

"The Kennedy family is once again in the public's mind as the world
rallies to support Ted Kennedy during his recent health issues and
commemorates the tragic assassination of his brother," Frazier Museum
spokesman Mark Zanni said. He also noted this year was the 40th
anniversary of King's assassination.

Zanni said this is the first public display of the Tretick exhibit.

"Stanley Tretick's photo archive offers more than a window on our
country's past," said Vickie Rehberg of ArtVision, a historical
exhibition firm that made the photos available. "We see the names and
faces that have helped shape who we are, and who we'll be,
personalities and events that should not be lost in the amnesia of
our culture."

Kitty Kelley, a celebrity biographer and the legal representative of
Tretick's archive, said Tretick was at the Ambassador Hotel in Los
Angeles with Robert Kennedy on June 5, 1968, when Kennedy was fatally
shot. Tretick was in Kennedy's hotel room when the shooting occurred
downstairs in a kitchen, Kelley said.

"Stanley told me he was so destroyed that he took a 4-month leave
from Look magazine," said Kelley, who was Tretick's friend for nearly
two decades until his death in 1999.

The exhibit has received mixed reviews from museum visitors.

James Hollenbeck, a science professor at Indiana University Southeast
near Louisville, said he grew up in a household that considered John
Kennedy and Robert Kennedy "almost saints." He said he would have
preferred to see more in the exhibit about their contributions to society.

Deborah Garrett, a 39-year-old science teacher from Georgetown, Ind.,
said the photos of President Kennedy with his son showed the
president as if he "didn't have a care in the world."

The exhibit also includes music from the 1960s, including Joan Baez
singing "Blowing in the Wind" and Aretha Franklin's "You Make Me Feel
Like a Natural Woman."

Buttons and other souvenirs of campaigns are shown along with
memorabilia of the decade, including a 1969 Volkswagen Bug, G.I. Joe
dolls and a fallout shelter, reminiscent of Cold War fears of nuclear war.

"It is to evoke memories of the wonderful yet turbulent 1960s, which
was a critical time in American history," Zanni said.
---

If you go ...

FRAZIER INTERNATIONAL HISTORY MUSEUM: 829 West Main Street,
Louisville; http://fraziermuseum.org 502 753-5663. Open 9 a.m. to 5
p.m. EDT Monday through

Friday; Noon to 5 p.m. Saturday. Adults $9, Children under 14 $6.
"Bobby, Martin, & John: Once Upon an American Dream" through Oct. 5.
Also "Survivor Jamestown" through Sept. 5.

.

Festival organizers shake up the lineup in Newport

Beyond folk

http://www.telegram.com/article/20080727/NEWS/807270465/1110

Festival organizers shake up the lineup in Newport

By Eric Tucker THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
July 27, 2008

Trey Anastasio probably wouldn't be confused with a folk act, even if
the former frontman for the jam band Phish stepped on stage solo with
an acoustic guitar. The same goes for the Black Crowes, whose bluesy
guitar-driven rock would easily drown out the average acoustic troubadour.

But both acts are on the bill for next weekend's Newport Folk
Festival, which this year features a genre-bending mix of marquee
performers that draw big crowds but don't fit snugly under the
traditional folk umbrella. The lineup is a way for the venerable
festival to stay relevant amid a glut of summertime concerts while
deepening the audience base for a tradition-rich event best known for
the year Bob Dylan swapped his acoustic guitar for an electric one.

"If you just keep putting up the same lineup year after year that's
safe, you start narrowing and your audience gets smaller and
smaller," said Jay Sweet, an associate producer with the festival's
new production company, The Festival Network.

The festival is scheduled for Saturday and Sunday at Fort Adams State
Park in Newport, R.I., with performances Friday at the International
Tennis Hall of Fame at the Newport Casino.

The Black Crowes and Anastasio, performing a solo acoustic set four
years after Phish dissolved, headline Saturday's lineup. Jimmy
Buffett, who is rooted in folk but is best known today as the bon
vivant balladeer of carefree living, plays the following day.

Stephen and Damian Marley, sons of reggae icon Bob Marley, Cat Power
and alt-country band Son Volt will also be there, along with Levon
Helm of the Band, Jakob Dylan and more traditional folksters like
Richie Havens, who performed at Woodstock in 1969.

A newcomer to the festival, Damian Marley said he sees parallels
between folk and reggae and between his father's music and Dylan's.

"Folk music was kind of used as a voice to express against the system
or what is society's norms," Marley said in an interview with The
Associated Press. "Reggae music has been used in that same way, to
express the struggle of the people."

Anastasio said he was grateful for the chance to play Newport.

"The folk music definition has changed in this fast music world, and
musical styles are blending really quickly," Anastasio said in an
e-mail. "It is forward-thinking and open-minded of the Newport
festival to embrace different styles."

Dick Pleasants, who hosts a morning show on WUMB-FM, a Boston station
specializing in folk music, said he saw nothing wrong with
diversifying the lineup or trying to draw more fans but said it would
be sad if the festival were to move away from its more traditional folk roots.

"I would hesitate necessarily to call it a folk festival anymore,"
Pleasants said. "But it could be the Newport Music Festival."

Sweet, in his first year as producer at Newport, said organizers
weren't trying to break from the festival's storied legacy but wanted
to revitalize the event through a lineup of artists with broad
crossover appeal and the potential to excite the crowd. That's
especially important as more music festivals sprout throughout the country.

The goal is to expose audience members to artists they're unfamiliar
with, so old-time folkies drawn to, say, Havens or Gillian Welch
could join legions of Phishheads at Anastasio's acoustic performance.

"I don't think you last this long unless you are continually helping
artists, supporting artists who take risks," said Sweet,
editor-at-large of Paste magazine, a music and film publication.
"This festival has always been known as a place for artists to take chances."

He said he was hoping for a sellout ­ 10,000 fans a day.

Since 1959, the festival has hosted a who's who of folk performers
and singer-songwriters, from Joan Baez, Pete Seeger and Peter, Paul
and Mary to James Taylor, the Indigo Girls and Mary Chapin Carpenter.
But it's occasionally offered less conventional selections, such as
Janis Joplin, the Pixies, and last year, Tom Morello from Rage
Against the Machine.

Dylan, who debuted there in 1963, memorably pushed the boundaries two
years later when he took the stage with an electric guitar in a
much-ballyhooed performance that drew jeers and is credited for
helping break down the barrier between rock and folk.

This year's lineup gives a more expansive take of who and what can
constitute folk music, which some fans and folk scholars say has
always been loosely defined.

"The audience changes and time changes," said Paul Dube, a Rhode
Island musician who books acts for a folk coffeehouse. "We can't just
think of folk music as a songwriter sitting behind a guitar or piano
singing original songs all night."

David Hajdu, a Columbia University professor and writer who has
attended about a half-dozen Newport festivals, said the question of
who should properly be classified as folk is as old as the genre
itself. He said the festival has always been more a tourist
attraction designed for mass appeal than a pristine showcase of
traditional folk.

"It's not a scholarly academic festival. It's not like a
university-funded and organized anthropological festival of folk
music in the purist sense. It never has been," said Hajdu, author of
"Positively Fourth Street: The Lives and Times of Joan Baez, Bob
Dylan, Mimi Baez Farina and Richard Farina."

Sweet said Newport fans have historically been open to new
experiences, while artists who perform there understand the
festival's traditions.

"Curiosity," he said, "is through the roof this year."

.

Blast from the Present

Blast from the Present

http://www.newyorker.com/arts/reviews/recordings/2008/08/04/080804gore_GOAT_recordings_greenman

by Ben Greenman
August 4, 2008

Richie Havens and Joan Baez aren't much older than the senior class
of classic rockers­they're both sixty-seven, the same age as Bob
Dylan, the same age that John Lennon would be. But, in the popular
imagination, they're forever fixed in an earlier time: Havens in
August, 1969, when he opened Woodstock with the driving "Freedom,"
and Baez in the civil-rights era, singing "Farewell, Angelina" (or
possibly in 1975, singing "Diamonds and Rust"). But both artists have
stayed the course, continuing to record and perform politically
committed material and to stretch themselves as interpretive singers.

"Nobody Left to Crown" (Verve Forecast), Havens's first recording in
four years, opens with a pair of originals, "The Key" and "Say It
Isn't So," which manage to address spiritual themes without sounding
overly earnest, a trick that sometimes eluded the artist in his
younger years. The centerpiece of the album is a majestic cover of
"Won't Get Fooled Again." Over his trademark open-tuned strumming,
Havens delivers a commanding vocal performance that fully restores
the revolutionary impulse of The Who's original; he somehow gets
blood from a song that has been ossified for years. Nothing else
quite rises to that level, though there's an urgent version of
Jackson Browne's "Lives in the Balance" and several strong tracks in
which Haven applies Eastern-style enlightenment to
Realpolitik­including the quietly furious title song, which slyly
quotes "Home on the Range."

Baez's "Day After Tomorrow" (Razor & Tie) was produced by Steve
Earle, who keeps Baez focussed on the Americana and the contemporary
country of her last album, "Dark Chords from a Big Guitar." The title
track, a soldier's monologue written by Tom Waits, verges on the
maudlin, but for most of the record Baez uses her distinctive
voice­older, more worn, and ultimately more gratifying than the
strident soprano with which she once attacked gospel standards and
protest songs­to give the material emotional depth. The arrangements
are all fairly spare and the lyrics richly Biblical, most intensely
on Earle's "Jericho Road," which is stripped down to vocals and
handclaps and ends the record on a haunting, oracular note.

.

Michael Savage's Poet-Loving Past

Michael Savage's Poet-Loving Past

http://www.radaronline.com/exclusives/2008/07/michael-savage-allen-ginsberg.php

07/22/08

Yesterday's item about radio yakker Michael Savage and his dismissal
of autism as "an overdiagnosed medical condition" jarred our memories
a bit. Wasn't there something unusual, something uncharacteristic
about him that we had discussed before? In fact, there was, and we
wrote about it way back in our September issue of 2003! Seems that
Savage (aka Michael Weiner) was once a close friend and pen-pal of
Beat poet Allen Ginsberg. It took a search of the Howl author's
collected letters at Stanford University to discover just how close:

March 8, 1970

Dear Allen:

After speaking to you on the phone about how nice the black-white
thing is in mountain villages in Fiji, I walked downstairs to the
school courtyard, where a little-known black brother looks at me,
takes my hand gently, we do some old-world Lower East Side finger
tricks, and he peacefully kisses the back of my hand­I do the same
for his hand. I told him about our brief talk, and he says, "I must
have felt the vibes."

Michael Weiner
Botany Dept.
University of Hawaii
Honolulu, HI

Now, the dope-smoking, boy-loving grand dame of '60s degeneracy
didn't seem like the kind of riffraff a nationally renowned
homophobic zealot would have on his buddy list. But we shouldn't have
been so surprised. In Savage's thinly veiled confessional novel Vital
Signs, the protagonist admits he is allured by "masculine beauty,"
saying, "I choose to override my desires for men when they swell in
me, waiting out the passions like a storm, below decks." More
intriguing is the reported existence of a picture of Savage and
Ginsberg swimming naked together in Fiji. These days, of course,
Savage is more prone to saying, "The gay and lesbian mafia wants our
children!" Ah, the innocence of youth.

.

The beat in Bombay

The beat in Bombay

http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?newsid=1179953

Deborah Baker
Saturday, July 26, 2008

Deborah Baker tracks poet Allan Ginsberg's journey through the city
­ from Malabar Hill parties to getting stoned on Juhu Beach
--

Iconic Beat poet Allen Ginsberg first saw Bombay in a dream. In the
dream he sailed into its nighttime harbour, past the Gateway of
India. The boulevard that fronted the Arabian Sea shone like the
French Riviera, its fancy hotels lit up. From there, he passed
through a fairy-tale gate to discover a middle layer of cheap
apartments where he imagined he might live for a pittance. Beyond
these buildings, he sensed the presence of the bleakest poverty and
ramshackle hovels and he shivered with fear at the prospect of
exploring them. Finally, he came upon a door jauntily inscribed,
"Well it's too bad, but goodbye".

Three months later, on February 15, 1962, he arrived on a boat from
Mombasa packed with Indian refugees fleeing the expected persecution
that would follow East Africa's pending independence. It was his
first visit to India, and he was accompanied by his boyfriend Peter
Orlovsky. He had tried to convince the writers Jack Kerouac and
William Burroughs to join him on this trip but they weren't as keen
on India as Ginsberg was. His first stay in Bombay was brief, as he
learned upon picking up his mail that Gary Snyder, a west coast poet
who had been living in Kyoto, was in Delhi en route to Rishikesh. As
soon as tickets could be arranged, Ginsberg and Orlovsky booked third
class rail tickets to meet up with him.

On this first encounter, Ginsberg found many of his fears about
Bombay ­ and India ­ being set to rest. Walking around the city for
two days, he found it less like what he had dreamed and feared and
more like a shabby Victorian-era London with some Art Deco edges. At
the first opportunity, he wrote to the writer Paul Bowles, who had
described Bombay in horrifying terms, to wax eloquent about its array
of cheap hotels with clean water and non-toxic vegetarian lunches. "I
must say you made it sound as if a westerner would die of rat poison
if he stayed anywhere but Taj Mahal hotel."

Ginsberg's second stay in Bombay was longer. After travelling with
Gary Snyder and his wife Joanne Kyger to various sites in the
Himalayas, the travellers arrived in the city as guests of Pupul
Jayakar, sinking into her clean white sheets with relief after the
rigors of the road. Ginsberg and Orlovsky had met Jayakar in New York
two years before. In her memoirs she described their conversation in
a Chinese restaurant. Ginsberg had poured out his anguish over the
state of his warmongering country and his feeling that America had
abandoned any reverence for the sacred in its pursuit of riches. He
imagined that India had preserved an understanding of God and that he
could learn a great deal if he travelled there.

"But India may have lost its way," Jayakar countered. "While you look
to her to find answers, the young in India look to the West. What do
you expect to find?"

He wanted to touch poverty, he told her, he wanted to find a
spiritual teacher he could love and move closer to God. He wanted to
experiment with drugs.

Jayakar scolded him. Drugs sustained the illusions spiritual wisdom
sought to dispel. Ginsberg agreed but he wasn't ready to accept that
drugs were not somehow part of the answer. "After all, God is very
funny and He might even accept drugs as a way to him."

It wasn't long after their arrival in Bombay that the news got out
that "author of that sensation poem 'Howl' by which every beatnik
swears," was staying at Pupul Jayakar's house on Malabar Hill. A
parade of writers and journalists arrived to talk to Ginsberg and ask
him about the literary scene in America and what had brought him to India.

Among them was the young Adil Jussawalla who found Ginsberg a
compelling speaker if somewhat defensive about the Time magazine
characterisation of the Beats as thoroughly depraved perverts
obsessed with taking drugs. "The roots of this kind of poetry go back
to the Red Indians and to Jazz," Ginsberg told the audience assembled
around him, "which is the one original flower of American civilisation."

Bombay was where Ginsberg came face to face with the Indian
elite­through Jayakar's social circle, or literary gatherings of the
sort that unfolded at Nissim Ezekiel's flat on Warden Road, where the
Beats first read their poetry. (Snyder's wife, Joanne Kyger, also a
poet, was not invited to join the line up). A sensational account of
that evening claims that half the audience stormed out mid-way
through the reading, scandalised by the language of the Beats. A more
reliable version is that they were heard out, whatever the private
reactions of the hosts may have been. While all this was interesting,
Ginsberg realised that this was not the India he was looking for.

Though he couldn't understand any Indian language, his natural
sympathy was for the underdog ­ poets who wrote in their mother
tongue. He was skeptical about the prospects of Indian writing in
English. What poetry he did hear in Bombay he found much too polite
and genteel. "There is no Indian English like there is an American
Negro English," he pronounced authoritatively. For this reason, he
preferred to spend more time with Marathi poets.

Those Marathi poets he met in Bombay had the added advantage of an
intimate knowledge of the city's seamy undersides, giving Ginsberg
and Orlovsky a tour of the red light district and helping them search
for a real opium den. This was also the spot for Ginsberg's first
encounter with Bombay hijras, and he was completely charmed by how
neighbourly the relations between the police and the transvestites
seemed to be.

Orlovsky was astonished that he could buy a woman for the equivalent
of a dime. He didn't hesitate.

Unfortunately, there don't seem to be any photographs of this brief
encounter between the Beats and Bombay. They were probably lost with
Gary Snyder's camera, which was stolen while they were all getting
stoned on Juhu Beach.
--

Deborah Baker will discuss her book A Blue Hand ­ The Beats in India
on Saturday, August 2, 7pm, at Jnanapravaha, Queens Mansion, AK Nayak
Marg, Fort.
--

inbox@dnaindia.net

.

Two Amateurs, Reinventing the Wheel [Patti Smith]

Two Amateurs, Reinventing the Wheel

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/27/movies/27raff.html

By TERRENCE RAFFERTY
Published: July 27, 2008

WHEN Steven Sebring began filming Patti Smith, 12 years ago, he was,
by his own admission, pretty much an amateur. He made his living as a
fashion photographer, as he still does. He didn't own a movie camera.
(He now does.) He had been hired by Spin magazine to shoot some
pictures for a story on Ms. Smith, and although his wife, he said,
"nearly fell off her chair" when he told her about the assignment, he
didn't know very much about his subject, the singer, poet and artist
whose 1975 album "Horses" had, if not revolutionized rock 'n' roll,
at least infused it with a new and arresting sort of incantatory
power. And, more to the point, he didn't know what he was getting
into. Amateurs, bless them, never do.

"Patti Smith: Dream of Life," the movie Mr. Sebring emerged with
after all those years of on-and-off, caught-on-the-fly filming, opens
Aug. 6 at Film Forum in Manhattan, and it bears almost no resemblance
to any other documentary about the punk-rock heroes of Ms. Smith's
turbulent era. (Julien Temple's 2000 Sex Pistols movie, "The Filth
and the Fury," and Jim Fields and Michael Granaglia's 2003 "End of
the Century: The Story of the Ramones," are among the better ones.)
"Over the years," Mr. Sebring recently said by phone from his
Manhattan home, "Patti's been approached by a lot of filmmakers who
wanted to do these rock 'n' roll historical pieces, and she's just
never been interested in that. She says, 'You know, I'm alive, and I
have more to say and a lot more things to do, and I don't need
anybody talking about me.' "

But when she and Mr. Sebring met, at her home in Detroit, there was,
he said, "an immediate connection." Ms. Smith had then been living
there for a decade and a half with her husband, the guitarist Fred
(Sonic) Smith, rarely recording and never performing. After her
husband's death, though, in 1994, she put together a band, finished
the beautiful album "Gone Again" and was preparing to appear onstage
for the first time since the end of the '70s. It was the first live
performance of her tour, at Irving Plaza, that gave Mr. Sebring the
idea of making a film.

"She was a totally different woman onstage," he said, "nothing like
the person I'd photographed in Detroit. I thought, this is too
interesting not to put on film."

And then "Patti really let me into her life," he said. "I think it
intrigued her that I didn't know a lot about her, that I'd just be
getting to know her through my lens." It makes sense that Ms. Smith ­
a passionate autodidact whose idiosyncratic style is a kind of
homemade concoction of Bob Dylan, William Blake, Arthur Rimbaud,
Allen Ginsberg, Little Richard and Buddha ­ would be attracted to the
idea of having her life recorded by a man who was himself learning on
the job, winging it, as she always has.

"Because I was financing this myself," Mr. Sebring said, "I didn't
have anybody telling me I had to do it in a certain way." (The PBS
documentary series "P.O.V." became involved toward the end, but
didn't, he said, exercise any editorial control.) The big decision ­
the choice that an outside producer would surely have tried to talk
him out of ­ was to shoot "Dream of Life" on 16 millimeter film
rather than video. "Using video," he said, "which I was sometimes
tempted to do when I was broke, would have felt like cheating to me.
It's not the same look. With film there's, you know, more love in it."

And besides, film is one of those old-fashioned things that Ms.
Smith, in her eccentric, new-fashioned way, has always been keen to
commemorate. In "Dream of Life" she rummages through objects she has
saved ­ photos, an urn, a dress her mother made her ­ and tells
little stories about them. She visits her parents in New Jersey; she
stands at the graves of Blake, Gregory Corso, Percy Bysshe Shelley
and others; she goes to Jerusalem and reflects at the Wailing Wall.
Her songs are free-form but somehow ancient sounding: dirges,
jeremiads, prayers. "She looks at this as a home movie," Mr. Sebring
said, "a home movie that's also some kind of collaborative art piece."

So instead of the usual punk-documentary mix of archival performance
footage, talking-head encomiums and wistful stills of the grungy
exterior of CBGB, Mr. Sebring and Ms. Smith came up with a film that
looks genuinely handmade, as funky (and occasionally as baffling) as
movies of the family vacation. The archival cupboard was, in any
event, relatively bare.

"We didn't find a lot," he said. "There was some footage of Patti on
'The Mike Douglas Show,' which she'd completely forgotten about. But
we didn't even use that, because it was too expensive." They made do
with the present: recent concerts and, in a handful of lovely
instances, impromptu solo performances by Ms. Smith with her old
acoustic guitar. There's plenty of commemoration in this picture, but
mercifully little nostalgia.

Mr. Sebring, who often disappeared from his professional life in
advertising and fashion for months at a time in order to follow Ms.
Smith around the world, said he felt he had "now done something of
real historical significance," something, by implication, that his
commercial photography is not. Although he used some of his more
familiar skills in making the movie ("Being a fashion photographer, I
made sure she looked her best all the time"), he seems, on the whole,
to have absorbed his subject's lifelong aesthetic of diligent,
unceasing wheel-reinvention, her determination to remain, in every
aspect of her art, an inspired amateur.

Ms. Smith's brand of amateurishness is an article of faith for her,
practically a mystical force, and its power can be hard to account
for. Asked whether, after so many years of documenting Ms. Smith, he
now missed filming her, Mr. Sebring replied, with a barely audible
sigh: "Oh, I still do." She calls, and he packs his camera. "She
won't let me go."

.

James Franco To Play Allen Ginsberg in ‘Howl!’

James Franco To Play Allen Ginsberg in 'Howl!'

http://moviesblog.mtv.com/2008/07/27/breaking-james-franco-to-play-allen-ginsberg-in-howl/

by Shawn Adler
July 27, 2008

Franco stepped into a stoner persona for "Pineapple Express," and now
he's set to explore his even more hippier side as the legendary poet
Allen Ginsberg. The actor gave the news exclusively to MTV News,
revealing that he'll be tackling the writer for a new movie called,
appropriately enough, "Howl," after Ginsberg's famous poem written at
the height of the Beat Generation.

"It's by a two time Oscar Award winner named Rob Epstein, he's
actually a documentary film director," Franco said of the project.
"So I'm gonna play the young Allen Ginsberg, the days before he went
bald and gained weight. The early Howl days."

Since the film is a documentary, Franco will presumably re-enact
several moments from Ginsberg's early life, a la the recent "Chicago
Ten." Is Franco himself up on the era?

"Oh certainly," the man formerly known as Harry Osborne insisted.
"I've certainly read 'Howl.' I was very into the beatniks when I was
in high school, and I still am. So I certainly have read Howl many times."

Go look at a picture of a young Allen Ginsberg, then the picture
above of James Franco. You can see it now, right? Think he'll make a
good Ginsberg? Sound off below!

--------

Wednesday, July 30, 2008

Legacy of '60s evident today in pols' petulance, hypocrisy

Legacy of '60s evident today in pols' petulance, hypocrisy

http://www.mercurynews.com/opinion/ci_9980655

By Victor Davis Hanson
Article Launched: 07/24/2008

What more can anyone say about the 1960s and all its legacies?

Those who protested some 40 years ago often still congratulate
themselves that their loud zeal alone brought needed "change" to
America in civil rights, the environment, women's liberation and
world peace. Maybe. But critics counter that the larger culture that
followed was the most self-absorbed in memory.

Everyone can at least agree that the spirit of the "Me Generation" is
not going quietly into the night - especially since that generation
ushered in a certain coarseness and self-righteousness that still
plagues our politics.

Take grandiose sermonizing about changing the world while offering
few practical details how to do it.

Nothing but hot air

Al Gore recently prophesied that America within 10 years could
generate all its electrical needs from "renewable resources and
carbon-constrained fuels" - mainly wind, solar and geothermal power
(which currently together account for less than 10 percent of our
aggregate production).

In truth, that daydream has about as much chance of being realized by
2018 as Al Gore this year swearing off the use of polluting SUVs and
gas-guzzling private jets as he whizzes to his next environmental pulpit.

Barack Obama, a child during the '60s, is imbued nonetheless with
that decade's "hope and change" messianic sermonizing. Now he wants a
new mammoth government-funded "civilian national security force," one
"that's just as powerful, just as strong, just as well-funded" as the Pentagon.

Sounds utopian, but at a time of record aggregate national debt, are
we really going to borrow another half-trillion dollars a year to
fund a kinder, gentler version of the military?

Gore and Obama may mean well. And we may someday rely mostly on wind
and solar electrical power, and even benefit by having more aid
workers abroad. But they discredit their proposals with '60s-style
exaggeration and feel-good fantasies that cannot be realized as promised.

Another permanent '60s legacy is the assumption that the ends justify
crude means. The so-called netroots bloggers often celebrate online
with glee the illnesses or deaths of supposedly reactionary political
opponents.

Nyah, nyah, nyah

The crass anti-war group Moveon.org was not just content to object to
Gen. David Petraeus testifying before Congress last autumn. In the
fashion of 1960s agitprop, it had to go the next step in demonizing
at a time of war our top-ranking Iraq ground commander as a traitor -
a "General Betray Us" as the group's ad in the New York Times blared.

Due to a "grass-roots effort" to garner thousands of petition
signatures, the city of San Francisco will have on the November
ballot a measure to change the name of one of its water "pollution
control plants" to the "George W. Bush Sewage Plant." What a national
trend that would be! Should red states follow that pettiness and
rename their own sewers and dumps after John Kerry or Bill Clinton?

We still suffer from the same 1960s juvenile petulance when the
powers that be did not immediately fall in line as protesters demanded.

Now the spirit of that age permeates Congress, whose members won't
drill oil off our coasts or the continental shelf, or in the Arctic
National Wildlife Refuge. Yet in infantile fashion, they rant about
"Big Oil's" high gas prices. So, Congress instead threatens to sue
OPEC to be fairer and to pump more oil. And we beg the Saudis to
drill and pump more in their waters so we don't have to in ours.

Even in the much-poorer 1960s, it was hard to take seriously the idea
of loud middle-class suburban kids as street revolutionaries, given
the fact that America was the richest and freest society in history.
And it's even harder now when many of them are rich seniors and the
country is far wealthier.

So when a member of the aging baby-boom generation finger-points at
us that drilling oil is the moral equivalent of invading Iraq, or
that America has become two nations (the haves and have-nots), we can
often expect to discover that the self-righteous sermonizer is a
hypocrite. Green Al Gore uses a lot more energy than the average
American. Populist John Edwards lives in a huge mansion.

By now, we've grown accustomed to elites railing about America's
pathologies from the comfort of their own privilege - along with the
usual '60s-style apologies that their own lives don't need to match
their rhetoric, and that we should just concentrate on their
near-divine messages.

In their defense, they can't help it - it's still a '60s thing.
--

VICTOR DAVIS HANSON is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution.

.

Chris Hillman and Herb Pedersen

PREVIEW: Chris Hillman and Herb Pedersen

http://blog.mlive.com/encorea2/2008/07/preview_chris_hillman_and_herb.html

by bneedham
July 27, 2008

On board as the bassist when the Byrds first took flight and beside
Gram Parsons with the Flying Burrito Brothers, Chris Hillman is the
Forrest Gump of country rock.

He rocked beside Stephen Stills with Manassas, enjoyed a string of
country hits in the 1980s with the Desert Rose Band, and was inducted
into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame later that decade with the rest
of the surviving Byrds.

He witnessed the height of the 1960s counterculture, playing the
Monterey Pop Festival with the Byrds, as well as its nadir, when the
Burrito Brothers opened for the Rolling Stones at Altamont.

Now, nearly 50 years after starting his career, Hillman is still at
it, performing at The Ark on Wednesday with his longtime musical
partner and fellow Desert Rose alum Herb Pedersen.

And, after helping to plug country music into rock 'n' roll
amplifiers, Hillman, at 64, is back to his acoustic, bluegrass roots,
which he first explored as a teenaged mandolin prodigy.

"I sort of went back to square one," he told the Commercial Appeal in
Memphis, Tenn., earlier this summer. "I find that what I'm doing now
is challenging. It's really challenging to go up in a purely acoustic
format. We don't even plug in; there are no pick-ups in our
instruments; we just go right off the microphone."

Hillman said he never takes his roles in a string of groundbreaking
bands for granted, even if he has learned to take them in stride.
Rather, he sees himself as a facilitator, who was able to bring out
the best in his often mercurial bandmates, while himself maintaining
a more moderate lifestyle that allowed him to outlast Parsons and
Byrds singer Gene Clark, both of whom succumbed to drugged-out
lifestyles well before their times.

"I don't know if God put me in that position so I could be the voice
of reason," he said. "I don't know to this day. I often wonder how I
didn't end up a statistic 30 years ago.

"But I never was really playing in as dangerous an area as my
compatriots were, as far as recreational pursuits."
--

PREVIEW

Chris Hillman and Herb Pedersen

Who: Folk-rock icon and longtime musical partner.
What: Americana/alt-country.
When: Wednesday, 8 p.m.
Where: The Ark, 316 S. Main St.
How much: $22.50, available at the Michigan Union ticket office, Herb
David Guitar Studio and Ticketmaster.

Details: 734-761-1451 or http://www.theark.org.

.

The early culture war (1967 - 1973)

Issues analysis

The early culture war (1967 - 1973)

http://www.renewamerica.us/columns/hutchison/080728

A brief history of conservatism: Part 14

July 28, 2008
Fred Hutchison
RenewAmerica analyst

In this essay, we shall examine the early days of the culture war,
which include a frenetic prelude (1967–68), and the development of a
hideous counter-culture running from the Woodstock Music Festival to
Roe v. Wade (1969–1973).

An unjustified rebellion

Was the rebellion of the sixties a reaction to the fifties? Yes and
no. It was not a natural reaction to the bad things of the fifties,
as is often supposed. It was an evil reaction to the wholesomeness of
the fifties.

I remember observing the sixties rebellion and thinking: "Never has
there been a rebellion with so little to rebel about." Since the
affluent and pampered baby boomers had little to complain about,
their rebellion had little justification and was therefore wicked and shameful.

Those who attempted to rationalize the rebellion of the sixties often
depicted the fifties as a dreadful time and the sixties as a reaction
to the fifties. Looking through this prism, the wickedness of the
rebellion was minimized or excused.

Evil hides behind false excuses, including this false
rationalization. In this case, the rationalization was absurd because
of the wholesomeness of life in the fifties.

In praise of the fifties

The values of God, country, community, and family seemed to reign
triumphant in the fifties. In 1960, an astounding 69 percent of
Americans claimed membership in a local church. That percentage may
have exceeded the church membership of any nation at any time in
Western history. The pews of many churches were filled in the fifties
as they have not been before or since.

Most of the mainstream Protestant denominations ­ which then
comprised about half of the church membership in America ­ still
taught the universal moral law and traditional values. Today, these
same denominations claim 5% of church membership and most of them
never speak about the moral law.

Negative cultural indicators such as existentialism, beatniks,
greasers, bikers, early rock and roll, and cinema noir reflected
fifties subcultures far removed from Main Street America. The massive
box office hit films were not Rebel Without a Cause or A Street Car
Named Desire, but films of triumphal righteousness like Quo Vadis,
The Robe, Demetrius, and the Gladiators, The Ten Commandments, and Ben Hur.

America united

In the fifties, America's long racial nightmare seemed to be over.
Jim Crow ended in the North during the forties ­ if not in the South.
President Truman integrated the military during the Korean War. The
integration of schools had an auspicious beginning.

The civil rights leaders of the sixties never said that there was no
progress in the fifties, but complained that progress was not fast
enough. Conservatives argued that moderate and steady progress in
racial equity, in accord with the stability and harmony of the social
order and the freedom of the citizenry, is more lasting and more
blessed than sudden revolutionary change.

The lingering bitterness of the South over the Civil War and
reconstruction seemed to be a fading memory during the fifties. We
were united by memories of a patriotic war (WWII) that we won and by
our common cause against communism. America was whole once more. The
dream of the founders seemed to have been fulfilled.

A sweet time to be a child

Economic prosperity had returned after the long nightmare of the
Great Depression and the privations of war rationing. Many Americans
could now own their own homes with modern appliances, a grassy yard,
a white picket fence, kids, and a dog.

The men generally had steady jobs, most marriages were for life, and
adultery was rare. Feminism had not yet introduced a disdain for
masculinity, or an unhealthy competition between men and women.
Mothers were at home with their pre-school children. People lived in
real neighborhoods and cared about the community.

Only a sourpuss can deny that the fifties in America were an
agreeable time and place to live for an unprecedented number of
people and a sweet time to be a child.

Fie on goodness

I argue that the rebellion of the sixties was an evil reaction
against the wholesomeness of the fifties.

In the original stage version of Camelot (1960), the knights sang the
bawdy song Fie on Goodness. They were bored with the sweetness and
harmony of Camelot and were eager to get back to the fun of bloodshed
and debauchery. The song was cut when the show went on tour because
it was considered too racy for American audiences outside New York,
but was retained when the play went to London.

Like the rowdy knights who sang the song, the rebels of the sixties
were bored with the prosperity, social harmony, and cultural
sweetness of the times and wanted to break the monotony with rioting
and debauchery. Just as the knights had no justification for their
rebellion against Camelot's goodness, the sixties rebellion against
the wholesomeness of American culture was insupportable and deplorable.

John Winthrop, a puritan father, warned that God's grace brings forth
righteousness, righteousness leads to prosperity, and prosperity
corrupts men who turn away from God and become wicked. The
prosperity, the soft living, and the pampering of kids of the fifties
spoiled and corrupted the generation of baby boomers who went on a
rampage in the sixties. The sweet fifties led to the sour sixties.

If you're going to San Francisco...

A prelude to the culture war occurred on colleges campuses and in San
Francisco in 1967 and 68. Recall the 1967 song "If you're going to
San Francisco, be sure to wear some flowers in your hair." The song
was about "the summer of love" ­ that is to say, the 1967 summer of
sex. The "flower children" gathered in San Francisco and established
the town as the Mecca of depravity. The place remains the American
Sodom to this day.

Elements of this strange overture included the radicalization of the
antiwar movement, the radicalization of the civil rights movement,
and the emergence of a weird psychedelic counter-culture. An equally
weird spiritual counter-culture ­ spirituality for the narcissist ­
was called the New Age Movement. Elements of the New Age Movement
included neopaganism and the occult.

During this time of deluded souls, confused minds, disordered
passions, and extreme ideologies, fringe elements of the anti-war
movement and the civil rights movement sometimes used vitriolic
rhetoric and fomented violent public insurrections.

However, in spite of florid rhetoric and riotous passions on the
streets, most activists craved participation in an improved America
of their dreams. Only where Marxist ideology poisoned the minds of
the activists was something akin to a hatred of America discernable.

Non-Marxist liberals did not yet hate America because the postmodern
program of deconstructing the Western cultural heritage had not yet
begun in earnest in America. In contrast, postmodernism in Europe
dates back to 1920.

The barbarians renounce civilization

The debauchery at the Woodstock Music Festival (1969) was a lurid and
brazen renunciation of Western culture and values. Our resilient
society can weather the storms of an overblown antiwar or civil
rights movement. In contrast, a popular renunciation of civilization
and all things decent, humane, excellent, beautiful, and true might
cause civilization to sink like a foundering ship caught in a typhoon.

We can survive our passage through many social upheavals, but a
voyage into barbarism might not offer a return passage. When Roman
civilization was inundated by the barbarians, the return to a lasting
civilization was delayed by six hundred years of barbarity. The
Woodstock revelry was the beginning of the return of the barbarians.
This time, the barbarians did not come with force of arms, but with
cultural and moral subversion.

A perverse preference for barbarism

In those days, many individuals voiced a dislike of civilization and
a preference for barbarism. Art Historian Kenneth Clark wrote in his
splendid book Civilization (1969): "People sometimes tell me that
they prefer barbarism to civilization. I doubt they have given it a
long enough trial.... They are bored with civilization; but all the
evidence suggests that the boredom of barbarism is infinitely
greater. Quite apart from the discomforts and privations, there was
no escape from it. Very restricted company, no books, no light after
dark, no hope. On one side the sea battering away, on the other
infinite stretches of bog and forest. A most melancholy existence,
and the Anglo-Saxon poets had no illusions about it."

Middle Earth and ancient giants

To illustrate the disillusionment of the barbarian, Clark quoted a
passage from The Wanderer, a 10th century Anglo-Saxon poem,
translated by Michael Alexander. I add a few snippets from the poem
left out by Clark and emend a few lines with substitutions from other
translations, with the substituted portions marked by italics.

"A wise man will grasp how ghastly it shall be/ When all this world's
wealth standeth waste/ Even as now, throughout this middle-earth,/
Walls stand wind beaten,/ Heavy hoar frost; ruined-habitations/ The
wine halls crumble;/ their wielders lie bereft of bliss/... And so he
destroyed this city/ He, the creator of men / That human laughter is
not heard about it/ And idle stand these ancient works of giants."

The wandering warrior returned to his old mead hall and found it in
ruins and all his tribesmen slain. He lamented the ruined state of
"middle earth." J.R.R. Tolkien, borrowed this term and quoted several
snippets from The Wanderer in his tales about the hobbits, elves, and
dwarves who live in Middle Earth.

The wandering Anglo-Saxon barbarians conquered the civilized
Christian Celts who lived under Roman rule in Britain. The Celts were
illumined by Christianity and enjoyed the brilliant Latin culture of
antiquity. If a barbarian like the Anglo-Saxon poet lamented over the
ruins of his old mead hall, how much more would a wandering Celt
lament over the Roman ruins in Britain, which were magnificent
structures destroyed by the barbarians. He would call these elegant
ruins ­ and not a ruined mead hall ­ "ancient works of giants" to
contrast them with the puny works of barbarians.

The boredom of barbarism

Clark said, "The boredom of barbarism is infinitely greater." As one
who cannot endure intellectual boredom, I am thrilled by civilization
and horrified by barbarism. "And so he destroyed this city; He, the
creator of men, that human laughter is not heard about it." If I was
forced to live among the boring barbarians, I should never laugh again.

Three intellectually stimulating streams of conservatism, described
in this series, stand out as the stalwart defenders of exiting
civilization and the determined opponents of boring barbarism. The
traditionalist conservatives defend the social fabric of a civilized
society. The neoconservatives uphold the literary and intellectual
classics of the West. The Christian conservatives are vehemently
opposed to paganism and the occult.

Barbarism is invariably pagan, as we learned from the Dark Ages and
from the pagan revival among the barbarians at Woodstock. In
contrast, from the fall of Rome until around 1800, Christianity was
the most civilizing force in the West. Even in the culture war of our
own day, we see doctrinally orthodox Christianity arrayed on the side
of civilization against neopaganism and neobarbarism. If our
civilization is to be saved, Christianity must defeat paganism in the
21st century as it did in the 10th and 11th centuries.

Woodstock: a declaration of cultural war

The Woodstock Music and Art Fair (8/15–8/18/1969) was the beginning
of the culture war on two fronts. It was the beginning of a
protracted battle between liberals and conservatives about certain
watershed moral and political questions.

It was also the moment when Modernism began to transmogrify into
Postmodernism in America, and the deconstruction of the Western
cultural tradition began to become a priority of the liberal elite.
In spite of their postgraduate college degrees, this subverted elite
has become the enemy of civilization. The elite is suicidal because
without civilization, there can be no college degrees and no academic elite.

Woodstock was a proclamation to the world that anything subversive
was now welcome in America. As such, it seemed to draw the postmodern
counterculture from Europe to America.

In part I of this series, I wrote, "Conservative ideals have
consistently had salutary effects upon culture. In contrast,
liberalism has never been better than a mixed blessing and was often
destructive to Western culture. It was destructive because it
propagated false views about the nature of man, society, government,
and the cosmos."

In contrast to the era of modernism, when liberalism sometimes had a
mixed effect on culture, postmodern liberalism has been almost
entirely destructive.

Sex, drugs, and rock and roll

The theme of Woodstock was "sex, drugs, and rock and roll" and the
motto was "if it feels good, do it." Antiwar protests, Marxism, the
green movement, New Age mysticism, neopaganism, the occult, and
sexual perversion were secondary themes. They were side shows at the
festival, just as the freaks were side shows at Barnum's circus.
Psychedelic drugs and promiscuous sex were the main event. The young
fools went to Woodstock mainly to get stoned and to have an orgy.
After they were addled by a haze of sex and drugs, they wandered
through the side show of subversive freaks and dabbled in the sampler
of horrors according to their whims and delusions.

Woodstock popularized "acid rock" or psychedelic rock, which was
music with long, rambling, screaming solos on the electric guitar
designed to accompany the use of drugs. Acid rock was a forerunner of
heavy metal music. Hard rock music with harsh anti-social or raw
sexual lyrics was also featured at Woodstock.

It should come as no surprise that Woodstock, the most morally and
visually squalid event in American history, was accompanied by the
ugliest music ever heard by human ears. A return to barbarism
includes a preference for the music of primitivism. Woodstock's
version of primitivism included the screams of the damned.

The music of death

Janis Joplin and Jimmy Hendrix hysterically screamed into the
microphones at Woodstock as though they were being tortured. Joplin
was addicted to heroin and Hendrix was addicted to LSD, a hallucinogenic drug.

Within little more than a year after Woodstock, both of these lost
souls were dead. Their screams of agony that had been made before
crowds at Woodstock were subsequently made in the nether regions with
no audience to listen to their wails and gnashing of teeth.

The doomed Joplin and Hendrix, who were coming to the end of their
rope, sang the music of death. The music of death was a forerunner of
the culture of death that featured abortion on demand.

In those days, I saw several rock musicians on television convulsed
by extremely violent and hideous contortions as though they were
possessed by demons. Some rock musicians of our day try to mimic the
contortions of the damned, but they come across as hokey and
laughable, like a low budget horror movie, instead of being truly scary.

During the Woodstock era, when I watched the demonically agitated
musicians on TV, it occurred to me that the foul demons who inspired
their music had no sense of musical taste and no concept of beauty.
Did muddled demons inspire the degraded musical preferences of a lost
generation? Perhaps.

A middle class revolution

For over a century, the West has had a small bohemian counterculture
that sometimes used drugs and had orgies. Woodstock dwarfed the
bohemian subculture by gathering 200,000 people in one place. The
majority were college students from affluent middle class families.

The movie Woodstock (1970) glorified the Woodstock festival and
celebrated the counterculture. The movie was cheap to make, was very
popular with college students, and made money. Millions of baby
boomers were seduced by the movie and joined the countercultural
rebellion. This hoard of rebels dwarfed the number of beatniks in
Greenwich Village in the fifties and the bohemians in Paris in the
20's. Many rock concerts since that day have become like a little
Woodstock with some of its characteristic elements of vulgarity,
rebellion, and moral decadence. America's Sodom and Gomorrah goes on and on.

History teaches that revolutions by lower classes and labor usually
fail, but revolutions by the middle class usually succeed. The new
revolution was the young middle class against the old middle class.
The Christian middle class had once supplied the moral fiber of
America. Now an entire middle class generation was leading America to
paganism and moral debauchery.

The hippies and I

By the time I entered college, I had already realized that most
people are generally deceived and that most men are rascals. This
realization was confirmed by my misfortune of attending college when
the campuses were still inundated with hippies who listened to acid rock.

I denounced acid rock to a collection of about twenty students. Word
spread through the dorm and made me a figure of controversy,
celebrity, and ridicule. My presence in a room full of hippies
sometimes inspired mock celebrations of truth, justice, and the
American way. I was the designated Captain America of the campus to
be celebrated and laughed at. I confess that I rather enjoyed playing
Captain America, and the hippies enjoyed having me to play silly games with.

I gave an impromptu lecture in the dorm living room to a group of
perhaps fifty scruffy hippies about the evils of drugs and
promiscuous sex. The spontaneous event got a good crowd because of my
colorful reputation. The mob of hippies sat in a semi-circle around
my overstuffed chair as though I was their guru. It was a farce, of course.

However, I decided to play out the farce because it gave me a chance
to inveigh against sexual immorality, drugs, and riotous living. The
merry hippies responded to my scolding as if it was entertainment,
and they laughed with gusto. I actually enjoyed the high spirits of
the goofy hippies. It was fun to be the center of attention in such a
jocund company of nitwits. Alas, my attempts to reason with them was
a little like trying to get serious with the three stooges.

I thought they were morally insane for regarding sexual and chemical
continence as a joke and probably said as much to them. Even as I was
drawn into their mood of hilarity, I felt like slapping those naughty knaves.

The conservatives were AWOL

Where were the other campus conservatives while all this was going
on? They were AWOL. The libertarians had no objection to the abuse of
sex and drugs by the hippies. The fusionists felt inhibited about
questioning the moral values of others. The budding neoconservatives
were reading the classics. The serious scholars, who comprised a
significant portion of the student body at my unusually studious
college, were in the library studying.

The evangelicals were preoccupied with evangelism and Bible studies.
They were mostly missing from action when it came to politics and
issues-oriented public forums. The evangelicals had not yet joined
the culture war.

I agreed with the evangelicals on most major points of doctrine, and
admired their penetrating Bible studies. However, I could not
understand their timid withdrawal from the world, and their strange
indifference to politics. They seemed to come alive for organized
evangelism, but to fade into the wallpaper when things got political.
However, we did recruit a few Southern Baptists for the campus
conservative club. Those born in the South seemed more gregarious and
more amenable to active politics than the timid, but well organized,
Northern evangelicals.

Ears filled with wax

I was sitting in the dorm recreation center one evening when a
strange madness enveloped the place like a steamy fog. It was the
paranoid enthusiasm of a mob. Many students rushed by me to go to the
campus riots.

Some of them charged forward with heads lowered, hoping to get past
me before I challenged them. I hailed some of them, calling them to
turn back, but they rushed by all the faster. They were like the crew
of Odysseus who placed wax in their ears lest they should hear the
songs of the sirens.

A few fellows paused and talked with me for a moment. I warned them
that what they were about to do was immoral, illegal, antisocial, and
unpatriotic. Some were pleased by the personal attention and amused
that I should try to draw them back from the course that they set
upon. After a brief exchange of words, they plunged into the dark maelstrom.

Others were annoyed by my nagging and my interference with their
personal affairs. After a few words, they waved me off and stalked
sullenly into the night. Then there were the spoiled brats. My rebuke
came as a shock to them. Apparently, no one had ever said "no" to them before.

Dust in the wind

Another kind of fellow who drifted towards the riots seemed dazed and
confused. Such ones were like the flotsam and jetsam floating on the
frothy and turbulent waves. My voice seemed far away to them as does
a voice from dry land calling to those who are bobbing in the surf.

The memory of these drifting ones reminds me of Dust in the Wind
(1977), a popular song that came out after the Woodstock frenzy had
died down. The song captured a vein of dazed resignation to endless
flux and a haunted acceptance of one's fate, with the phrase, "All we
are is dust in the wind."

Conscience cries out

I called out to the young men rushing to the riots, but none turned
back. Not one. The solidarity of the general revolt against morality
and conscience among these young white middle-class men was
reminiscent of the remarkable solidarity of the rabble at Woodstock.

Years later, I came to realize that I was the voice of conscience in
that dorm for a season. The designated public conscience has a lonely
task at a time when most of the young men have hardened their hearts
and closed their ears against their own conscience.

The first chapter of Proverbs describes wisdom crying out in public
places. Fools, scorners, and simpletons refused the rebuke of wisdom
and rushed to their terrifying calamity and destruction. That is how
it was on that dark night on the campus long ago.

The scapegoat

I was still sitting in the same chair when the young rioters stumbled
back from the riot. Some were laughing, but some were depressed and
ashamed. One of them was weeping from the effects of tear gas and
from the terror of being chased by police dogs. He railed at me and
blamed me for the malevolent whirlwind from which he had escaped.
"Your National Guard troops did this to me," he sobbed.

My National Guard? Apparently the mind of a rebel in a mob is so
darkened that he cannot make distinctions between the different
parties and groups who oppose him. In his paranoid confusion, he was
convinced that I and the troopers were somehow in cahoots. Mobs must
have their scapegoats.

I suspect that this particular young man was stung either by my
scolding of the hippies or by my warnings as he went out the door to
the riots. His wound was still hurting when he returned from the
riot, because he had not yet been able to silence the voice of his
conscience. No man is more angry than the one who is fighting his own
conscience.

The accusations of the weeping young man was one my first experiences
of being the object of paranoid conspiracy thinking by someone who
really meant it and was not jesting or playing with metaphors and
insults. I was subsequently accused by the school paper of being the
tool of the college administration.

In later years, I was accused in a letter to the editor of a major
newspaper of being the tool of the oil companies because I disagreed
with fad theories of global warming. I have been accused of being a
"neo-con," and therefore a tool of the president's cabal. I have also
been called a Nazi and a racist, of course.

Notice the similarity between the paranoia of contemporary liberals
and the paranoia of a campus mob that is seeking a scapegoat.

Conservatives, where are you?

As darkness fell on that evil night of the riots, I was alone in the
empty dorm recreation center for an hour or two. I wondered,
"Conservatives, where are you?"

All the other conservatives were either hiding under their beds or
had sneaked off to see the hideous riots out of a voyeuristic
fascination. I sat there wondering if I was the last sane man on
earth. In terms of the moral health of our culture, this was an
unusually dark time.

King Canute defies the tide

Was I foolish to make a lonely stand? Was I like King Canute, who sat
on the sea shore and commanded the tide not to come in?

Well, I suspect that during times of public madness, if even one
person publically says "no," it makes a difference. What the
conscience of a malefactor retains in memory after participating in a
lunatic mob is a little different if someone was there who said "no."
If there was no resistance or sign of disapproval, a collective event
of irrationality and malice will be remembered in a self-justifying way.

After all, a few might actually repent of their wickedness. They
should be accorded the opportunity of changing sides to join the
wiser voice instead of thinking themselves to be alone in their
renunciation of the mob.

Was I shunned because of my unpopular stand? I had more friends in my
campus Captain America days than at any other time in my life. We can
never calculate the consequences of opposing the crowd. Therefore,
dear reader, do what you know is right and leave the outcomes to God.

The high cost of sitting out the cultural apocalypse

America sat out the first three years of World War I and the first
two years of World II, for reasons most Americans accept. Less
justifiably, many conservatives sat out the first four years of the
culture war (1969–1973). As a result, the conservatives came to the
battle too late to stop the sexual revolution.

Could the sexual revolution have been stopped? Yes. Whenever large
numbers of citizens have risen up against sexual indecency, they won
­ if they showed up at the barricades before the libertines were able
to gain an entrenched position.

Many moons have passed since Woodstock. American sexual mores might
not be as bad now as they were in the seventies because conservatives
have made some modest gains after decades of fighting the culture
war. Nonetheless, sexual mores are vastly worse than they were before
Woodstock and Roe v. Wade. The damage to the American family has been
incalculable as a result. This is the high cost of the fact that
conservatives sat out the moral pandemic during the early phases of
the culture war.

A cure for the slumbering conservative

When I was young, the young liberals were wide awake, and most of the
young conservatives were asleep. Is there some flaw built into the
nature of conservatives that makes them slow to awaken in times of danger?

This phenomenon puts me in mind of the collection of speeches While
England Slept (1938) by Winston Churchill and the book Why England
Slept (1940) by John F. Kennedy. Churchill's lectures from 1932 to
1938 were a vain attempt to awaken a sleeping England to the perils
of Nazism and fascism.

Perhaps the young slumbering conservatives I knew in college had
always been conservatives. In contrast, men who convert to
conservatism late in life, like Reagan and Churchill, often notice an
emerging peril before other men do. They remember how crazy they were
when they were young liberals and understand how dangerous the jungle
out there can get.

Is there an elixir to awaken the slumbering young conservative?
Perhaps. The young Churchill read enormous quantities of history
during his idle time with the British Army in India. This might have
been the source of his remarkable foresight about the Nazis.

My independent readings of history as a youth might have been more
extensive than that of many of my campus conservative colleagues.
Perhaps that is why I was awake during the campus cataclysms, while
they slumbered. Or perhaps the zeal from my awakening to the pursuit
of truth several years before kept me awake. However, I acquired an
early hatred of evil, stupidity, mediocrity, mendacity, duplicity,
group think, cliques, fads, and propaganda at my mother's knee.

Some propositions: 1) Every young conservative should consume heavy
servings of history as part of his reading diet. Most will relish
this dish because it is in the nature of the conservative to love
history. 2) Every young conservative should be taught that
metaphysical truth really exists, has meaning, and is worth pursuing.
3) A young conservative who was not blessed with a mother like mine
can gain a healthy skepticism about the folly and stupidity of this
world by reading G.K. Chesterton.

What the conservatives cared about (1969–1973)

There were a few things conservatives cared about during the early
phases of the culture war. My campus conservative friends had four
major concerns that aroused them to action: 1) The takeover of the
Young Republicans by moderates, 2) creeping socialism, 3) campus
leftists, and 4) Communism.

The takeover of the Young Republicans by moderates reminded us of the
years of Republican "me too" Republican presidential candidates. We
all had read A Choice, not an Echo by Phyllis Schlafly, and fancied
that we could do for the Ohio Young Republicans what she did for
Goldwater in 1964. Our protests and credentials battles at the state
convention were an ignominious failure.

We distributed literature condemning high taxes, government
regulation, and government social engineering. Net effect: a very
small handful of students changed their minds. I debated issues with
my liberal professors in and out of class and do not recall changing
anyone's mind.

However, two initiatives regarding campus leftists and communists had
a major impact. I had a hand in both initiatives.

The campus commies and I

The big debate of the Conservative Club versus the Student
Mobilization Committee (SMC) was well promoted and we got a crowd of
perhaps three or four hundred people. I was one the two debaters for
the conservative team. The SMC, a communist front group, also had two
debaters. The topic was the Vietnam War.

The priority of the campus commies was to teach the students to hate
America. As J. Edgar Hoover had explained in Masters of Deceit
(1958), his famous book about Communism, few Americans are likely to
believe the preposterous theories of Karl Marx unless they are first
induced to hate their own country. This is precisely what the SMC was
doing on my campus. Therefore, I regarded them as in the vanguard of
the forces of evil.

My best line in the debate went something like this: "If we
precipitously withdraw from Vietnam, the press will be ejected, a
curtain of silence will go down, and the 'night of the long knives'
will begin." (This was a quotation that I read to the students. I
cannot now recover the source.) I pointed out that every violent
communist takeover of a government was always followed by a blood
purge. This was standard policy and practice for communists of the
"Marxist-Leninist" doctrine.

The night of the long knives

What I said to that crowd about the night of the long knives was
vindicated by subsequent history. President Nixon negotiated a peace
settlement for Vietnam that was similar to the peace settlement for
the Korean War. South Vietnam was saved. In a fit of madness, the
Democrats in Congress cut off all funding for the war, which forced
an instant withdrawal of Americans and a termination of aid. They
turned a tactical victory into a defeat. South Vietnam was lost. The
communists subsequently murdered about 1,000,000 civilians in South
Vietnam and murdered an estimated 6,000,000 in Cambodia.

Triumph over the malefactors

It has always amazed me how oblivious the liberals are to communist
theory and practice. During my debate with the SMC, I could see some
startled faces in the crowd when I told them that blood purges always
follow communist takeovers.

My team won the debate because our facts and logic were more
appealing than the hysterical rant of the student commies. One of
their debaters was a hot-head who actually threatened to beat up a
heckler in the crowd. After I told them that the communists murder
their opponents, they observed how a campus communist threatened to
beat up an opponent.

This victory was sweet because the true malefactors were publically
exposed as fanatics, tyrants, and bullies.

My picture appeared on the front page of the college newspaper. I was
waving my arms in a rhetorical flourish while refuting and rebuking
the campus commies. This publicity paved the way for my next stunt.

The student newspaper and I

I wrote a critique of the student newspaper, and it was published in
the student newspaper! I accused the student staff of being a
self-perpetuating clique who had turned the paper into a left-wing
scandal sheet. I argued that it was unjust that an irresponsible
paper that is unwanted by many students be supported by mandatory
student fees. After enjoying and abusing a privileged arrangement
like this, I thought the editor was self-serving and unjust to clamor
for complete freedom from supervision from the college
administration. The student editor responded in print with a long
rambling denunciation of me.

I hit a nerve. The student newspaper clique was the very archetype of
the powerful and privileged liberal establishment in all its
self-righteous hypocrisy, self-serving arguments, special pleading
fallacies, and manipulative games.

I had explicitly exposed the racket of the school newspaper. I had
implicitly exposed the self-interested game of the liberal
administration of the school. Even though the editor accused me of
being a tool of the administration, I was a thorn in the side of the
liberal administrators who ran the college.

A pawn in a chess game

However, I was permitted by the powers that be to publish my critique
in the school newspaper and to publically debate the campus
communists. Why? Perhaps in those days of campus disorders, the
administration needed a visible Captain America to prove to the
alarmed alumni that they were not in cahoots with the insurrectionists.

In the end, I was but a pawn in a chess game played by powerful men.

"We are none other than a moving row/ Of Magic Shadow Shapes that
come and go/ Round the Sun-illumed Lantern held/ In midnight by the
Master of the Show//.

But helpless Pieces of the Game He plays/ Upon his Chequer-board of
Nights and Days;/ Hither and thither moves and checks and slays/ And
one by one back into the Closet lays."

LXVIII & LXIX, The Rubaiyat of Omar Kayyam (Persian, 1120 A.D.)
--

RenewAmerica analyst Fred Hutchison also writes a column for RenewAmerica.

.

Protestors released after German army induction ceremony scuffle

Protestors released after German army induction ceremony scuffle

http://www.thelocal.de/13191/20080721/

Published: 21 Jul 08

Seven German demonstrators who were arrested in Berlin on Sunday
during the first-ever swearing in ceremony for new Bundeswehr
recruits in front of the Reichstag parliament building have been
released, police said on Monday.

The demonstrators were arrested for throwing paint, repeatedly trying
to interrupt the ceremony with a bull horn and resisting law
enforcement officers who tried to confiscate the loud speaker, police
said. Several demonstrators were injured, and the bull horn was
damaged in the incident. Some protestors from the Gelöbnix
organization have accused police of using excessive force and
storming their vehicles. Police have denied the accusations.

Among those arrested was former Red Army Faction (RAF) terrorist
group member Inge Vieth, a police spokesperson said. The 64-year-old
leftist escaped prison several times in the 1970s and in 1983
disappeared into the communist East Germany where she was discovered
in 1990 after The Wall fell. In 1992 she was sentenced to 13 years in
prison for the attempted murder of a French police officer, but
received an early parole in 1997.

The controversial ceremony had set the country's top politicians into
a whirl of indecision as to whether they would attend, with
Chancellor Angela Merkel and Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier
only deciding to attend at the last minute.

The ceremonial swearing in of new recruits is controversial despite
being conducted each year on July 20, marking the date of the failed
1944 Stauffenberg bomb plot to kill Adolf Hitler.

This date is designed to remind soldiers – and the public – that they
are swearing loyalty to the country, the law and freedom rather than
to a person.

Hitler had demanded that soldiers swore a personal oath of loyalty to
him specifically.

Pacifists often try to interrupt the ceremony, often by running
through the ranks of soldiers naked, since it was first held in 1999
– also the first year that Germany broke with the post-war convention
of not sending armed forces into combat.

This year, with soldiers in active service in Afghanistan, and the
ceremony being held in front of the Reichstag, the authorities
mustered 1,800 police officers to keep demonstrators and potential
disruptions well away.

Some 1,000 guests attended the ceremony. Former Chancellor Helmut
Schmidt made a speech and Defence Minister Franz Joseph Jung was also present.

The last-minute confirmation that Merkel and Steinmeier would attend
the event came after former general inspector of the army Klaus
Naumann sharply criticized them for planning not to go.

He said the point of staging the ceremony in front of the Reichstag
was to make the point that the army is controlled by a democratic
parliament which should publicly accept this responsibility.

.

The San Francisco Tape Music Center: 1960s Counterculture and the Avant-Garde

BOOK REVIEW

'The San Francisco Tape Music Center:
1960s Counterculture and the Avant-Garde'
edited by David W. Bernstein

http://www.latimes.com/features/printedition/books/la-bk-bernstein27-2008jul27,0,116337.story

An account of the pioneering electronic music center in San Francisco

By Colin Fleming
July 27, 2008

The San Francisco Tape Music Center
1960s Counterculture and the Avant-Garde
Edited by David W. Bernstein
University of California Press/Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute: 336 pp., $65

THERE was a time when the zeitgeist used to get bashed about pretty
thoroughly by classical music. New operas, ballets and symphonies
would actually alter the cultural climate, chasing away old modes of
thought and introducing new realities -- as in 1913, when Igor
Stravinsky dropped his "Rite of Spring" on an ill-prepared Parisian
public, or in 1952, when David Tudor sat down and closed his keyboard
lid for the first live performance of John Cage's "4' 33"." And then
there was a moment like the one we encounter in the middle of "The
San Francisco Tape Music Center: 1960s Counterculture and the
Avant-Garde": the November 1964 world premiere of Terry Riley's "In
C," when a new type of avant-garde association challenged the modes
of classical music itself.

Riley, along with fellow minimalist Steve Reich, represented the top
end of what could be achieved at the San Francisco Tape Music Center,
an "autonomous, unaffiliated organization" for composers looking to
break into the Digital Age. "I didn't have to think about it," Riley
says in his interview with the book's editor, David W. Bernstein,
about the genesis of his rhythmic juggernaut. "It was the only thing
I've ever written that came to me like that. . . . I saw it all on
the page, but I didn't really have a plan of how it would be performed."

At its premiere, "In C" was performed as though it were a stack of
ancient New Orleans jazz cylinders being fed through a futuristic
synthesizer blasting wave after wave of rhythm. This was the full
flowering of the ethos behind the center as it was envisioned in
1961, when composers Ramon Sender and Morton Subotnick put their
radical dreams in motion. The center was to be a place where new
approaches to composition were explored, tape loops were built and
effects boxes pressed into service in transforming what it meant --
on the West Coast, at least -- to make classical music. Gone were the
normal repertory conceits -- string quartet, aria, concerto, movement
-- and in their stead came pieces that streamed out through
modulators and matrix mixers, with light projections and cinematic
backdrops, for a new era of concertgoers. Except that these weren't
concerts so much as happenings: festivals of loops, in which jazzers,
rockers, students, poets, filmmakers, acid takers, scholars and
cultural philosophers came to be wowed and overcome, or at the least puzzled.

Bernstein's guided tour of the byways of San Francisco's digital
music scene (a DVD is included) takes the form of a series of
conversations, illuminated with a few choice essays. Even if you
could care less about classical music and think you've read all you
need to know about San Francisco's perpetually progressive culture
(especially in the 1960s), there's still an outlandish episode on
nearly every page of this book.

The men and women of the Tape Music Center were not people to be
deterred by practicalities or beliefs about how music ought to be
composed. The composer and percussionist William Maginnis was
responsible for the center's central work area -- an assortment of
output amps, soundboard racks and mixing consoles dubbed the "Great
Grand Kludge." His essay is an audiologist's delight and features a
crystal-meth addict masquerading as an electrical engineer, who
stumbles into the center promising to solve all of Maginnis' mixer problems.

It would take Don Buchla to do that, though, and it is his presence,
along with Riley's, that powers Bernstein's probing account. One
expects to discover little-known -- sometimes painfully unknown --
heroes in books like this, and Buchla is the Tape Music Center's
prime example. Gear heads and electronic composers know of him;
there's a great chance they'd be neither, if Buchla had not invented
the equipment that was as vital to the center as any piece of music,
given what it made possible. His creation is known as the Buchla box.
To avoid having to run around from oscillator to oscillator trying to
keep up pitch levels and reconcile the spatial relationships among
various sound sources, Buchla found a way to house all these
variables in one device. Classical music had entered the DIY age;
anyone could compose, in theory, and dynamic wave shaping -- one of
the box's many virtues -- was as easy as twiddling a knob. Even the
Hells Angels wanted in.

"They were a little bit associated with [Ken] Kesey's bus and were
involved in drug distribution," Buchla informs Bernstein. "It all
seemed fine to me. I got some interesting tapes from that source."

A baffled co-interviewer asks Buchla if the Hells Angels were musicians.

"No, you don't have to be a musician to make a tape," Buchla
responds, revealing one of the center's key premises. You had to be a
musician, or at least capable of thinking musically, to produce art.
But this was a new age of musical expression, in which the
long-sanctified precepts of classical repertory, with the
conservatory and its exclusive trappings and exclusionary tendencies,
came tumbling down. "I don't know the background there," Buchla
concludes his commentary on Kesey's motley crew. "I just showed up at
the places with my instruments, took some acid, played some music."

There's a touch of antiestablishment shtick in these lines, but it's
important to note that Buchla is a genuine artist, who understood the
relationship between mass participation and digital music years
before the mash-up culture made everyone a potential songsmith. At
the Tape Music Center, technology transcended its mathematical
principles and became something that could inform the beauty that
shapes the human soul, with classical music becoming less about the
past and more about the future. Or so went the thinking.

Following Buchla's lead, Sender began to experiment with detached
tape heads, making recordings that undermined what was seen as
classical music's obsession with grandeur. "That was when I started
doing things like putting all of a Wagner opera on an eighth of an
inch of tape," he tells Bernstein. "I thought, wow I could sell this
to conservatory students to help them do their assignments. You want
to listen to 'The Ring of the Nibelungen'? Here, you can do it in a
quarter of a second." As with Marcel Duchamp's visual constructions
and found objects, there's an element of Dada at work here -- Dada,
of course, being not a self-sustaining concept but one that tended to
peter out once its point was made.

The Tape Music Center itself didn't outlast the 1960s, but it did
produce a number of pieces that will be around as long as anything
concocted by such acknowledged 20th century masters as Alban Berg,
Benjamin Britten and Arnold Schoenberg. As Bernstein's interviews
repeatedly make plain, the Tape Music Center, at its best, turned out
works that were at once folk art, technological wonder, electro-beat
madness and calm, considered statements on the mutability of
classical music: a music for all ages and technologies, as suitable
to violins and choirs as to Buchla boxes and optical projectors. *

.

Artie Traum, notable of folk music scene, dies at 65

Artie Traum, notable of folk music scene, dies at 65

http://www.newsday.com/services/newspaper/printedition/tuesday/news/ny-traum225772763jul22,0,2438510.story

THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
July 22, 2008

WOODSTOCK - Artie Traum, a veteran songwriter and guitarist who came
out of the Greenwich Village folk music scene, has died. He was 65.

Traum died Sunday at his home in upstate Bearsville, near Woodstock,
from cancer that spread to his liver, said manager Jeff Heiman.

Traum was born and reared in the Bronx and played around the seminal
Greenwich Village scene of the '60s along with his brother, Happy
Traum. The brothers would play together on and off for decades. Traum
also recorded a series of solo albums and produced or recorded with
some of the biggest names in folk, rock and jazz, from Bela Fleck to
Pete Seeger, according to his Web site. Traum began recording jazz
albums in the '90s.

Happy Traum said his brother's musical sensibility, though grounded
in the folk tradition, encompassed styles from jug band to contemporary jazz.

"He had a big scope to his music. It wasn't one thing. He had a bit
of chameleon in him," Happy Traum said yesterday.

Traum recorded dozens of albums in his long career and played shows
around the world. He performed publicly until May, when melanoma in
his eye spread, Happy Traum said.

The Traum brothers were managed by Bob Dylan's late manger, Albert
Grossman. Like Dylan and Grossman, the Traums moved to this Hudson
Valley arts colony. The brothers stayed and became stalwarts of the
Woodstock music scene.

Traum is survived by his wife, Beverly.

.

In US politics, 1960s won't fade away

In US politics, 1960s won't fade away

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/News/PoliticsNation/In_US_politics_1960s_wont_fade_away/articleshow/3266260.cms

22 Jul, 2008

WASHINGTON: The 1960s may be history, but in American politics that
tumultuous decade of social upheaval never gets old.

The presidential race between Democrat Barack Obama and Republican
John McCain already has dredged up some of the decade's most lasting
symbols -- from the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War to
violent radical groups and Woodstock.

The cultural clashes fostered by the social strife of the '60s have
played a role in virtually every U.S. presidential race since
Republican Richard Nixon's victory in 1968, and the battle between
Obama and McCain is no different.

"In politics, old habits die hard," said Rick Perlstein, author of
"Nixonland," a history examining how the social turmoil of the 1960s
helped Nixon win the White House twice, and the decade's lingering
political effects.

"The '60s were such a traumatic time, we haven't even begun to reckon
with the divisions it created," he said. "It may not be able to drive
a campaign anymore, but it still provides the contours for great drama."

When Obama, the first black to lead a major party in a White House
race, was forced recently to defend his patriotism against
Internet-fueled attacks, he put the blame at least partially on the 1960s.

"What is striking about today's patriotism debate is the degree to
which it remains rooted in the culture wars of the 1960s -- in
arguments that go back 40 years or more," Obama, 46, said in a speech
at the Harry Truman presidential library in Independence, Missouri.

"The anger and turmoil of that period never entirely drained away.
All too often our politics still seems trapped in these old,
threadbare arguments," said Obama, who was 8 years old when the decade ended.

Those arguments, and reminders of the decade's vivid history, have
surfaced repeatedly during the battle for the White House that
culminates in the November 4 election.

Obama was forced to defend his relationship with William Ayers, a
former member of the radical Weather Underground group who he served
with on a community board in Chicago, during his nomination fight
with New York Sen. Hillary Clinton.

He also has seen the spotlight turned on the sermons of his fiery
black pastor and on his relationship with leaders of the U.S. civil
rights movement like Jesse Jackson.

McCain, 71, has actively drawn contrasts between his more than five
years as a prisoner of war in Vietnam and some of the decade's
landmark events, like the Woodstock music festival and the blossoming
of the hippie movement in San Francisco's 1967 "Summer of Love."

'TIED UP AT THE TIME'

He drew a roar at a Republican debate last year when he criticized
Clinton's request for $1 million for a museum dedicated to Woodstock
and dropped a sly reference to the abuse he suffered while a prisoner
in Vietnam.

"I wasn't there," the former Navy pilot said of the 1969 music
festival. "I'm sure it was a cultural and pharmaceutical event. I was
tied up at the time."

The Arizona senator later launched an advertisement featuring his
line from the debate, along with a spinning tie-dyed image and music
supplied by The Doors. Earlier this month, he aired another
television ad with a '60s theme.

"It was a time of uncertainty, hope and change. The 'Summer Of
Love,'" the narrator says over grainy images of marching protesters
and a hippie couple.

When the ad shifts to shots of McCain as a prisoner, the narrator
says: "Half a world away, another kind of love -- of country. John
McCain: Shot down. Bayoneted. Tortured."

Analysts said the ad was the latest chapter in a Republican theme
stretching back to Nixon's days touting the "silent majority" of
Americans who were not members of the counter-culture and who quietly
supported the Vietnam War.

"It's still a good way to draw a stark contrast between you and the
other guy," Republican consultant Rich Galen said of the images from
the 1960s. He said they give Republicans "a chance to say 'hey, we
aren't them.'"

But Democrats also use the tactic. The attacks on Obama's Weather
Underground connection came from Clinton -- and Obama responded by
criticizing her husband, former President Bill Clinton, for granting
clemency to two former members.

Obama, the first presidential candidate from a major party born after
the post-World War Two baby boom, has been helped by a flood of
support from young voters whose record of showing up to vote is spotty.

McCain's references to the 1960s are likely to appeal to older voters
-- the ones who are statistically most likely to participate. But the
debate has a limited political shelf life as those who lived it grow
old and die.

"There is a constant strain in the Republican playbook of playing off
the 1960s, the same way people played off the Civil War for decades
and then the Depression," said Leonard Steinholm, a communications
professor at American University who wrote a book on baby boomers.

"But over time, it fades," he said. "You can't mine that forever."

.

Mark Tribe's Port Huron Project

[2 articles]

Mark Tribe's Port Huron Project via Los Angeles Contemporary Exhibitions

http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/news/arts/la-et-galleries25-2008jul25,0,7800121.story

By Christopher Knight, Times Art Critic
July 25, 2008

Early Saturday evening, Providence, R.I.-based artist Mark Tribe
orchestrated a reenactment of a 1971 speech by Chicano labor activist
César Chávez protesting the Vietnam War. On the South Lawn of
Exposition Park, midway between the Natural History Museum and the
Coliseum, a call went out for "organized and disciplined nonviolent
action," aimed squarely at those "seeking [their] manhood in
affluence and war."

Actor Ricardo Dominguez spoke from the podium to a crowd that
numbered perhaps one-tenth of the 2,600 who had gathered in the park
37 years earlier. Tribe's audience, in fact, was roughly equal to the
number of uniformed police and plainclothes officers reported at the
original (peaceful) event. Most of the attendees were probably not
yet born then or were too young to remember when the brilliant,
charismatic Chávez joined Jane Fonda, Donald Sutherland and other
speakers calling for nonviolent civil disobedience to deter American
militarism abroad.

The original event represented cross-fertilization in two New Left
social movements, pro-labor and antiwar. Its star power -- Fonda and
Sutherland's Oscar-winning "Klute" was just about to be released --
also gained special wattage from Chávez's presence. Two weeks
earlier, when the California Supreme Court unanimously ruled that his
free speech rights were violated by an injunction against a lettuce
boycott, he had been released from jail. He had been locked up for contempt.

The performance piece, funded by New York's Creative Time and
coordinated by Los Angeles Contemporary Exhibitions, was the fourth
of six reenactments in Tribe's Port Huron Project. It was no doubt a
bit less surreal here than the first three might have been.

During the last 22 months, a 1968 Coretta Scott King speech was
staged in New York City's Central Park, a 1971 address by author and
activist Howard Zinn was repeated on Boston Common, and a speech
given at the 1965 march on Washington by Paul Potter, president of
Students for a Democratic Society, was given again on the National
Mall. (Tribe's project takes its name from the Port Huron Statement,
the 1962 manifesto of the SDS, which was formed in Port Huron, Mich.)
In August, an actress in Oakland will re-create an Angela Davis
speech, and in September an actor portraying Stokely Carmichael will
repeat a speech near United Nations headquarters in Manhattan.

What made the L.A. component seem commonplace was of course the
proximity of Hollywood, where camera crews filming scripted action on
the streets are plentiful.

Chávez's words are as meaningful today as they were then, and the
occupation of Iraq provided a transparent if unspoken context.
Likewise, Potter talked about the government's use of the rhetoric of
freedom to justify war, Zinn called on Congress to impeach the
president and vice president, and Scott King spoke of women's
untapped political power. Plus ça change, plus c'est la même chose.

But it's the scripted, taped and electronically distributed nature of
these performances that is distinctive, differentiating them from the
originals. Tribe's "We Are Also Responsible" -- a line from Chávez's
speech that disparages the common tendency to blame "the bosses"
while waiting for them to act -- is performance art about the process
of one person making a freely distributed Internet video.

The performance at Exposition Park was staged, directed and repeated
three times so different camera setups could be arranged.

It employed two actors (Brian Valparaiso was the second) and involved
the participation of the audience as extras. The edited results of
all six parts are finding their way onto blip.tv and YouTube --
search for "Port Huron Project" -- and the Chávez piece should be
online in mid-August. In the fall, portions will make their way onto
a jumbo screen in New York's Times Square and to a show about art and
political engagement at the New York Armory. The Port Huron Project
is a kind of digital samizdat, a technological twist on the
distribution of political leaflets that is as American as Tom Paine
and as revolutionary as farmers and small-business men toppling the
combined power of George III and the East India Co.

Activism seemed futile when, despite the hundreds of thousands of
people flooding into city streets around the world in protest before
the invasion of Iraq, the ill-fated war went on. Yet there's a
difference between old models based on mass culture, which had their
zenith in the 1960s era of these original speeches, and the new
"niche culture" of our high-tech present. Mass culture is effectively
over. The possibility for closing the contemporary gap between
activism and the individual is underway in the netroots -- activist
blogs and other online communities, including artistic ones.

At the end of Dominguez's second performance of the Chavez speech,
the crowd spontaneously erupted into a loud chant of "Si! Se puede!
Si! Se puede!" Under the circumstances, it resonated as an Obama moment.

Los Angeles Contemporary Exhibitions, 6522 Hollywood Blvd.,
Hollywood, (323) 957-1777. Closed Mondays and Tuesdays. www.artleak.org

...

--------

Port Huron Project Comes To Oakland

http://www.huliq.com/64647/port-huron-project-comes-oakland

July 22nd, 2008
by ruzik_tuzik

Creative Time (NY) and the Oakland Museum of California present Mark
Tribe's Port Huron Project 5: The Liberation of Our People, a
reenactment of a landmark 1969 speech by legendary activist Angela
Davis, on Saturday, August 2, 2008 at 6 p.m. The restaging takes
place at DeFremery Park in West Oakland, the original site. The event
is free and open to all.

DeFremery Park (formerly Bobby Hutton Park, after the martyred Black
Panther) is in West Oakland, at 1651 Adeline St., between 16th and
17th streets. For a map and directions, please visit museumca.org/calendar.

Mark Tribe's Port Huron Project is a series of reenactments of key
New Left speeches from the 1960s and 70s, presented to examine
American democracy by considering today's political situation in
context to that of the 1960s and 70s. Tribe's intent is to examine
and inspire civic dialogue about political and social concerns of our
times as we approach the culmination of the presidential election cycle.

Angela Davis's 1969 speech passionately advocated combining
anti-Vietnam War sentiments with social justice causes, emphasizing
her points with illustrations of government treatment of the Black
Panther Party and the controversial trial of the Chicago 7, which
occurred only weeks before.

Creative Time (CT) and the Oakland Museum of California set the stage
for the Saturday reenactment with a talk with Tribe and senior
curator of art Rene de Guzman, on Friday, August 1, 7:30 p.m. (part
of the museum's First Fridays After Five).

In conjunction with Tribe's talk, the museum presents a 6:30 p.m.
screening of CHICAGO 10, an experimental documentary that combines
animation, archival film footage, and audio recordings. Directed by
Academy Award-nominated producer and director Brett Morgen, the film
recounts the buildup to and unraveling of the Chicago conspiracy
trial after the 1968 Democratic National Convention. CHICAGO 10 is
presented courtesy of ITVS Community Cinema. The film and the artist
talk are both free.

The Port Huron Project is a part of Creative Time's summer-long
public art initiative, Democracy in America: The National Campaign,
which includes art commissions around the country and an exhibition
and event space in New York (September 21–27, 2008) that explore the
state of democracy and civic participation. CT will present Port
Huron Project 4: We Are Also Responsible with Los Angeles
Contemporary Exhibitions (LACE), in LA on July 19, and Port Huron
Project 6: Let Another World Be Born in New York City in early
September. -- www.museumca.org

.

1968 Democratic Convention: The Bosses Strike Back

1968 Democratic Convention

http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history-archaeology/1968-democratic-convention.html

The Bosses Strike Back

By Haynes Johnson
Smithsonian magazine, August 2008

As delegates arrived in Chicago the last week of August 1968 for the
35th Democratic National Convention, they found that Mayor Richard J.
Daley, second only to President Lyndon B. Johnson in political
influence, had lined the avenues leading to the convention center
with posters of trilling birds and blooming flowers. Along with these
pleasing pictures, he had ordered new redwood fences installed to
screen the squalid lots of the aromatic stockyards adjoining the
convention site. At the International Amphitheatre, conventioneers
found that the main doors, modeled after a White House portico, had
been bulletproofed. The hall itself was surrounded by a steel fence
topped with barbed wire. Inside the fence, clusters of armed and
helmeted police mingled with security guards and dark-suited agents
of the Secret Service. At the apex of the stone gates through which
all had to enter was a huge sign bearing the unintentionally ironic
words, "HELLO DEMOCRATS! WELCOME TO CHICAGO."

If this Potemkin village setting weren't enough to intensify anxiety
among Democrats gathering to nominate their presidential candidate,
the very elements and conditions of Chicago life contributed to a
sense of impending disaster. The weather was oppressively hot and
humid. The air conditioning, the elevators and the phones were
operating erratically. Taxis weren't operating at all because the
drivers had called a strike before the convention began. The National
Guard had been mobilized and ordered to shoot to kill, if necessary.

Even as delegates began entering this encampment, an army of
protesters from across the country flowed into the city, camping in
parks and filling churches, coffee shops, homes and storefront
offices. They were a hybrid group­radicals, hippies, yippies,
moderates­representing myriad issues and a wide range of
philosophies, but they were united behind an encompassing cause:
ending the long war in Vietnam and challenging Democratic Party
leaders and their delegates to break with the past, create
change­yes, that was the term then on every protester's lips­and
remake the battered U.S. political system. As Rennie Davis put it,
speaking as project director for the National Mobilization Committee
to End the War in Vietnam, the largest and most important group for
the planned protests: "Many of our people have already gone beyond
the traditional electoral processes to achieve change. We think that
the energies released...are creating a new constituency for America.
Many people are coming to Chicago with a sense of new urgency, and a
new approach."

What followed was worse than even the most dire pessimist could have
envisioned.

The 1968 Chicago convention became a lacerating event, a distillation
of a year of heartbreak, assassinations, riots and a breakdown in law
and order that made it seem as if the country were coming apart. In
its psychic impact, and its long-term political consequences, it
eclipsed any other such convention in American history, destroying
faith in politicians, in the political system, in the country and in
its institutions. No one who was there, or who watched it on
television, could escape the memory of what took place before their eyes.

Include me in that group, for I was an eyewitness to those scenes:
inside the convention hall, with daily shouting matches between
red-faced delegates and party leaders often lasting until 3 o'clock
in the morning; outside in the violence that descended after Chicago
police officers took off their badges and waded into the chanting
crowds of protesters to club them to the ground. I can still recall
the choking feeling from the tear gas hurled by police amid throngs
of protesters gathering in parks and hotel lobbies.

For Democrats in particular, Chicago was a disaster. It left the
party with scars that last to this day, when they meet in a national
convention amid evidence of internal divisions unmatched since 1968.

To understand the dimensions of the Democrats' calamity, recall that
in 1964, Lyndon B. Johnson had defeated Barry Goldwater for the
presidency with 61.1 percent of the popular vote, a margin eclipsing
even the greatest previous electoral victory, by Franklin D.
Roosevelt over Alf Landon in 1936. In mid-1964, passage of civil
rights legislation had virtually ended legal segregation in America.
Optimists had begun talking about America's entering a "golden age."

By that next summer, however, the common cause of blacks and whites
marching together had been shattered as riots swept the Watts section
of Los Angeles and, over the next two years, cities across the
country. In that same initially hopeful year, the Johnson
administration had made a fateful commitment to keep increasing the
numbers of troops to fight a ground war in Vietnam, an escalation
that would spawn wave upon wave of protest. In the 1966 congressional
elections, Democrats­who had been experiencing the greatest electoral
majorities since the New Deal­sustained severe defeats.

As 1968 began, greater shocks awaited the nation: North Vietnamese
forces launched the Tet offensive that January, rocking U.S. troops
and shattering any notion that the war was nearly won. Johnson
withdrew from the presidential campaign that March. Martin Luther
King Jr. was assassinated in Memphis in early April, and another
succession of riots swept the cities. Robert F. Kennedy, heir to the
Kennedy legacy, had his presidential campaign cut down by an
assassin's bullet after winning the critical California primary in June.

It was against this extraordinarily emotional background that the
Democrats convened. Hubert H. Humph- rey, LBJ's vice president, had
sat out the primaries but secured delegates controlled by the party
establishment. Senator Eugene McCarthy­the antiwar candidate whose
strong second-place showing in the New Hampshire primary had
demonstrated Johnson's vulnerability­had abundant forces in the hall,
but they were now relegated to the role of protesters. Senator George
S. McGovern had rallied what remained of Kennedy's forces, but he,
too, knew he led a group whose hopes had been extinguished.

From whatever political perspective­party regulars, irregulars or
reformers­they all shared an abiding pessimism over their prospects
against a Republican Party that had coalesced behind Richard M.
Nixon. They gave voice to their various frustrations in the
International Amphitheatre during bitter, often profane, floor fights
over antiwar resolutions. The eventual nomination of Humphrey,
perceived heir to Johnson's war policies, compounded the sense of
betrayal among those who opposed the war. The bosses, not the people
who voted in the primaries, had won.

The violence that rent the convention throughout that week, much of
it captured live on television, confirmed both the Democrats'
pessimism and the country's judgment of a political party torn by
dissension and disunity. In November the party would lose the White
House to Nixon's law-and-order campaign. In the nine presidential
elections since, Democrats have won only three, and only once­in
1976, after the Watergate scandal forced Nixon to resign in
disgrace­did they take, barely, more than 50 percent of the votes.

Changes in party rules have curtailed the establishment's power to
anoint a presidential nominee, but the ideological divides have
persisted; thus this year's rival candidates battled bitterly to win
state primaries. And after such a divisive primary season, in the end
the nomination still depended on the "superdelegates" that replaced
the party bosses.

One 1968 memory remains indelible 40 years later. Throughout that
week I had been a guest commentator on NBC's "Today" show,
broadcasting live from Chicago. Early Friday morning, a few hours
after the convention ended, I took the elevator to the lobby of the
Conrad Hilton Hotel, where I had been staying, to head for the
studio. As the elevator doors opened, I saw huddled before me a group
of young McCarthy volunteers. They had been bludgeoned by Chicago
police, and sat there with their arms around each other and their
backs against the wall, bloody and sobbing, consoling one another. I
don't know what I said on the "Today" show that morning. I do
remember that I was filled with a furious rage. Just thinking of it
now makes me angry all over again.
--

Haynes Johnson, who has written 14 books, covered the 1968 Democratic
National Convention for the Washington Star.

.

Sienna Miller Pubic Hair Digitally Enhanced

[2 items]

Sienna Miller Pubic Hair Digitally Enhanced

http://www.femalefirst.co.uk/lifestyle-fashion/stylebeauty/pubic-5202.html

24-07-2008

Sienna Miller had to have her pubic hair digitally enhanced for her
latest acting role.

The actress, who has just finished filiming Hippie Hippie Shake, was
lacking in the 'lady garden' department when starring in the 60s
film, reports the mirror.

"The film is set in the swinging 60s when fashion was wild and body
hair even wilder," an insider told the newspaper, "Sienna was an
absolute star throughout filming and her performance was flawless."

"The only slight problem being that she's very much a girl of the
Noughties - and this extends to her personal upkeep. Unfortunately,
Brazilians weren't common in the 60s and Sienna's part involved one
or two nude scenes - meaning that her grooming habits were on full display."

The source went on to tell how a merkin- or pubic wig- was not
realistic enough so the production team turned to digital enhancement
to solve the problem.

"Sienna's private parts were digitally enhanced, giving her a rather
unruly, loud and proud bush," he added.

--------

Sienna Bush Whacked

http://www.megastar.co.uk/babes/news-single-view/article/2/sienna-bush-whacked-1.html

We now know what Sienna Miller's lady bits look like and it's more
Brazilian than bush-tucker trial, we can reveal.

According to reports, the minxy Miller has had to have her front bum
bits digitally enhanced for 1960s flick, Hippie Hippie Shake.

Sauntering about in the nude during filming , it seems her modern
take on a manicured topiary ski slope was not fitting for the more
carefree, plait your pubes 60s and so technical boffins had to
furnish her with bush, so to speak.

Imagine turning up to work that day? 'Right techy film person, I want
you to add loads of wiry hair to that there lady's privates'. 'Reckon
it might take a week... or two, sir.'

The lady garden works were explained to the Mirror by the inevitable
'source' who said; 'Unfortunately, Brazilians weren't common in the
60s and Sienna's part involved one or two nude scenes - meaning that
her grooming habits were on full display.

'A merkin or pubic wig simply wouldn't have done the trick, but
luckily computer wizardry came to the rescue.

'Sienna's private parts were digitally enhanced, giving her a rather
unruly, loud and proud bush.

'All the cast had a good giggle about it and stoical Sienna happily
played along.'

Muff said.

.

Long hair: the long and short of it

Long hair: the long and short of it

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/fashion/main.jhtml?view=DETAILS&grid=&xml=/fashion/2008/07/27/st_longhair127.xml

27/07/2008

Tamasin Day-Lewis belongs to an elite sisterhood of women who've
never had their hair cut short. But is it now time for her to bow to
the pressures of age and fashion? Plus stylist Luke Hersheson
describes how to tie a chignon

Iam the only one left. Among my friends, that is, though I don't
really know why, nor whether I should just take affirmative action
and change my life forever, which is what, after all these years of
not doing it, it would amount to. I have thought about it many times,
the implications, whether I would dare do it all at once, how I would
feel if I did. And each time something has stopped me.

Does the fact that I haven't done it mean I am stuck in the past?
What does it say about me, that all my friends did it years ago? And
by 'it' I mean one thing: chopped off their long hair. Over the years
they have changed their look many, many times. But what I have done
is, somehow, far more radical.

In the days when I was a model, before going up to university, I was
one of the few girls with very long hair. That has all changed. Then,
I was the one who was picked to do the hair advertisements since most
of my fellow models sported what my youngest daughter, Charissa,
calls 'boy-size hair'.

Short was 'the look'. But I never wanted 'the look'. It wasn't just
about being different, since throughout my childhood - from
Alice-band-and-fringe days to growing it out for a centre-parting
hippy look - I was doing what most of the girls at Bedales did. It
was the school look. I would have my hair trimmed by one of the older
girls who had given herself a diagonal, jagged fringe and seemed
daringly avant-garde.

There is history in all of this: my grandmother had waist-length hair
that she occasionally let down from its elegant strawberry-blonde
chignon so that I could see it fall, with a spray of hairpins, in
front of her dressing-table mirror. It would then be reassembled, and
sprayed to sculptured and unmoving perfection. Not something that my
generation was ever taught the art of - current coiffure lore pays no
lip-service to the formal, but delights in the messy, sexy, shaggy look.

My mother had long hair, which she twirled into a bun and didn't cut
until her fifties. She went to the hairdresser every week, as my
grandmother had before her. My two daughters, Miranda and Charissa,
both had exceptionally long hair as children. Miranda's rebellion
came in her early teens. First, she had a just-above-the-shoulder
bob, then she grew out the fringe that she saw as a sign of arrested
development, or, to be more accurate, the deliberate arresting of her
development by her mother.

Now in her early twenties, Miranda has reverted to long hair and a
fringe. Charissa, in her teens, has just had her waist-length hair
layered and trimmed, to make her look older. Emails from the Indian
orphanage where she is working on her gap year suggest that she has
no further plans to cut it, yet: 'My friend Rosie cut off her hair
for India and really misses it. Over here women's hair, whatever
their age, is a celebration of beauty, always long and thick,
probably nourished by years of mustard-seed oil rubbed into it. The
girls, just becoming young women, stand flourishing the longest hair
you ever saw, still wearing it down when they're unmarried. The older
women have long hair tied back in a ponytail or plait.'

So, it is a family thing, a cultural or generational thing. But how
are we older women, who keep our tresses long, judged? Think of
Milton's description of Eve in Paradise Lost:

She, as a veil down to the slender waist,
Her unadorned golden tresses wore
Dishevelled, but in wanton ringlets waved,
As the vine curls her tendrils

Youth, sexuality and fecundity are all conjured up by this vision of
long hair, its lustrousness indicative of health and prized sexual
selection. Hair is one of the most important ways humans have of
presenting themselves and judging others, socially and sexually.
Those with long hair are seen as being wilder than those with short,
or no, hair. Is it threatening to some people? Is even well-kempt
long hair giving off a signal that its owner is somehow operating
outside the accepted mores of society? Particularly once one has
crested youth and slipped into parenthood.

Miranda has no truck with the drab, unsexy, sensible haircuts so many
parents get to spell out parenthood. Why should having babies
precipitate the chopping of our locks? It isn't the same in Italy or
Spain, she says. The older women there still dress chicly and wear
their hair long. 'Their men still compliment them and want them to
look sexy,' Miranda insists.

Look at the ancient Greeks, among whom there were a clutch of heroes
who wore their hair long: Zeus, Achilles, Hector, Poseidon. Greek and
Trojan soldiers considered it a sign of aristocracy and they combed
it openly to show it off. It meant freedom, health and wealth to
women. In the Middle Ages in Europe, short hair signified servitude
and peasantry, though married women had to keep their locks under
control. Flowing hair was frowned upon and was reserved for the
unwed, but was allowed for those in mourning to show their distressed state.

In the back of my mind I had been saying for some time that when I
went grey I would cut off all my hair, rather than look like a
dishevelled old hippy. But I still haven't gone grey, much to my
younger brother Daniel's chagrin, and if and when I do, I am now not
so sure that I will cut it. We tailor ourselves a little more as we
get older, but I don't think there should be rules.

Both daughters are begging me to keep my hair long. The more I play
devil's advocate and suggest to them that I look like mutton dressed
as lamb, the more they say no. I offer to wear my hair in a bun or
keep it permanently plaited, but they are now so far removed from the
age of conformity, which small children impose upon themselves and
their parents, that that is not what they want.

'Sometimes if Mina's wearing a plait and her back is turned to work
in the kitchen,' my daughter Charissa says of a lady in the Indian
orphanage, 'it reminds me of you. All the most beautiful women in
life seem to have long hair, like you, with its familiar smell and
auburn tinge. You should always have hair long enough to put in
plaits, all messy and hippy - I love them. Long hair is a girl's
chance to be Alice in Wonderland, and a woman's pride and elegance.'

I am convinced. I know that people who do finally succumb to the
scissors never grow it back, and regret it. They have lost their
identity, their different-ness. I also know that there is a female
envy thing, which must play some part; some women do tell other women
to cut their hair for all the wrong reasons. I can't imagine what it
would take to persuade me to have my locks cut, after all this time,
and have every intention of remaining, defiantly, long-haired.
--

How to create the perfect chignon

Women used to know how to do clever things with long hair, but the
art was lost with the rise of the bob and the crop. Now long hair's
back. Lots of us have it, but don't know what to do with it. Here the
stylist Luke Hersheson describes how to tie a chignon
Don't wash your hair for a day or two. Decide on your parting, and
back-comb the crownSeparate the back of the hair into two ponytails,
with a centre parting down the backVertically back-comb the ponytails
Twist them both, separately, then cross them over and twist them
together tightly into a spiral. From the base of your ponytail, start
to curl the twisted ponytail into a bunPin the chignon into place and
finish with hairspray

.

Michael X: A Life in Black & White

Michael X: A Life in Black & White by John Williams

http://entertainment.timesonline.co.uk/tol/arts_and_entertainment/books/book_reviews/article4396649.ece

July 25, 2008
by Alan Copps

A GOOD BIOGRAPHY frequently casts as much light on the times its
subject lived through as it does on the person. When the subject is
such an elusive personality and assiduous maker of his own myth as
Michael X, and his times include desperate days in the Fifties and
extremes of hedonism in the Swinging Sixties, the result is an
absorbing book that adds up to rather more than one life.

Michael de Freitas, Michael X or Michael Abdul Malik changed his name
to suit his ambitions, which for a poor Trinidadian immigrant of the
"Windrush generation" were astonishingly varied.

On one hand this is the biography of a small-time crook, conman,
pimp, drug dealer and finally executed murderer. On the other it's
the story of a man who seized his opportunity to give black Britons a
voice when they needed one after the Notting Hill riots of 1958. As
such he has a serious claim to have founded the race relations
"industry" in this country.

That he later became the leader of a sinister Black Power cult yet
could still command the support of John and Yoko and other
celebrities even while on death row back in Trinidad illustrates his
alarming and ultimately toxic mixture of charm and force. Along the
way he was absolutely up to his neck in any number of crazy Sixties
ventures from music and gambling clubs to poetry festivals, radical
publishing and even the Profumo scandal.

He crossed paths with just about everyone: Alan Ginsberg, John and
Yoko, Pink Floyd, Muhammad Ali, Leonard Cohen, William S. Burroughs
and the infamous call girls Christine Keeler and Mandy Rice Davies,
who were at the heart of the Profumo affair. Both had been mistresses
of the notorious Notting Hill landlord Peter Rachman, for whom
Michael had worked as a rent collector and who appears to have been
something of a mentor when it came to getting others to do one's own
dirty work.

The man himself may have been almost forgotten until the recent movie
The Bank Job credited him with a part in a crime that, surprisingly,
gets no mention here, and he could easily be dismissed as just a
chancer. But in revisiting his story, the author examines several
issues that are still with us in different ways: the relationship
between immigration and crime; the legacy of colonialism; the
political exploitation of the "race card" and the rise and fall (or
at least dissipation) of the Sixties social revolution.

In striving to capture the essence of this complex character and to
debunk his self-serving autobiography (From Michael de Freitas to
Michael X by Michael Abdul Malik, published in 1968), John Williams
draws coincidentally a more compelling picture of London in the
Sixties than many of the eulogisers who have concentrated solely on
pop music, sex and fashion.

What emerges in between the drugs, sex and radical politics is a
portrait of a society that was socially mobile to a greater degree
than today's. In his progression from the ghetto to community
leadership and back to death row Michael appears to have vaulted
class barriers with an ease that would be difficult to emulate today.
There's no doubt that he was a brilliant networker long before the
word was coined.

There are excellent descriptions here of street demos and wild
parties that have the authentic note of the times, and even of the
Commonwealth Arts Festival in Cardiff in 1965 that appears to have
been a doped-up mixture of the two.

But when it comes to establishing the hard facts of Michael's later
years as a sickeningly self-indulgent cult leader, Williams runs up
against that old saw about the Sixties: "If you can remember it you
weren't really there." He is diligent and often relishes his
interviews with surviving relatives, friends and radicals, but sadly
their recollections sometimes fail at crucial moments.

Michael X: A Life in Black & White by John Williams
Century, £11.99; 304pp

.

New film captures the Gonzo way

New film captures the Gonzo way

http://www.aspentimes.com/article/20080726/ASPENWEEKLY/68935715/1083%26parentprofile=1078

Hunter S. Thompson documentary plays out like an American tragedy

July 26, 2008
Stewart Oksenhorn
Aspen Times Weekly

The Hell's Angels , with their propensity for drugs, weapons and
motorcycles and an overall embrace of the outlaw persona, would seem
to be Hunter S. Thompson's kind of people. But when Thompson
infiltrated the California biker gang for his breakthrough book,
1966's "Hell's Angels: A Strange and Terrible Saga," the relationship
ended on a strange and terrible note of its own. At a gathering of
the Angels and Ken Kesey's LSD-soaked Merry Pranksters, Thompson
intervened in what he saw as a sexual assault. A Hell's Angel claimed
it was a more private confrontation between himself, his lady friend
and his dog. In any event, Thompson emerged from the fray with a
severely messed-up eye, and a fractured relationship with the Hell's Angels.

But that was Thompson ­ an outsider at odds with the group, no matter
what the group in question. The late writer, who fatally shot himself
three and a half years ago at his Woody Creek cabin compound,
naturally struck a confrontational stance against politicians,
straight journalists and anyone else who reeked of having too close
an association with the Establishment, but also friends, editors,
collaborators, neighbors, wives, girlfriends and bikers.

In the new biographical documentary film "Gonzo: The Life and Work of
Dr. Hunter S. Thompson," director Alex Gibney nails the pivotal point
of Thompson's life to a moment when the writer was a teenager, in his
native Louisville, Ky. A charismatic, well-read and ambitious kid, he
attracted friends from Louisville's well-to-do families, even though
Thompson was lower-middle-class, raised by his librarian mother after
his father died when Hunter was 14. Thompson's clique, which was as
literary as it was hell-bent, were busted in a bullying incident in
the final weeks of their senior year of high school. Thompson, who
lacked his friends' connections to the higher rungs of society, was
the only one who drew a jail term; he missed the graduation ceremony
and was later voted out of the literary club to which he had devoted
himself. If he didn't already feel like he was gazing across the
fence into someone else's party, that episode finished the job.

The big early touchstone for Thompson, then, was "The Great Gatsby,"
Fitzgerald's story of American wealth and class. Douglas Brinkley, a
historian who befriended Thompson and became executor of his literary
estate, observes that "'The Great Gatsby' was filled with anger that
the whole deal in American life was rigged. The difference was
Fitzgerald would look in on the candy store window, the window that
was the storefronts of the rich. Hunter wanted to smash the windows."

"Hunter wasn't allowed to walk with his graduating class," said
Gibney in a phone interview. "He was from the wrong side of the
tracks and looked over at the upper class. That was a kind of anger
that hangs over him."

That outsider status would last well into his career. Even after his
attention-grabbing series of political columns for Rolling Stone, and
the landmark of Gonzo journalism, "Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas,"
Thompson relished being the odd-man out. His brash coverage of
national candidates ­ he once started, then reported on, a rumor that
presidential candidate Edmund Muskie was addicted to a powerful
Brazilian drug, Ibocaine ­ was traced to the fact that he was not one
of the "boys on the bus."

"The last thing I cared about was making long-term connections on
Capitol Hill," says Thompson in "Gonzo."

Gibney, whose past work includes "Enron: The Smartest Guys in the
Room," earned an Academy Award last year for the examination of
torture, American-style, "Taxi to the Dark Side." But while that film
felt methodical, almost like the director's duty as an American to
point out the abuses perpetrated by the Bush administration, Gibney
injects a joyous energy into "Gonzo." Thompson's outsized
frustrations, ambitions and appetites are reflected in the film's
dynamic style.

Johnny Depp doesn't merely talk about Thompson, but embodies his
friend and fellow Kentuckian ­ reading his words, waving the
cigarette holder, manning the kitchen at Owl Farm, Thompson's Woody
Creek home from the late '60s on. Sandy, Thompson's first wife, is
presented as a talking head ­ but typically with a swirl of
psychedelic colors behind her, adding a whiff of the idealistic '60s
that shaped Thompson. The film is packed with historical footage:
clips from Thompson's doomed 1970 run for sheriff of Pitkin County;
scenes from various campaign trails; a truly bizarre on-screen
confrontation between Thompson and Hell's Angel Sonny Barger, with
the latter riding into a TV studio on his motorcycle. Gibney doesn't
mind nipping the work of other filmmakers; he includes footage from
the too-weird-for-words 1998 feature film, "Fear and Loathing in Las
Vegas" (the first screen project to feature Depp as Thompson); and
from Wayne Ewing's 2003 documentary "Breakfast with Hunter." For a
writer, Thompson's oeuvre was intensely visual, from his penchant for
rubber masks (usually Richard Nixon) to his habit of exploding things
to the iconic Ralph Steadman illustrations that accompanied so much
of his journalism. "Gonzo" makes full use of Thompson's visual side.

But "Gonzo," while firmly placing Thompson in the upper pantheon of
writers, plays out like an American tragedy. One reason for this is
that the film, as much as it is a biography of Thompson, it also is a
look through his eyes at the America that he covered and critiqued.
And it was not an especially inspiring slice of history. Thompson was
in San Francisco for the dawning of the Aquarius age, and he
optimistically bought into it. He had a crush on Grace Slick of The
Jefferson Airplane, revered the Kennedys with an astonishing lack of
cynicism, and of course, gobbled up the drugs. He believed there were
high times on the horizon for the country he loved.

That illusion didn't last long, though, as Vietnam escalated, Robert
Kennedy and Martin Luther King were assassinated, and Thompson found
himself tailing Nixon, Muskie and Hubert Humphrey, all of whom he
loathed and feared with twisted humor and insight. As Frank
Mankiewicz, campaign director for George McGovern's 1972 presidential
run, said of Thompson's coverage of the Democratic primary race, it
was "the most accurate and least factual account of that campaign."

"Gonzo" is likewise a tragedy in how it tracks the fall of Thompson's
career. The central aspect of the tragedy is not the drugs and booze;
in fact, he seemed impervious to the effects of any substance.

Rather, it was how he lost his outsider's perspective. In a way,
Thompson's success made him the ultimate insider, a mythical figure
surrounded by adoring fans and fellow journalists ­ and probably even
more so, still-fresh journalism students, aspiring to follow in his
Gonzo footprints and making pilgrimages to Woody Creek to learn from,
and party with, their idol.

"He's like the journalist action-hero," said Gibney. "Journalists go
through life dealing with the concerns of advertisers, with people
who lie to them. What Hunter did was, he made up something that
epitomized what a ridiculous prevarication all this was. For
journalists, Hunter had all this freedom other people didn't. He was
half novelist, half journalist. All journalists lived vicariously through him."

The epitome of Thompson's move from journalist to celebrity was the
appearance of the character Uncle Duke in Garry Trudeau's comic
strip, "Doonesbury." Thompson despised being made into a cartoon
character. But also he loved the perks of celebrity; despite his
acclaim and notoriety, he didn't even approach financial comfort till
his last years. From the late '70s on, Thompson engaged in a
balancing act between embracing the persona he had created and resisting it.

"He had to inhabit this character he created," said Gibney, adding
that, even in his relatively fallow years, Thompson produced classic
works, like his 1983 coverage of Roxanne and Pete Pulitzer's divorce
trial. "Mostly, he was a kind of parody of what he had been.
Inevitably, you have to show how high he rose, and how he fell."

"Gonzo" features a line of Thompson fans, who mostly illuminate,
rather than recite, their admiration. Tom Wolfe, George McGovern, Pat
Buchanan, Jimmy Buffett and Rolling Stone publisher Jann Wenner all
express their appreciation for both the person (drinker, hot-head,
asshole, patriot) and the writer (satirist, reporter, inventor of the
first-person Gonzo style). Gibney says that without the writer, the
character really is a cartoon.

"A lot of us remember him as this wild and crazy guy who did a lot of
drugs, a lot of crazy stuff," said Gibney, who grew up admiring "Fear
and Loathing in Las Vegas," but was not a Thompson devotee, and never
met his subject. "But I don't think we would have even noticed that
if he hadn't been a great writer. I think he'll always have a place
in American letters. Because some of his best writing was magnificent
­ funny and poignant. And it captured the American character in a way
few people have."

"Gonzo" ends with the obligatory scene of Thompson's 2005 funeral,
his ashes shot into the sky above Woody Creek. Thompson, who had long
predicted a much earlier death, had choreographed the service decades
in advance, down to the 153-foot cannon featuring the gonzo symbol of
the two-thumbed fist clutching a peyote button.

"Hunter narrates his own story. And he wrote his own epitaph, his own
funeral, his own death ­ and how cool is that?" said Gibney, who was
present at the memorial, and later rummaged through boxes of
Thompson's archives, in Denver and in Woody Creek.

The finale may have been obvious, but Gibney heightens the poignancy
by playing in the background, Bob Dylan's "Mr. Tambourine Man." It
was said to have been Thompson's favorite song for decades, but also
it seems a prophecy for the arc of the writer's life and career, the
tricky business of creating something mind-blowing and original, and
figuring out what you do next:

"If you hear vague traces of skippin' reels of rhyme/ To your
tambourine in time, it's just a ragged clown behind/ I wouldn't pay
it any mind, it's just a shadow you're seein' that he's chasing."
--

stewart@aspentimes.com

.

Shirley Halperin Embraces Pot Culture

Shirley Halperin Embraces Pot Culture

http://www.jambands.com/Features/content_2008_07_22.03.phtml

Dean Budnick
2008-07-22

It may not surprise you to learn that a book written by two
self-avowed stoners has long been in the works. But although Pot
Culture has been in the pipeline for a while, its authors have not
been sitting idly on their couches, packing bowls to the Simpsons
theme (altogether). In 1995 Shirley Halperin began her career by
founding Smug magazine and so began a path that has led her to
Rolling Stone, Us Weekly and most recently, Entertainment Weekly,
where she serves as senior writer. Co-author Steve Bloom has
contributed to Rolling Stone and Soho Weekly, while his resume also
includes an extended stint as an editor at High Times. Pot Culture is
subtitled "The A-Z Guide to Stoner Language & Life" and that it is
but such a description fails to capture the spirit and humor of the
book, which offers essays on music, television, movies and plenty of
celebrity interludes from the likes of Jonah Hill ("How To Make an
Apple Pipe") Rob Thomas ("The Art of Scoring") and Ray Manzarek ("My
First Time").

A few weeks after the publication of Pot Culture, Halperin and Bloom
appeared as presenters at the Jammys. A few weeks after that,
Halperin sat down for this conversation, which also touched on a
magazine that went awry (Heads), Leslie West's Rock Band fever at the
Jammys and Halperin's longstanding relationship with the members of
Phish, which once resulted in a late night phone call from the band
in search of Hebrew lessons…

Pot Culture is quite an all-encompassing endeavor that includes both
cultural history and culinary tips. Was that your intent going in?

I wanted it to focus on the slang, that was the original idea. It was
an idea I came up with in college. I thought it would be really fun
to have a dictionary of stoner slang. That was the original thought,
this would be fun, an A to Z dictionary of the ways stoners talk.

Then it just expanded. I looked into what pot books are out there
because there are a lot. Most of them are about growing and they have
the Playboy model, big buds and centerfolds for people who drool over
that. But people like me really don't care about that and are much
more into the culture and how people interact. That was a lot more
interesting to me. I'm never going to grow pot, I don't know how to
grow it and I didn't particularly want to learn but I do love
watching stoner movies and listening to Dark Side of the Moon, stuff like that.

I had the idea but I put it on the backburner for a while. After I
tried Heads, that magazine I tried to do, that kind of turned me off
to the idea of doing something independently within the hippie stoner
movement because it was kind of a bad experience. But after a few
years I saw Harold and Kumar was gaining in popularity and when I saw
that Weeds was a successful show on cable television, that really
kicked this whole thing and made it happen. I said, "Okay, the world
is ready for this book," because it seemed like a mainstream
acceptance that hadn't really been there or at least not in a long time.

So that's what motivated me but it took years for this idea to
marinate. Then I also figured out I could do the celebrity angle with
all those celebrity interviews and stuff. That's something I acquired
when I was working at Us Weekly and Rolling Stone. I just got to know
a lot more celebrity stoners and they were pretty out about it. I'm
pretty out about it, I'm not too secretive about it…except with my
parents who didn't know the book was out until three weeks ago.

Your mom is a well-known scholar [Dr. Halperin teaches in the Hebrew
department at the Jewish Theological Seminary in New York City], I
was going to ask you what she thought about the book. Is it true that
your parents didn't know anything about it?

They didn't know anything about it. I kept it secret for so long. All
my family was in on it, except my parents and my grandparents in
Israel. It was killing me actually, I was tortured by the fact that I
was working on it for so long and was so stressed about it and
started promoting it and couldn't tell my parents, who I talk to like
every day.

It was kind of difficult, so I finally had to tell them. Originally,
I was going to tell them on Passover which was April 19 this year and
it just didn't happen. I tried to call my mom but she said, "Oh, I
going into subway…Oh we're about to sit down to dinner…" So I decided
I'd call her the next day on 4/20 which was the day the book was
released and the day we had our book release party in LA. And then I
decided not to do that because I thought they'd be mad and I didn't
want it to ruin my party (laughs).

So I waited another day, but every day I'd say, "Today's the day,
today's the day I'm going to tell them." I finally told them on the
21st, the day after the book came out and my mom took it surprisingly
well. My dad I don't think was so thrilled but my mom said she was
proud and she just took it really well. I love my mom she's great. I
was so scared, I felt like I was twelve or maybe fourteen years old again.

I really thought they were going to be mad. And the reason without
getting too far into it, is I was a stoner in high school and got
into a lot of trouble and I just thought it would still be like that
even though I'm 35 years old. It's literally 17 years, twice the time
that I've been alive and I'm still feeling like I'm in high school.

There are a number of celebrity cameos in the book. The first one is
by Jonah Hill, who demonstrates how to smoke pot through an apple. I
was a little surprised that his manager and publicist allowed him to
participate. I'm curious if you faced interference from a variety of
handlers who just didn't want their client in the book, even if the
actor or musician in question was up for it.

Not really, although there were some that didn't work out for
scheduling reasons. B-Real from Cypress Hill had a photo shoot
scheduled, he was going to demonstrate how to make a cone joint and
then it just didn't happen.

I was surprised that Jonah went for it but I have connections to
Jonah through his brother who manages Maroon 5 and Maroon 5 is also
in the book, so it's all sort of incestuous. But yeah, he's a super cool guy.

We also did a second printing and added an essay by Seth Rogen on
stoner movies. He wrote about his favorite stoner movies of all time
and what's the point of having a stoner in a mainstream romantic
comedy like 40 Year Old Virgin or Knocked Up, what does it lend to
the story? He was someone I really wanted and for scheduling reasons
didn't work out but as soon as we heard there would be a second
printing, we added another good one.

Adam Levine is another person that I didn't expect to see in there,
as Maroon 5 tends to be positioned as a rather mainstream act.

Adam Levine was a really big Phish fan. He saw a lot of shows when he
was in high school and we got along and first bonded because of that.
He mentioned it somehow and I was like, "You smoke weed, you like
Phish, we're going to get along great." I did a story on Maroon 5 for
High Times and the purpose of it was to make them not seem like such
goodie goodie pop TRL guys. They smoke weed and they're a little more
adventurous than they might sound. After I did the interview with
them in High Times, I had a conversation with Adam and asked if he
would do "5 Albums To Get High To." He said yes and it happened. Yay. (laughs).

Somewhat along these lines, you were on staff at High Times and now
that you've written this book, are you ever concerned that as a
result the DEA or some other government agency, would pay unwelcome
attention to you as a result?

Bloom would probably say no but I am. If I'm worried about how my
parents react…

But the thing is I live I live in California and California is a very
different vibe than New York when it comes to weed, medicinal and
recreational. The laws are a little more lax and the paranoia isn't
there. So you get this false sense of security.

You now work at Entertainment Weekly, after some time at Us Weekly.
Were you ever concerned that writing this book would carry some of
stigma with those publications or others?

I worry about that but I've been fortunate in that my bosses have all
been very, very cool. Us Weekly is published by Jann Wenner who
started Rolling Stone. I would be shocked and extremely disappointed
if he was an anti-pot guy. It's one of the reasons I went and worked
there. I look for companies that are going to be cool, that are not
going to insist that I change my lifestyle. So Us Weekly was one of
those places because Jann Wenner runs it. I started working on the
book before I got the job at EW but they were very cool about it too.
EW is an arbiter of pop culture and this is the ultimate assessment
of pop culture, so it kind of fits in a weird way.

You mentioned Phish a while ago. I remember there was that piece in
Smug a long time ago…

Yeah, 95.

Can you talk a bit about your perspective on the band over the years?

I have a long history with the band. I met them when I was in college
but I was a huge fan even in high school. I was a very early adopter
of Phish. I didn't completely drop the Dead but made the transition
from Dead stickers to Phish stickers way earlier than a lot of other
people I knew. I was a huge fan, they changed my life, they really
did. Going to those shows completely opened my mind up to this world.

I met those guys when they were on the H.O.R.D.E. tour and Fishman
and I became friends. We spoke on the phone and I went to a bunch of
shows, as many East Coast shows as I could. Then I went to Israel for
a year abroad and he came and hung with me for like 10 days. He came
and just did a tour of Israel which was awesome. That's where I
learned about the music business, all that time in the car driving
around, he just taught me how the music business worked and I
thought, "Oh, I can work in the music business." I was 19. (laughs)

And as the years went by I really did get to know those guys. When
they were making the Rift record they wanted to put the song
"Jerusalem City of Gold" on in it at the end but they didn't know the
words. So while I was still living with my parents, I got a random
call at midnight on a weeknight from Mike Gordon. They were literally
in the studio recording Rift and he asked me if I could transliterate
the song and speak it out for him so that they'd sing it properly.

I had all these really crazy experiences with those guys and I was a
huge, huge fan and believer but I kind of dropped out of it after I
started the magazine and kind of went indie rock. We did that
interview for Smug but I wasn't so much involved in the scene,
although I still went to New Year's shows.

When I worked at High Times I did some stuff with them but then I
kind of lost touch with those guys. But they still made a huge impact
on my life, so I wanted to acknowledge them in the book. I gave them
that page and I really wanted to use a C Taylor Crothers photo, so I
went to great lengths to get permission to use that picture. I just
think they're great and such a special cultural phenomenon that who
knows if we'll see again. And now that it's not here, I miss it.

I hope they get back together and do another tour, I think that would
be awesome. I had such great times on Phish tours, really some of the
greatest moments in my life. And at the Jammys the cool thing was
seeing all these people I haven't seen in ten years, and it felt very
inclusive, very welcoming.

Speaking of the Jammys, what moments stood out for you either
backstage or on the stage?

When the four guys were about to go to accept their Lifetime
Achievement Award, I was standing next to them. I hadn't seen Fishman
in a long time, we were sort of catching up and I hadn't exchanged
words with Trey in a while. Everything just looked perfect, exactly
as it was. Maybe they were a little greyer, a little less hair
whatever, it really was just such a flashback. Not an acid flashback,
just a regular flashback (laughs).

That and Leslie West backstage watching people play Rock Band,
requesting that they play "Mississippi Queen." It was just so surreal. (laughs)

You mentioned Heads earlier, can you talk a bit about your experience
there? I can remember your enthusiasm when it was all set to launch
and then things took an unpleasant turn. Unless dredging it up is too
much of a drag for you…

It's a little bit of drag. It's one of my big regrets that I couldn't
quite make it work. Basically I was working at High Times and they
had this magazine Hemp Times which was their sort of way of doing a
non-weed stoner magazine but it wasn't really the right formula
because who wants to read about rope? (laughs) I was trying to pitch
High Times on the idea of doing a cultural magazine that's all about
travel and music and movies and TV shows that has everything to do
about pot but it's not about pot, it's about the people. And that was
my big catch phrase, "It's not about the plant, it's about the person."

So that's what I was trying to do with Heads, make a magazine for
stoners that's not all about centerfolds and prices and growing and
all that stuff. It's about the cultural impact that stoners have had
and that keeps regenerating.

So I wanted to do this magazine and I found a willing investor in
Canada but we had opposing thoughts on parts of Heads and Smug, which
I was publishing with him as well. And when we decided to shut down
Smug, I gave him the rights to Heads. I just couldn't do it, it was
too difficult. Being an independent publisher is one of the toughest
businesses to get into. So I let it go and I kind of always regretted
it because it would have been a great product and I think they
actually had a pretty good magazine. I don't know if it's still
around but I used to see copies of it and it looked fantastic and I
still feel that there's room for it. I wish High Times would have
jumped at the concept when I first threw it out there but c'est la vie.

It's sort of what I was trying to do in book form and it really came
out exactly the way I wanted it to. The way it looks is exactly how I
had envisioned this thing for a long time. It looks great, it reads
the way I wanted to, nobody gave me any trouble in terms of "we have
too many photos," so I'm psyched. Things work out the way they're
supposed to ultimately and I think that's what happened.

In terms of writing the book, how did you divide up the workload with Steve?

That was pretty clear cut. Steve handled almost everything that came
before 1980. He did all the 60s stuff, he did all the major people in
the marijuana movement. He had his generation that he was writing for
and speaking to and I was doing more my generation. We do have 20
years between us, we're a generation apart. I handled the Harold and
Kumar end of things. I handled most of the celebrity interviews
because those are the people I have a lot of contact with, so it was
a very clear division of labor. It worked out perfectly because I
didn't know enough about pot in the 60s and 70s to write about it
with any sort of authority but Steve certainly does. He's had 25
years as an editor at High Times, he knows what he's talking about.
And we're really good friends. We've stayed really good friends after
all this time and we've been through a lot of drama together,
especially with Heads and I'm so happy that Steve's a part of this,
he's a really great guy.

Final question, now that it's been published, do you have a favorite
entry or one that stands out for some reason or another?

I really like Rob Thomas' essay on how to score when you don't have
weed because he was the first person to sign on for the book. When I
talked to him about it years ago he said, "I would love to write an
essay about how to bring up pot in casual conversation," how to do
that dance where you need to figure out if someone partakes or not.
It was his first idea and we never changed it. With some of the
celebrities I sat down and said, "Can we do this instead of this?"
because we needed things to fill in certain places. But with Rob, his
idea was the original one. It was so funny and well-written and it's
probably my favorite thing in the whole book because it was an idea
that we had so long ago and it actually came to be. You see, we
stoners follow through…

.

Famed Groupie Uschi Obermaeir is “Eight Miles High”

Famed Groupie Uschi Obermaeir is "Eight Miles High"

http://www.rushprnews.com/2008/07/26/famed-groupie-uschi-obermaeir-is-eight-miles-high/

http://www.hollywoodtoday.net/?p=5329

July 26, 2008

60s groupie takes on new life as character in NY Film Fest picBy Kat Kramer

HOLLYWOOD, CA (RUSHPRNEWS) 7/26/08 - They say everyone has a story.
Some just have more sex and stars in them. The iconic, "uber"
flower-child groupie and German sex-goddess - who thought he was was
Europe's answer to Kate Moss in the 1960's, believes he is about to
resurge in a major way. Uschi Obermaeir was the legendary Rolling
Stones groupie and currently lives a more peaceful, existence in
Topanga Canyon. She is now portrayed in the new film "Eight Miles
High" by newcomer Natalia Avelon.

The film has a decent buzz, directed by Achim Bornhak, and opens
Friday at The Laemmle Sunset 5. It's already a major German hit, and
is about to heat up the States. According to Nathan Lee of the New
York Times, "The mythology of the 60's gets a lusty, Germanic twist
in "Eight Miles High", a full bodied take on the life of world-class
sex kitten Uschi Obermaeir…a one-woman counter-culture who was
variously, often simultaneously, a model and a communard, a groupie
and a globe-trotter, a feminist and free-lover, a brat, and a goddess."

Uschi shook the conservative German society, she was an
anti-establishment figure and achieved early fame as a nude cover
model for Stern Magazine - a leading German publication.
I had a chance to chat with Uschi about the film, and her reactions
to it. The following is part of our brief conversation.

Congratulations on having a film based on your life on the big
screen? How do you feel about it? According to Uschi, "The whole
process in making the film took so long - eight years to bring it to
the screen - that there really is no surprise left. I was involved
for such a long time. I had to have approval over the script, which
was based on the book "High Times", written by Olaf Kraemer, who also
wrote the screenplay for the film."

Did you select the actress Natalia Avalon who plays you?

"It took over a year to find an actress (for the filmmakers). The
first and only one they sent me was Natalia. The moment I saw her, I
was thinking, ah, I can see that. It's difficult when someone is
portraying you. She did a pretty, good job." What was your experience
like at the world premiere in Germany? "It was a huge premiere. I was
a bit overwhelmed. I'd only seen a few clips, the first time I'd seen
the film was at the premiere. The whole cast is great. The best part
about the film for me, is that they really captured the era.

Sir Mick Jagger will be 65 years old on Saturday, July 26th. How do
you think he's portrayed in the film?

"I've seen other films where both Mick Jagger and Keith Richards are
portrayed, and it's usually a disappointment. I think in this film,
they're pretty good. The best film I've ever seen where an actor
portrays a rock star was Val Kilmer in Oliver Stone's "The Doors."

What do you want audiences to get out of the film?

"I hope they're transported back in time. When you're young, you try
a lot of things - often have outrageous ideas. I always wanted to try
everything on my own - I had to "live" it to know if I liked it or not."
--

Eight Miles High stars Natalia Avelon as Uschi Obermaeir, Matthias
Schweighofer as Rainer Langhans, Victor Noren (singer of the Swedish
band Sugarplum Fairy) as Mick Jagger, Alexander Scheer as Keith
Richards, and David Scheller as Dieter Bockhorn (the love of Uschi
Obermaeir's life.)
Opens Friday, July 25 at The Laemmle Sunset 5. Limited engagement.

.

Former Doors guitarist becomes addiction counselor

Former Doors guitarist becomes addiction counselor

http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/ap/tx/5907631.html

July 25, 2008

KERRVILLE, Texas ­ Marc Benno once played with psychedelic rockers
The Doors, but these days he's helping people find sobriety.

The Texas guitarist who played on The Doors' "LA Woman" album and
whose own band featured a young Stevie Ray Vaughan, has opened a
private chemical dependency clinic focused on helping artists and performers.

Benno, who started drinking at age 13 and got sober at age 41, said
drugs and alcohol eliminated some of the opportunities he had as a musician.

"It was the '60s, Woodstock. You felt left out if you didn't drink
and take drugs. There was a lot of peer pressure, and I tried
everything," said Benno.

The 61-year-old began working as a counseling intern several years
ago before deciding to open his own practice in Kerrville.

.

Sid and Marty Krofft are still pulling the strings

Sid and Marty Krofft are still pulling the strings

http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/nation/la-et-kroffts26-2008jul26,0,2395129.story

Nearly 40 years after the psychedelic splash of 'H.R. Pufnstuf,' the
bickering puppeteers believe their time has finally come.

By Geoff Boucher, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
July 26, 2008

Hollywood is often described as a dream factory, but really it's just
as often a salvage yard. Anxious studio executives would rather bet
their $100-million budgets on nostalgia than on new ideas, which is
why, against all odds, Sid and Marty Krofft are back in business.

The Krofft brothers, both now in their 70s, have a showbiz story that
dates back to the final days of vaudeville. But for children of the
Nixon years, their name is the brand behind some of the era's
strangest TV programming: shows such as "H.R. Pufnstuf," "Lidsville,"
"Land of the Lost" and "Sigmund and the Sea Monsters."

Those low-budget shows had rubber-costumed actors, fluorescent
puppets and psychedelic sets that were by the 1980s hopelessly dated;
and by the end of that decade, the same could be said of the Kroffts.

Today, though, thanks to the Hollywood appetite for all things
kitschy and high-concept, the Kroffts are poised for the biggest
payday of their career -- unless, of course, they strangle each other first.

"Things did get lean, but we never gave up," said Sid, 78, the
smiling, soft-spoken dreamer of the two.

His brother, sitting next to him at their Studio City office, rolled
his eyes. "We? I wouldn't let you give up," snapped Marty, still the
deal maker at 71. "I wouldn't let us sell the rights to our old
shows. That is why we are where we are today."

And where they are isn't a bad place to be. Universal Pictures has
just finished principal photography on a $100-million adaptation of
"Land of the Lost," the mid-1970s Krofft show about a family stranded
in a jungle teeming with dinosaurs and hissing reptile-men called
Sleestak. The remake is a comedy starring Will Ferrell, and Universal
has circled it as its big popcorn movie for summer 2009. The Kroffts
-- who will speak about the franchise today at the Comic-Con
gathering in San Diego in front of 6,000-plus fans -- will get a
percentage of the profits and make a mint from licensing deals.

The Kroffts, however, are bickering all the way to the bank, which is
no surprise.

"To hear Marty talk, I've never worked a single day," said Sid, who
at age 15 joined the Ringling Brothers circus as a puppeteer and
proved so adept that he would go on to become an opening act for the
Andrews Sisters, Judy Garland and Cyd Charisse. Marty had joined the
act by the late 1950s, and from then on the two puppeteers were
locked in a contest to prove who was really pulling the strings. Sid
was the creative force, but Marty was the one who made sure the act
actually made it to the stage.

"Oh, I've earned my pay, believe me," Marty said. "It's not easy for
two brothers to work together."

An example came up almost immediately. Sid was sharing one especially
windy tale when his brother groaned, "Sid, I thought you were telling
a story about 'Land of the Lost.' What happened to that?"

"I'm getting there, Marty," Sid said. "You know I can tell long
stories too, just the way you do."

Marty answered through a clenched smile: "That wasn't very nice."

A few minutes later, Sid decided to clear his conscience by revealing
a 50-year-old family secret -- "We've been living with this lie for
decades," he said -- and his younger brother was apoplectic. "Now?!
This moment, right now, you decide you need to tell all of this?"

Sid, the man who dreamed up deliriously strange Saturday-morning
characters such as Weenie the Genie, Horatio J. HooDoo and Cha-Ka the
ape-boy, looked bewildered by his brother's fury. "Well, Marty, I
don't see the harm. It's history now."

There are still plenty of young dreamers, oddballs and colorful
hucksters in the entertainment industry, but, really, the modern
corporate era has wiped away most of its greasepaint charm. In the
flashbulb era, big stars were bigger and tall tales were taller.

For example, take the celebrated Krofft family history: Sid and Marty
are supposedly fifth-generation puppeteers, dating to the opening of
the Krofft Theater in the early 1700s in Athens. It is a truly
amazing tale and cited in almost every article every written about
them, and it's the first line of their bio.

It is also not true. It was cooked up by a New York publicist in the
1940s. The brothers have carried it with them ever since, until Sid
suddenly decided to clear his conscience in an interview for this story.

"It became a trap," Sid explained, shaking his head. "I was telling
Marty the other day how bad it is that some of his children even have
heard it and believe it."

There are other vivid moments in the Krofft biography that test
credulity. Marty, for instance, says that Beatles manager Brian
Epstein called him seeking tapes of "H.R. Pufnstuf" so the band could
keep up to date on the psychedelic Saturday-morning show. Of course,
Epstein died in 1967, two years before "Pufnstuf" went on the air.

But, at some point, subjecting the old Hollywood to too much Digital
Age scrutiny becomes a crass exercise. Really, should the men who
brought the world "Lidsville," a live-action show about giant talking
hats, be expected to keep real-world details straight?

Their father was actually a clock salesman. He took his family south
from Canada to Providence, R.I., to find more opportunities. The
family ended up in New York. Young Sid's flair for puppet design and
puppetry ended up opening a door for the whole family. His father
joined him on tour -- which inspired the "fifth-generation" fib -- as
"pretty much an apprentice," Sid said. Father and son were performing
in Paris when, back in New York, Marty rummaged through his older
brother's trunks and borrowed his puppets to begin making money on
stage himself.

In 1958, the act was the Krofft brothers and the venue was the
Flamingo Hotel in Las Vegas, where they were opening for Garland. The
critics raved about the act but, when they took it on tour, Marty was
haranguing his brother every night about the bottom line.

"My brother was getting $1,500 a week from Judy Garland, and it cost
$2,000 a week to travel the act," Marty said. "But always, Sid would
spend what we made -- and more -- on the show."

Sid smiled. "If we didn't put everything in the shows, they wouldn't
have been as good as they were. . . . That's all that people see,
what's up on the screen. That's where the magic is."

In 1961, they premiered an adults-only puppet show, "Les Poupees de
Paris," at a dinner club in Los Angeles called the Gilded Rafters.
Mae West, Richard Nixon and Liberace were in the audience on opening
night. Johnny Carson caught a performance and deadpanned that it was
the only performance he had ever seen by "naughty pine."

The Kroffts began renting out their puppet and production savvy. They
designed stage productions for fairs and amusement parks, took
corporate work from Ford and Coca-Cola, and did some work for Walt
Disney as well. Marty had crossed paths with the entertainment icon
in 1959; Marty was at the Polo Lounge having drinks with Charisse
when Disney stopped by to chat and gave him a bit of advice.

As Marty remembers it: "He told me, 'The one thing to remember is,
don't ever sell anything you create and always put your name above
the title, whatever you do. They'll fight you off from doing it, but
stick to it.' The only thing he didn't tell me was how to save money."

Afew weeks before the Studio City interview, Marty was roaming the
set of "Land of the Lost" out near the Trona Pinnacles, the eerie
tufa rock formations that jut up from the desert floor past Palmdale.
The spires, formed beneath the water of an ancient alkaline lake,
have been used as a Hollywood location dating back to the '60s TV
series "Lost in Space."

"Look at this place. I never thought I would live to see one of our
shows become something like this," Marty said as he shaded his eyes
from the sun. He nodded toward the trailers, tents, cameras, sets,
props and a small army of crew members. "They spend more in one day
than we spent in a year of making our shows."

That's a common pattern these days. Any character ever featured on a
child's lunchbox is fair game for a big-budget Hollywood treatment.
Superhero films, of course, are a full-on bonanza, with "The Dark
Knight" setting box-office records by the day.

The movie adaptation of "Land of the Lost" looks like the last great
hurrah for the Kroffts, but if you listen to Marty's relentless
pitch, the windfall is just the beginning. He said the Krofft library
may now be worth as much as $25 million and could become "the next
Marvel Comics," a reference to the comic-book company that has
watched its 1960s creations (Spider-Man, the X-Men, Iron Man, etc.)
take flight as 21st century blockbuster films.

"The Krofft era," Marty declared, "is starting right now."

Perhaps, but not all the Saturday-morning shows in the Krofft library
are easy fits as feature films. The brothers say they have a former
writer for "The Simpsons" working on a script for "Sigmund and the
Sea Monsters," the show that had Billy Barty portraying a skittish
little marine monster with tentacles (he resembled a pea-colored
SpongeBob SquarePants with seaweed for hair) who is taken home by two
boys. A movie could be a sort of meld of "E.T.: The
Extra-Terrestrial" and "Splash," the Kroffts hope.

Most of all, the brothers would love to make a feature film of "H.R.
Pufnstuf," the show Sid describes as "our first baby." The plot was
about a teen, portrayed by Oscar-nominated "Oliver!" star Jack Wild,
who finds himself on Living Island (where everything -- houses,
books, plants, candles -- can talk). He meets the title character, a
rotund dragon, and matches wits with the shrill Wilhelmina W. Witchiepoo.

The brothers, by the way, deny the popular perception that they were
gobbling major amounts of LSD while making the shows. "I'm a runner,
and I thought of them during my runs on the beach at Santa Monica,"
Sid said. "That's where they came from."

After watching Tim Burton's "Charlie and the Chocolate Factory,"
Marty knows who he wants to see wearing the witch's crooked nose.
"How great would Johnny Depp be as Witchiepoo? Maybe he'll read this,
right? Look, all we need is a star. And a story. Hey, you know what
Michael Eisner has said about the Kroffts for years? He said, 'The
Kroffts always have one more show in them.' "

The Kroffts certainly were willing to try anything, and they went
well beyond Saturday-morning shows. They launched the teeny-bopper
variety show "Donny and Marie" for ABC in 1976 and a year later
brought the cast of "The Brady Bunch" back on the air as stars of a
variety show. That show was met with howls, but even worse was the
infamous "Pink Lady and Jeff," an NBC variety show built around the
Japanese pop duo Pink Lady.

"The network made the deal and gave them the show," Marty said, "but
that's when we found out that they really couldn't speak English.
That was a problem. But what can you do?"

The show must go on, and "Pink Lady" did -- for a few deliriously
awkward episodes. The Kroffts bounced back -- their "Barbara Mandrell
and the Mandrell Sisters" was a hit, teaming the country stars with
Krofft puppets in the early 1980s.

But the tide was turning against them. The variety-show format was
dying. They could no longer find a foothold with their live-action
morning children's programming; Saturday mornings by that point
belonged to cartoons.

More than that, the business of TV had changed. The Kroffts were true
independent producers; they had made their shows on their own
(usually small) budgets and then brought the finished product to the
networks. By the '90s, that model was outdated.

Plenty of people approached the Kroffts about buying their library,
usually at fire-sale prices. They said no to every offer, even the
one from pop superstar Michael Jackson.

"The biggest thing as an independent is to survive. No one else
really survived out there," Marty said. "Either they're dead or they
sold the company. We're lucky."

Sid still gets misty every time he meets some 40-year-old who
recognizes his name and reminisces about talking flutes or gentle,
goggle-eyed sea monsters. "There aren't many things," he said, "that
we take in our lives and carry for so long."

Marty nodded in agreement. The shows were lucky in love, he said, but
not in lucre.

Maybe that will change now that the Kroffts, after five decades in a
small spotlight, are getting a late-in-life chance at the big time.

"How much money are we going to make?" Marty asked. "I'm not counting
anything. I just want to be alive when the picture opens. It opens
July 17, 2009. Don't forget to put the date in the story."
--

geoff.boucher@latimes.com

.

Daniel Ellsberg's Lessons for Our Time

Leaking Crimes of State

Daniel Ellsberg's Lessons for Our Time

http://www.counterpunch.org/bovard07242008.html

By JAMES BOVARD
July 24, 2008

Daniel Ellsberg is the kind of American who should receive a Medal of
Freedom. Except that the Medals of Freedom are distributed by
presidents who routinely give them to "useful idiots" and apologists
for their wars and power grabs. It should be renamed the Medal for
Enabling or Applauding Official Crimes in the Name of Freedom.

Ellsberg knowingly risked spending a life in prison to bring the
truth about the Vietnam War to Americans. He had hoped truth would
set Americans free from the spell of official lies. But the
experience in Iraq indicates that Americans have learned little if
anything from the Vietnam-era deceits.

Flora Lewis, a New York Times columnist, writing three weeks before
9/11, commented in a review of a book on U.S. government lies on the
Vietnam War, "There will probably never be a return to the
discretion, really collusion, with which the media used to treat
presidents, and it is just as well." But within months of her
comment, the media had proven itself as craven as ever.

The following year, Ellsberg's book ­ Secrets: A Memoir of Vietnam
and the Pentagon Papers ­ came out. I should have read this book
before writing the "Lying and Legitimacy" chapter in Attention
Deficit Democracy. Ellsberg's bitter experiences would have curbed my
youthful idealism. His book hit the streets at a time when Americans
were still inclined to see Bush through a 9/11 holy haze. His lies on
Iraq were not widely recognized until after Baghdad had fallen and
the WMDs failed to materialize.

Ellsberg tells the story of how, as a former Marine lieutenant with a
doctorate from Harvard, he was hired by John McNaughton, the
assistant secretary of defense, and started work in August 1964 on
the day the Gulf of Tonkin crisis ignited. He relates receiving the
"flash" wire dispatches from the USS Maddox.

Within hours after the U.S. destroyer reported being attacked by
North Vietnamese PT boats, the ship's commander had wired Washington
that the reports of an attack on his ship may have been wildly
exaggerated: "Entire action leaves many doubts."

But it didn't matter, because this was just the pretext that Lyndon
Johnson was looking for. Johnson and Defense Secretary Robert
McNamara raced to proclaim that the attack was unprovoked. But at a
National Security Council meeting on the evening that the first
report came in, Johnson asked, "Do they want war by attacking our
ships in the middle of the Gulf of Tonkin?" CIA chief John McCone
answered, "No. The North Vietnamese are reacting defensively to our
attack on their off-shore islands. They are responding out of pride
and on the basis of defense considerations."

The fact was that the United States had orchestrated an attack by
South Vietnamese commandos on North Vietnamese territory before the
alleged conflict began. But Johnson lied and commenced bombing, and
Congress rushed to cheer him on.

In Vietnam, as in Iraq, the U.S. government pushed hard to get an
election to sanctify its puppet regime. Ellsberg, who spent two years
in Vietnam after his time in the Pentagon, aided some of the key U.S.
officials in this effort who sought an honest vote. But when U.S.
Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge heard their pitch, he replied, "You've
got a gentleman in the White House right now [Johnson] who has spent
most of his life rigging elections. I've spent most of my life
rigging elections. I spent nine whole months rigging a Republican
convention to choose Ike as a candidate rather than Bob Taft." Lodge
later ordered, "Get it across to the press that they shouldn't apply
higher standards here in Vietnam than they do in the U.S."

But Lodge's comments were downright uplifting compared with a meeting
that Ellsberg attended with former Vice President Richard Nixon, who
was visiting Vietnam on a "fact-finding mission" to help bolster his
presidential aspirations. Former CIA operative Edward Lansdale told
Nixon that he and his colleagues wanted to help "make this the most
honest election that's ever been held in Vietnam." Nixon replied,
"Oh, sure, honest, yes, honest, that's right … so long as you win!"
With the last words he did three things in quick succession: winked,
drove his elbow hard into Lansdale's arm, and slapped his own knee.

It's hard to imagine any U.S. government official even suggesting to
Bush, in his fly-bys at Camp Cupcake in Iraq, that the United States
should make sure that the Iraqi elections were fair and square.

Ellsberg's memoirs vividly explain how top officials are corrupted by
possession of what they consider to be top-secret information.
Ellsberg warned Henry Kissinger shortly after Nixon's 1968 election
victory that having access to classified information is "something
like the potion Circe gave to the wanderers and shipwrecked men who
happened on her island, which turned them into swine."

This is the one message of the book that no longer seems relevant,
since there haven't been any swine in the White House or Pentagon for
a long time.

The Pentagon Papers

In 1967, the Pentagon ordered top experts to analyze where the war
had gone wrong. The resulting study contained 47 volumes of material
exposing the intellectual and political follies that had, by that
time, already left tens of thousands of Americans dead. After the
study was finished, it was distributed to the key players and federal
agencies. However, the massive study was completely ignored. At the
time the New York Times began publishing excerpts in 1971, "the White
House and the State Department were unable even to locate the 47
volumes." New York Times editor Tom Wicker commented at the time that
"the people who read these documents in the Times were the first to
study them."

Ellsberg helped write a portion of the papers dealing with the
Kennedy administration. He was struck by the incorrigibility of U.S.
policy. No matter how many Ivy League grads and whiz kids were at the
helm, "There was a general failure to study history or to analyze or
even to record operational experience, especially mistakes. Above
all, effective pressures for optimistically false reporting at every
level, for describing "progress" rather than problems or failure,
concealed the very need for change in approach or for learning."

The same failures permeate the U.S. military's experience in Iraq.
The Pentagon and White House have concocted one bogus standard after
another to sanctify whatever recent policy change they announced.

Ellsberg was a gung-ho liberal Cold Warrior until the late 1960s. As
he read the confidential documents that formed the basis of the
Pentagon Papers, he realized that he had greatly underestimated the
amount of perennial presidential deceit in America. He grasped that

the concentration of power within the executive branch since World
War II had focused nearly all responsibility for policy "failure"
upon one man, the president. At the same time, it gave him enormous
capability to avert or postpone or conceal such personal failure by
means of force or fraud. Confronted by resolute external resistance,
as in Vietnam, that power could not fail to corrupt the human who held it.

Ellsberg became active with anti-war demonstrators and has great
anecdotes of idiot cops at D.C. protests. The motto of the 1971 May
Day anti-war protests was "If they won't stop the war, we'll stop the
government." This is an ideal that should not be forgotten by those
in our time who have wearied of surge and postsurge nonsense.

Publishing the Papers

I was surprised to learn how hard Ellsberg had to struggle to find
anyone with the gumption to go public with the 7,000 pages. Sen.
George McGovern at first was interested but ducked out on putting the
Papers in the Congressional Record, as did Sen. William Fulbright. On
the other hand, Sen. Mike Gravel of Alaska had no fear and pulled out
all the stops to get the information out.

The New York Times's publication of the Pentagon Papers was the big
breakthrough. Nixon's Justice Department raced to get an injunction
blocking publication, and later did the same when the Washington Post
began publishing material Ellsberg sent it. Ellsberg responded by
sending chunks of his report to newspapers around the country. The
Nixon administration's rage and machinations were the best PR the
Pentagon Papers could have received.

Nixon henchman H.R. Haldeman said to Nixon on the day the Papers
first hit the New York Times that the result would be that "the
ordinary guy" comes to believe that "you can't trust the government;
you can't believe what they say; and you can't rely on their
judgement. And the implicit infallibility of presidents, which has
been an accepted thing in America, is badly hurt by this."

Unfortunately, Haldeman's fear was not borne out. Ellsberg was
disappointed at the response to the Pentagon Papers: "There remained
enormous resistance in the minds of voters and commentators to
believing that these generalizations applied to an incumbent
president." This has been a perennial pitfall for American democracy:
assuming that the most recently elected politician is an entirely
different species from all the rascals who preceded him. It was
especially ironic that so many Americans were so slow to recognize
Nixon's treachery.

At the start of his trial for leaking the Pentagon Papers, Ellsberg
declared, "This has been for me an act of hope and of trust. Hope
that the truth will free us of this war. Trust that informed
Americans will direct their public servants to stop lying and to stop
the killing and dying by Americans in Indochina."

This was the type of idealism that spurred Henry Kissinger to label
Ellsberg "the most dangerous man in America."

In the new century, Ellsberg has continued speaking out, condemning
official lies, and appealing to Americans to recognize that wars are
far bloodier and more costly than leaders claim. In July 2006, he
warned that if the United States attacks Iran, "I have no doubt that
there will be, the day after or within days an equivalent of a
Reichstag fire decree that will involve massive detentions in this
country." He has publicly urged other Pentagon and administration
insiders to take the risk to leak key documents in order to serve
truth instead of the current regime.

Unfortunately, even when government officials risk their freedom and
careers to leak information, the media sometimes refuse to publish it
­ or they bury it until after an election ­ as the New York Times did
with its information on Bush's illegal warrantless wiretapping of
Americans' phone calls.

Who knows how many other leaks have never seen the light of day
because of a media that kowtowed to President Bush and Vice President
Cheney as if they were gods?
--

James Bovard serves as a policy advisor for The Future of Freedom
Foundation and is the author of Attention Deficit Democracy, The Bush
Betrayal, Terrorism and Tyranny, and other books.

.

Gordon's 'Spaced Out' shows '60s influence

[2 articles]

Gordon's 'Spaced Out' shows '60s influence

http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2008/07/25/HOQ211S5S4.DTL

Zahid Sardar
Saturday, July 26, 2008

The 1960s - famous for sex, drugs and rock 'n' roll - are also
remembered as the beginning of the green movement, the time when
people became aware of the fragility of what the eccentric visionary
architect Buckminster Fuller described as "spaceship Earth." The
fantastical domes Fuller invented and the Fulleresque buildings that
hippies created on communal farms in Marin County, the Wine Country,
Big Sur and other parts of the country, such as Woodstock, are
inspiring for green-thinking architects today.

Historian Alastair Gordon's fascinating new book, "Spaced Out: Crash
Pads, Hippie Communes, Infinity Machines, and Other Radical
Environments of the Psychedelic Sixties" ($65, Rizzoli), looks at
what happened back then and puts the era's architectural efforts,
good and bad, into current context. Gordon's research makes it clear
that the '60s generated many of the ideas about recycling and
protecting the environment that we consider normal today. What he
doesn't emphasize but asks in an essay he wrote in 2003 is whether we
are still waiting "for the green version of the Villa Savoie or the
Farnsworth House?" Perhaps we are, but meanwhile the '60s may have
inspired the most visually arresting buildings by some of the most
celebrated and visionary architects today.

Most of the radical '60s buildings Gordon explores were merely
resourceful constructions made of materials that would otherwise have
been discarded as waste. Handmade adobe plaster, wood from demolished
buildings, metal sheathing from old car bodies, diaphanous sheets of
plastic and faded Indian bedspreads were all used to make shelters
that were considered bizarre but unexpectedly became case studies for
architects in the decades that followed.

Some of those unconventional buildings, it turns out, were created
because the amateur builders could not quite figure out how to
construct Fuller's dome of conjoined triangular components.
Nevertheless, you might see links between those forms and the wild
imaginings of architect Eric Owen Moss in Culver City; Frank Gehry's
roof forms for the Bilbao Museum Guggenheim and the twisting, shiny
Disney Concert Hall in Los Angeles; the wacky, wonderful main library
in Seattle by Rem Koolhaas; and even the Federal Building in San
Francisco by Thom Mayne.

Homage in the Wine Country

Bay Area fans of such buildings can look forward to Gehry's first
such structure in the Wine Country, for the Hall Winery's visitor
center, now under construction. Its undulating roof will be covered
by what looks like jute sacking material, as if in homage to '60s structures.

San Francisco architect Cass Calder Smith, who designed the cavernous
Lulu restaurant, spent a few years during the early '70s, when he was
a teenager, on communes on the East Coast and on the Peninsula. He
says those environments influenced his work today.

At the Mill commune in an abandoned sawmill near Pescadero, his
family and others set up the Star Hill Academy of Anything, where men
and women in their 20s created odd and wonderful homes using
discarded logs, lumber and cables found on the property. "Neil Young
was our neighbor," Smith recalls. With the songs of protest in the
air, they built homes that broke all the norms of building, in part
because they did not know the rules.

"One man built a 50-foot-high tree house that was suspended 50 feet
above the ground within old-growth redwoods. He did it without any
nails," says Smith. The man eventually fell from it, but that's
another story. Smith's mother retrieved discarded wood windows from a
glazier's trash bin, and Smith and "the elders" around him built
their walls and roof with them. And almost every commune Smith
remembers visiting, from California to Oregon and the East Coast, had
some version of a geodesic dome - the greenest, most democratic
structure of its time because presumably anyone could build one with
virtually anything at hand.

This month's Metropolis magazine cover story is dedicated to Fuller,
"the sustainable dreamer" and inventor of the geodesic dome. Famous
architects and former students who knew him discuss why he "still matters."

But perhaps the most complete answer to Fuller's enduring appeal and
also to why so many of his era's buildings are seminal to
eco-conscious thinking today is contained in "Spaced Out." His
structures echoed the sentiments of the mid-'60s, when people
rejected conventional hierarchies - such as conventional post and
lintel constructions - and for the sake of the planet wanted to use
the least amount of material to create the most amount of shelter.

During the '60s, Bay Area hippies didn't venture only across this
country. They went, seeking drugs and free thinking, to the beaches
of Goa, India, or to the temples of Kathmandu in Nepal. Or they went
to build Utopian cities like Auroville in Pondicherry, South India.

As Gordon writes, cities were imagined expanding and contracting or
suspended in midair by such groups as the British
architectscollective Archigram. French artist Yves Klein proposed a
city of Fire and Smoke (a conceptual ancestor of Diller & Scofidio's
Blur Building - described by the firm as "an inhabitable cloud
whirling above a lake" - for Swiss Expo 2002).

Right angles disappeared

Gaudy paint transformed Victorian buildings in the Haight-Ashbury
district, and like colonial Victorians who brought back baubles and
oddities from diverse cultures, hippies returned from their travels
with odd architectural forms and embellishments. Houseboats in
Sausalito and communes in Sebastopol and Sonoma were soon sporting
makeshift cupolas and spires. Temple pagodas, free-form adobe
structures with living roofs and tepees were the containers for
experimental lifestyles. Hippie creations effected a quiet
architectural revolution, which Gordon describes as a "sudden
revelation of personal experience. ... It was far more subversive
than the big revolution that everyone was waiting for."

The fractured sense of space, the softened corners and dissolved
boundaries of domes, yurts, tepees and hand-built shelters by such
architects as Paolo Soleri, whose Arcosanti buildings in Arizona are
like the insides of an anthill, were partly the result of
drug-induced hallucinations, Gordon suggests in his book. He quotes
from Aldous Huxley, who wrote, after ingesting half a gram of
mescaline: "The walls of the room no longer seemed to meet at right angles."

"Extraordinary experiences demanded extraordinary settings," Gordon
concludes, and the new radical consciousness brought on by social
change and such experiments called out for a different approach to
space, namely a release from the tyranny of right angles.

In Millbrook, N.Y., on the 2,500-acre Hitchcock estate, Peggy
Hitchcock and her twin brothers, William and Thomas Mellon Hitchcock,
provided rooms for Harvard's LSD guru Timothy Leary and his
adherents. They transformed the mansion with psychedelic art, but
"the Haight-Ashbury, more than New York" was Leary's "largest
undergraduate college in the psychedelic movement."

Bill Graham, whom Gordon describes as a pioneer of West Coast
psychedelia, called San Francisco of the late '60s the Paris of light
shows because of places like his Fillmore Auditorium, where even
lighting effects were considered space.

"Space or the idea of space became elastic, almost acrobatic," Gordon
writes. Visionary architects such as Sim Van der Ryn, who lived on a
houseboat in Sausalito, advocated the era's morphed surrounding as a
means to change oneself. Square was bad and round was good, Gordon writes.

Perhaps it was a little like making good compost, because every
organic idea was welcome.

As a result, Gordon writes, "the beginnings of environmental
consciousness were also quite filthy."

The San Francisco Chronicle reported back then that at 408 Ashbury
St., walls had bizarre murals and "there was little furniture, the
flat was populated by fifteen men, nine girls, three cats, two dogs,
and two hamsters."

Now think of crowded cities today and the similar conditions of an
American war abroad and protests at home, Gordon wrote in an earlier
essay. Faced with such anxiety, overcrowding and dirt, who wouldn't
start a green architectural revolution? Who wouldn't build freely in
trees, live atop an inflated balloon, fashion spacious domes and pick
personal space under a tepee?
--

DID THESE FANCIFUL FORMS ...

From left:

-- Organic buildings took shape at the Ilan Lael compound at Santa
Ysabel (San Diego County) from 1958 to 1970.

-- The Wadsworth House, built outside Warren, Vt., in 1967 with a
steep slate-covered snow-shedding roof, was inspired by a multilevel
crash pad tacked together by Yale architecture students.

-- Aleksandra Kasuba's Cocoon Dwelling at Whiz Bang City East,
Woodstock, N.Y., was made in 1972 by stretching fabric between the
branches and trunks of trees.

Below:

-- Buckminster Fuller's influence was prevalent in '60s architecture.
This geodesic dome was painted by Dean Fleming at Drop City commune.

... INSPIRE TODAY'S TOP ARCHITECTS?

Clockwise from above left:

-- An interior view of the Frank Gehry-designed Walt Disney Concert
Hall in Los Angeles.

-- A model of the Hall Winery in the Napa Valley, also designed by
Gehry, which will be composed of glass, stone, plaster and wood and
crowned by distinctive undulating trellises that will echo the
mountains and vineyards in the background.

-- Seattle's Central Library, whose design is by Pritzker
Architecture Prize winner Rem Koolhaas.

-- San Francisco's new Federal Building office tower by Thom Mayne at
Seventh and Mission streets.

FAR-OUT FACTS FROM GORDON'S 'SPACED OUT'

-- People in Sonoma and Sebastopol liberated settlement zones for
communes. Lou Gottlieb left his job as music critic at The Chronicle
and opened his land, 30 acres in Sebastopol, which became the Morning
Star commune.

-- In 1963, Mill Valley poet Gerd Stern created his first kinetic
environment at the San Francisco Museum of Modern Art titled "?Who R
U & What's Happening?"

-- In 1965, the San Francisco Examiner wrote about a cafe in the
Haight-Ashbury that referred to its clientele as hippies, the first
time the word was used in print.

-- By 1966, 1 million Americans had tried LSD, according to Life
magazine, and by 1967 3 million more had.

-- Architect Sim Van der Ryn created Envirom, an inflatable ring for
many people to lie in. It sold in the Whole Earth catalog for $60.

-- "But not everyone wants to live in a balloon," declared architect
Nicholas Negroponte (founder of the One Laptop Per Child project).
Smelly plastics and disposable architecture were not OK.

-- Charles Hall, a design student at San Francisco State, created the
Pleasure Pit, a vinyl bag full of water held in place by a wooden
frame. It was the first water bed.

-- Anna and Lawrence Halprin added to the Back to Earth movement away
from cities and organized marches to the woods in 1968.

-- In 1969, artist Wendell Castle made Reclining Environment for One,
a carpeted wooden chamber for one that was both womb-like and coffinlike.

-- Aleksandra Kasuba's "The Spectral Passage" was shown at the M.H.
de Young Memorial Museum in 1975.
--

Zahid Sardar is the Chronicle design editor. E-mail him at
zsardar@sfchronicle.com.

--------

"Spaced Out" by Alastair Gordon

http://www.easthamptonstar.com/dnn/Arts/Books/tabid/6113/Default.aspx

Review By Nilay Oza

(7/24/2008) Alastair Gordon's new book, "Spaced Out," reveals
something fundamental about how and why we build our habitats. This
book underscores a basic truism: Our lifestyles define what we choose
to build, while our built environment, in turn, determines
significant aspects of who we are.

A couple of centuries' worth of research in "tribal"
anthropology has rendered this statement all but obvious. Indeed,
this interrelationship between society and its built environment is
now readily recognized in our suburbias and our urban ghettos as well.

In revisiting the hippie lifestyle of the 1960s, and
notwithstanding the title, Mr. Gordon is quite balanced in his
approach. He does not moralize about its obvious destructive aspects,
nor does he sensationalize its more creative achievements. Rather, he
creates a window through which we can appreciate a specific cultural
time and place and, in so doing, allows us to connect the hippie
culture to built environments created by it through the 1960s.

"Spaced Out" reads like a refreshing, nonacademic perusal of a
segment of architectural history that has been all but trivialized by
institutional historians. Unlike those for Art, Architecture's
keepers have been more concerned with the mainstream of society and
have disdained taking a comprehensive look at the "environments"
described in this book.

Mr. Gordon clarifies that it did not start off that way. In
1966, "a mainstream journal like Progressive Architecture
acknowledged LSD's potential as a design tool when it published
interviews with several architects who had tried the drug."

However, by the end of the '60s, the voices that recorded this
history had gone silent. None of this would matter, or they would be
of anecdotal interest at best, if these "radical environments" did
not have an impact on architectural design since the '60s.

That is not the case. Mr. Gordon provides a convincing thesis
for the perpetuation of the design sensibility. Even though the
hippie way of life itself has been marginalized in popular
consciousness today, what got built because of it remains with us.

For example, the shag-carpeted sunk­en living rooms of the '70s
began their ascendancy to an iconic entertainment space, from common
crash pads of New York's East Village and San Francisco's
Haight-Ashbury. These crash pads were communal living spaces "where
the domestic movement was downward" and "unnecessary furniture was
limited or done away with and the floor itself became a primary piece
of furniture."

The crash pads were rigged to become conducive to this "tribal
mindset that would shape so many environments of the '60s," became
fashionable less than a decade later, and came to represent a
suburban, decidedly noncommunal lifestyle.

Often built environments were simply meant to replicate a tripped-out
"mindscape," to be simulacras of vivid psychedelic trips. This
imagery also happens to be the source for most popular notions of the
hippie decor, characterized by vivid color, diaphanous forms,
backlighting, and Eastern iconography.

One of the most important contributions Mr. Gordon makes is to
show us that these physical environments became more than just trippy
decor. They developed throughout the decade to keep up with the
changing hippie subculture ­ changing, for instance, as the locus of
that subculture moved away from cities like San Francisco and New York.

This reflected, in part, an underlying change in the
sociopolitical climate of the time, pushing the flower children
further from society's disapproving gaze. Mr. Gordon records this as
a corresponding shift in the built environments he studies, from
urban crash pads to rural communes. He stresses that what started as
little more than settings for psychotropic experimentation, like the
crash pads described above, became something more fundamental to the
Aquarian world view.

The 1960s were a time that brought us the new age. This new age
embraced a fantastic future while mining the mythical past unsullied
by the coal stacks of postwar industry. The new age was being defined
in the backdrop of the hippie exurban foray into rural America.

Survival required one to parlay past and future in the
definition of the present. Myth and mysticism, science and
rationality were all forged together into this new age. To underscore
this synthesis, Mr. Gordon dedicates a chapter to an architectural
phenomenon perfectly suited to this world view ­ geodesic domes.

Developed by Buckminster Fuller, the dome-like constructs are
made by joining short sections of lightweight material into
interlocking polygons. These structures were popularized in large
measure by the hippies and developed a particular affinity with them.

It is easy to see why. They were mythical structures, evocative
of primordial yurts with their single curving volume organized around
a center, and they were ideally suited to a communal lifestyle.

At the same time, geodesic domes were rational structures, an
architectural expression of precise mathematical formulae, a simple,
communal way of living in a structure laden with numerological
significance. Geodesics were tailor made for the Aquarian Age.
Moreover, they were cheap to build and replicate. This made them
ideal to house the exodus of hippies leaving behind urban centers.

(As an aside, there is a great exhibit at the Whitney Museum on
Buckminster Fuller. It lasts until September and displays the results
of more than five decades of Fuller's integrated approach toward the
design and technology of housing, transportation, cartography, and
communication, much of it for the first time.)

The built environments described in Mr. Gordon's book run the
gamut from urban crash pads to the mobile dwellings and hippie
homesteads of later years. Since public spectacles, outdoor concerts,
and happenings were very much a part of public life, Mr. Gordon also
takes a look at structures related to them, including outdoor arenas,
artworks, or simply centerpieces for large gatherings of people.

These taken together are what Mr. Gordon calls the "radical
environments of the psychedelic '60s." While in themselves distinct,
they did have some common characteristics ­ of being unconventional,
nonhierarchal, spontaneous, and shared.

While "Spaced Out" makes for a fascinating historical record,
the book could have done with a chapter on contemporary communities
that were inspired by those of the 1960s. Hippie communities and all
that they stand for are an anachronism in today's post-Generation Y
America, yet they, or aspects of what they represent, have continued
elsewhere. Mr. Gordon does little to explain what "outsider"
communities of today have in common with communities in the '60s he
re-examines so well.

Even a cursory overview of places like the Aurobindo Ashram in
India, complete with its requisite geodesic dome, would have, along
with Arcosanti and a few other places of significance, helped
establish historical perspective and continuity with Aquarian
communities like Drop City or Solux of the 1960s.

But that is really a matter of opinion. What matters most is
that "Spaced Out" is a fresh and informative read. With its wonderful
images, "Spaced Out" could grace any coffee table but be just as
comfortable on a shelf of late-20th-century architecture. If you have
space on your table or room on that shelf, buy it.

"Spaced Out"
Alastair Gordon|
Rizzoli, $65
--

Alastair Gordon had a house in Amagansett for many years.

Nilay Oza is an architect and builder who lives in Sag Harbor.
He spends most of his waking hours figuring out how to build, at the
contemporary housing development the Houses at Sagaponac, the visions
of architects far more famous than he.

.

Monday, July 28, 2008

Book Review: “Ravens In the Storm”

Book Review: "Ravens In the Storm" -
a History of the Sixties Antiwar Movement

http://obrag.org/?p=1320

July 28th, 2008

Former SDS president Carl Oglesby reflects on that oganization's
stormy history as the leading edge of the sixties New Left

By Mariann G. Wizard / The Rag Blog (Austin, Texas) / July 24, 2008

When I joined [Univ. of Texas] Students for a Democratic Society in
the spring of 1965, a bright-eyed freshman on the fast track to
scholastic probation, SDS's national president was one Carl Oglesby,
whose name was on my membership card. That was the only SDS
membership card I ever had, so short-lived was the organization, and
so quick the onset of its disabilities, until I got a new one last
year, signed by Austin Movement for a Democratic Society Treasurer
Alice Embree. Alice was a seasoned leader of the 60s UT SDS chapter -
just one year older than me - when I joined. Now, 43 years later,
Oglesby's Ravens in the Storm (Scribner, New York, 2008) is a
compelling personal memoir of the Sixties. While he draws no
parallels between the frustrations of that era and those of the
present day, peace activists will have no trouble seeing them; as in
the later 1960s, anti-war protests feel increasingly fruitless as the
Iraq war rockets on.

Oglesby recalls SDS in 1965 as a nonviolent, egalitarian-in-principle
but elitist-in-composition group, primarily concerned with ending
racism and poverty, and confronted, as he says, by Vietnam: "a
terrible accident burning in the road, an event without logic but
inescapably right there in front of us. We just had to… do what we
could." As the war escalated, the work of demonstrating, educating,
and converting, all that peace activists could "reasonably" do, came
to seem much too slow. Up against a wall of increasingly hostile
administrations, the temptations of violent "direct action," spiced
with the rhetoric of the embattled Black liberation movement who we
could find no way to concretely aid, became a siren song for some.

While Oglesby's belief that the antiwar movement of the 60s, if it
had not been destroyed from within and without, could have eventually
forced an end to the war is an attractive idea to mature,
peace-loving activists today, it is also entirely debatable, falling
prey to the fact that "the Movement" was indeed destroyed. Carl
identifies the extreme lack of organization, embraced by SDS at all
levels, as a pre-existing deficiency allowing the group's destruction
to proceed with little effective opposition. (Bags of chapter mail
are described, unopened, in a "filthy pigpen" of a National Office; I
saw it even so. SDS never had any money, or accountable
decision-making.) Still apparently considering himself a small-d
democrat, however, he fails to acknowledge that scientific analysis
might have been helpful, and seems to take the aberrant "theories"
and worse behavior of the Weatherman faction as somehow
representative of the "Old Left" and its outmoded anti-capitalist
ideas. He knows better, but this may simply reflect an acute
awareness of how far from revolutionary US society in the 1960s
really was. Surely we at least learned that the Vietnam conflict was
no accident, despite its burning horror, and that subsequent wars
have not been accidents, either, but inevitable consequences of our
economic system!

In contrast to other SDS memoirists, Oglesby never mentions the
"prairie power" changes of 1966 and '67, which set aside SDS'
founding, Ivy League-based, left-cognizant leadership for a "new
guard" of state college-based, left-naïve, populist/anarchist
anti-leaders. Indeed, what seemed a significant change at the time
was but small change a year later, with the coming of Progressive
Labor and, after them, the Revolutionary Youth Movement-slash-Weather
nihilists. Still, it strikes a jarring note to see Greg Calvert's new
working class theory, which caused great upheaval and turbulence
within SDS when introduced, casually co-opted into "old guard" SDS
philosophy. ("[A]n increasingly high-tech economy was turning [the
'middle class'] into a new proletariat and making its brainpower
central to production. The original SDS had seen its natural
constituency as this 'new working class'…") Another error is his
naming the 1968 Columbia University strike as the birthplace of the
free university movement, "a signature product of SDS". UT SDS had
spawned a Free University in Austin in 1966, led by philosophy grad
student Dick Howard, and it wasn't invented here!

Overall, this is a complex and astoundingly non-judgmental history of
stormy times, when, Oglesby writes, SDS more closely resembled the
raven than the traditional dove of peace, the history of which, he
points out, cannot be known while government reports of penetration,
spying, and dirty tricks against the movement remain secret. The many
thousands of pages of documents released to persistent activists
under Freedom of Information Act guidelines are so heavily redacted
that, although "the Justice Department admitted to having mounted
2,370 specific separate actions against us…, we still don't know what
a single one of them was." Oglesby takes advantage of government spy
records where possible, as aides-de memoire.

Writing about his stunning "expulsion" from SDS, in Austin, TX,
during a March, 1969 meeting of the National Council, in a closed
meeting of SDS' National Interim Committee, he uses transcripts of
the Federal Bureau of Investigation's high-quality recording of the
event to provide verbatim excerpts from his unannounced "trial",
apparently on charges of not being a "committed Marxist-Leninist" in
an avowedly democratic organization. The emergent Weather,
personified by Bernardine Dohrn, comes off in these pages, despite
Dohrn's once apparently warm relationship with Oglesby, as a
closed-minded, arrogant, delusional sect with no more grasp of
Marxist analysis than a murder of crows. Without the FBI transcripts,
Oglesby's account, even if exactly the same, would no doubt seem
outrageously exaggerated.

Austin chapter meetings by 1969 had become incredibly painful,
unproductive, venomous confrontations between "regular" SDSers and
minions of PL, spiked with anarchist sound and fury, and meetings had
never been particularly effective decision-making opportunities.
Influential "regulars" were leaving town, following the University's
dismissal of philosophy professor Larry Caroline, and in the face of
the continuing escalation of a war - at home as well as abroad - they
had spent the previous four or five years, like Oglesby, fighting
body and soul. Reading of his dismissal by the group he had once led,
I was nagged by a faint memory, confirmed in Robert Pardun's
recollection of the same events (Prairie Radical, 2001, Shire Press,
Los Gatos, CA). Pardun, by 1969 a two-time former national SDS
officer and leading "prairie power" organizer, highly respected for
his cogent thinking and consistent principles, was living in Austin,
working as a welder. Increasingly alienated from the warring SDS
chapter, Bob briefly attended the first day of the Austin NC meeting
and walked out, with most other Texas members, when attempts by Greg
Calvert and Carol Neiman to calm the RYM/PL sloganeering match were
rebuffed. Then, he says:

The second evening of the [NC] meeting, Bernardine Dohrn and several
other RYM people came to my house to ask me to help in their fight
for control of SDS. That meant supporting either RYM or PL - but… I
didn't agree with either side. After they left, I thought they
considered me to be a "sell-out". But that was part of the problem.
The way they saw it, I was either for them or against them and I
didn't like the kind of politics that went with that mentality. After
they left I decided to boycott the rest of the [NC] meeting with my
Texas SDS friends.

Re-reading Bob's account, I recognized my earlier nagging feeling as
a twinge of guilt, since I was one of the Texas SDSers urging Bro.
Pardun to blow off the meeting and come get high. On the third day of
the NC, Oglesby's secret trial took place, clearly part of the "fight
for control" Dohrn and friends had proposed to Pardun the night
before. What might have happened if those who agreed with Oglesby
that "ordinary Americans," with the help of our returning brothers
from the meat grinder of Vietnam, could at last force an end to the
war, had known that he was on trial by people widely seen as fools?
Could they have rescued him from the Kafkaesque proceeding, and
perhaps rescued SDS as well? Probably not; the rot was by then too
far advanced. COINTELPRO's unrelenting attacks were sapping the
Movement's local resources everywhere, diverting everything
increasingly into legal defense work and reactions to unanticipated
attacks. The Weathermen, in contrast, "really believed that the
revolution was on its way… They produced a theater of the absurd and
called it the revolution."

It's tempting, but unfair, to compare Oglesby's mature work with
former Chicago Seven defendant Tom Hayden's 1988 Reunion: A Memoir
(Random House, New York, aptly reviewed at the time by the Washington
Monthly. Ravens is by far the better read, but then, twenty years'
added perspective can't help but work wonders. Oglesby's fleeting
mentions of Hayden do not cast the author of the Port Huron
Statement, SDS' founding document, in a flattering light, but do
acknowledge his influence, contrasting oddly with Hayden's almost
total neglect of fellow U. Michigan SDSer Oglesby in his work.
Oglesby's account of an almost hysterical Hayden's response to
Nixon's invasion of Cambodia in 1970 is strikingly at odds with
Hayden's impersonal recollections. The moderate former leaders agree
on many things, e.g., both saw anti-PL activist and SDS' 1968-69
National Secretary Mike Klonsky as an arrogant and somewhat
thick-headed thug. (Klonsky's post-SDS response to the Cambodian
civil war, another "terrible accident burning in the road", was to
proclaim support for Pol Pot's genocidal Khmer Rouge.)

If the personal memoir of a pacifistic individual can be said to be a
page-turner, Carl Oglesby has written one. There is enough new here,
and enough uniquely recalled, to surprise even those who lived
through the same years, involved in some of the same groups and swept
along by the same currents. But all the memoirs to date, and they are
fast becoming legion, don't change the fact that the rise and fall of
the radical youth movement of the Sixties remains a cipher, locked in
an acronym, wrapped in black ops.
--

Mariann is a frequent contributor to The Rag Blog. With fellow Austin
activist Alice Embree, she contributed to Students for a Democratic
Society: A Graphic History (2008, Pekar H, ed. Buhle P., Hill & Wang,
New York). She was a contributor to No Apologies: Texas Radicals
Celebrate the '60s (1992, ed. Janes D., Eakin Press, Austin), as was
Bob Pardun. With Larry Waterhouse, she co-wrote Turning the Guns
Around: Notes on the GI Movement (1971, Praeger, New York).

.

Saturday, July 26, 2008

Did the GI Movement End the Vietnam War?

Did the GI Movement End the Vietnam War?

http://theragblog.blogspot.com/2008/07/david-zeiger-did-gi-movement-end.html

And What is the real legacy of the GI Coffeehouses?

By David Zeiger / The Rag Blog / July 25, 2008

David Zeiger is an award-winning film producer and director whose
highly–acclaimed film Sir! No Sir! documented the little-known GI
resistance to the Vietnam War. He was a staff member at the Oleo
Strut, a GI coffee house in Killeen, Texas near Ft. Hood that was a
major center of anti-war activities from 1968 to 1972.

Zeiger, also a writer and an activist, produces and directs
documentary films through his company, Displaced Films.

This article joins a Rag Blog discussion of the history of the GI
anti-war movement with articles by Tom Cleaver on the history of the
Oleo Strut coffee house and on the founding of a new GI coffee house
in Killeen called Under the Hood. Please see Under The Hood : An
Anti-War GI Coffeehouse in
Texas.
http://theragblog.blogspot.com/2008/07/under-hood-anti-war-gi-coffeehouse-in.html
--

Over the past three years, there has been a significant and
heartening growth of opposition to the Iraq and Afghanistan
occupations among active duty soldiers, and several organizations
have been doing tremendous work with soldiers and veterans. From the
groups and individuals supporting soldiers who have refused
deployment and been court-martialed, to the work of Iraq Veterans
Against the War, Veterans for Peace, the Military Project and
Different Drummer Café, serious and determined work is being done to
turn the deepening disaffection and anger with the occupations inside
the military into a real political movement and force (and I
apologize now to everyone who I left out).

It is a source of great joy for me, in that context, to see the story
of the GI Movement against the Vietnam War playing a significant role
in inspiring and helping shape that burgeoning movement. The
reissuing of David Cortright's Soldiers in Revolt, along with
important books published in the 90s (please see the list at the end
of this article), brought to life what had been deeply buried for two
decades and made it possible for a film like Sir! No Sir! to be made,
and for this new movement to be born.

The GI Movement of the 60s is loaded with lessons for today. But
those lessons have to be seen realistically to really be truly
learned, and that puts a tremendous responsibility in the hands of
those of us who were part of that movement. Memory can be a tricky
thing, and it is no more helpful to exaggerate the events of that
time than it is to deny them. Mythologizing or inaccurately
portraying the GI Movement can, in my mind, do far more harm than
good as people struggle to find ways to build a new movement in the
military today. But a real understanding of its ups and downs,
victories and defeats, and most importantly the tremendous struggle
it involved on every level can be a powerful resource.

So I was very interested to read about the effort to open a new GI
Coffeehouse in Killeen, Texas, outside of Fort Hood. The coffeehouse
movement has, since the invasion of Iraq, been one of the few "forms"
of organization from the 60s that seem to me to make a lot of sense
today. But as I read Tom Cleaver's depiction of the Oleo Strut
Coffeehouse and its relevance for today, I found myself growing
increasingly concerned that real understanding may be being replaced
by nostalgia (and I speak from experience, as I am always fighting my
own nostalgia while looking at the past). And beyond that, Tom's
interpretation of the GI Movement in the 60s raised many issues that
I want to discuss here, in the spirit of making history serve the present.

Let me emphatically state first that I am not an organizer, but a
filmmaker, and I do not pretend to know what the "right thing to do"
is today. Nor do I intend to criticize or direct anyone. I don't even
consider myself an "expert" on the GI Movement. But I do hope that my
two years working at the Oleo Strut, and the work that I and others
have done to tell the GI Movement story today can be helpful. For the
record, I am not a veteran. I went to Killeen in June of 1970 as a
20-year-old drop-out– and scared to death, I might add.

Now to the issues. The biggest for me is Tom's statement that "GIs
stopped the war in Vietnam and they can stop the war in Iraq." This
has become a pretty popular view nowadays among many people, and
while it may sound ironic coming from me, I find it to be misleading
and potentially very harmful. It takes what is true, the fact that
the GI Movement cut at the heart of the war, and uses it as a kind of
club over everyone else. But most significantly, it rips the GI
Movement out of the political and social context that gave birth to
it and nurtured its growth.

Put simply, GIs did not stop the war in Vietnam. The Vietnam War was
ended by a combination of forces–first and foremost the Vietnamese
people, whose struggle for self-determination became an inspiration
for millions around the world. And beyond that the antiwar,
counterculture Black liberation and revolutionary movements were all
key to creating the context for soldiers in their thousands to revolt
and certainly play a major role in bringing the war to a grinding
halt. It can even be described as the straw that broke the camel's
back–but that wouldn't have happened without all those other straws!

Look at Tom's main example from the summer of '68–the urban
rebellions and demonstrations at the Chicago Democratic Convention,
and the GI's response to being ordered into riot control duty ("First
we fought the Vietnamese, now they want us to fight Americans," as
Dave Cline said). There's clearly a cause and effect here. If Black
people were not rebelling in the cities, and if students and radicals
weren't planning to demonstrate at the Democratic convention, there
would have been no riot control in the military, and it wouldn't have
been such a powerful impetus for rebellion that it was.

(In that light I want to correct a significant inaccuracy in Tom's
description of the Fort Hood 43, the Black GIs who resisted
deployment to the Chicago convention. Tom describes them as a highly
organized group, who had chosen which soldiers would refuse to go
based on their service in Vietnam. That isn't what happened. As
vividly described in Sir! No Sir! by Elder Halim Gullabehmi, one of
the participants, several hundred soldiers met all night in an open
field to protest their deployment and discuss their grievances and
make plans. No decision had been made. In the morning, when 43 were
still in the field waiting for a response from the base Commanding
General, they were ambushed by MPs, beaten, and thrown in the
stockade. Many, including Elder Halim, were later sent to Vietnam as
further punishment).

What gave the GI Movement so much power was its deep connection to
the broader movement it was part of. That movement wasn't just
students resisting the draft to keep from going to Vietnam themselves
(another popular myth, in my view). It was the Black Panther Party;
it was Vietnam Veterans Against the War; it was national
organizations that were constantly expanding the scope of protest
against the war; it was students who were shutting their campuses
down to force companies like Dow Chemical off campus and end
university complicity with the war; it was all those things and more.
In 1971, the same time Colonel Heinl wrote his famous article that
Tom quotes, Washington was wracked with a myriad of demonstrations,
including the May Day attempt by over 10,000 people to shut the city
down (which Nixon specifically cited as a reason to "get the troops
out as quickly as possible.").

I'm not saying this to nit-pic, or to in any way lessen or denigrate
the impact of the GI Movement. Yes, the GI Movement had become a
force in the military that seriously challenged its authority and
ability to fight; and yes, thousands of GIs were actively organizing
and demonstrating, but that can't be ripped out of the context it
grew in and declared to be the sole force that ended the war. Doing
so, it seems to me, could lead to a distorted view of the situation
today and very unrealistic expectations. It certainly doesn't help
point the road forward.

Part of the importance of understanding the context for the GI
Movement is recognizing that it faced tremendous repression. The
whole nature of the military is based on isolation from the world
outside, and the more that world intruded, the more they fought back.
The coffeehouses were an essential link between soldiers who faced
tremendous repercussions for their actions and the broader movement
in society. That link was political, and just as importantly
cultural, and without it much of what flourished would have been
quickly crushed.

And that raises my questions about the differences between then and
now. In 1968, the Oleo Strut was for the most part the only way that
GIs could be in contact with that movement (although even the local
porn shop carried The Autobiography of Malcolm X and Soul on Ice).
Most GIs didn't have cars then, and at night and on weekends the only
place you could go was the downtown strip since bus service ended
there. Life was very constricted. The Strut was literally a haven,
one you couldn't find anywhere else, and a place to listen to music
and read literature that was only available there. Especially in the
early years, that made up a lot of what sustained it.

It's a different situation today, is it not? Mobility and
communication are worlds apart from 1968. While we were filming IVAW
in their efforts to bring Winter Soldier to the soldiers at Fort Hood
this year, much of their outreach was done at bars in Austin–60 miles
away! There isn't the kind of central place today that GIs are locked
into, making something like the Strut unique. That seems to me to be
a significant change.

One reason this is important is that the coffeehouses themselves
faced huge obstacles to staying open. Tom mentioned the KKK and
"goat-ropers," but it went way beyond that. They were physically
attacked, hit with bizarre legal charges, and often burned down. But
those weren't the most difficult challenges.

Even the most successful coffeehouses were never self-sustaining
financially. We barely survived, even with the Herculean efforts of
the United States Serviceman's Fund, a group whose sole purpose was
raising money for the GI Movement. But even with that and the day
jobs many of us had, we came close to shutting down many times. In
addition the constant legal battles and harassment arrests (I spent
nights in jail for such things as hitch-hiking, driving with a dirty
license plate, and swearing in front of a police officer), were a
huge financial drain.

It was also a constant struggle to keep staff. Burn-out was a big
problem in places like Killeen (and I don't imagine that's much
different today). Keeping a place like the Strut alive wasn't a
weekend or summer gig. The reality is that there were many long
periods when it was successfully isolated from the soldiers, and it
took tremendous endurance to survive those times. Life in the GI
Movement, like life in the military, was characterized by many months
of intense tedium punctuated by moments of intense action.

In short, the GI Coffeehouses of the 60's were a major force that
filled a very specific need, one that grew out of the times we were
living in. They were also a major commitment of time and
resources–extremely difficult to sustain but well worth it for the
role they were playing at that time.

Again, I am not raising these things to pour cold water on the
current effort. But I believe that to be kept alive, history has to
be seen in all its parameters. And I do think it's important to not
view the coffeehouses of the 60s through rose-colored glasses,
especially when you're contemplating diving into the fire. I'm not
drawing conclusions, just raising questions.

So as I said in the beginning, I offer these observations and
thoughts in the spirit of welcoming all of the work being done today
in the military, and wanting to use our history to enrich it. I hope
this helps.

The books that I referred to are:

* Soldiers in Revolt by David Cortright (aka The Bible)

* The New Winter Soldiers by Richard Moser

* The Spitting Image by Jerry Lembcke (A wonderful expose of the myth
of the spitting hippie)

* A Matter of Conscience: GI Resistance During the Vietnam War by
William Short and Willa Seidenberg (This is an incredible book, very
hard toget but well worth it. Bill and Willa traveled around the
country in the early 90s photographing and recording extensive oral
histories of dozens of veterans of the GI Movement. Their work formed
much of the basis for Sir! No Sir!).

There are also several great books on the veterans' movement, and
particularly Vietnam Veterans against the War.

PS–Again to keep the record straight, Fred Gardner, one of the
founders of the GI Coffeehouses, was not an officer, but a PFC
attached to an Army Reserve unit at Ft. Jackson when he and others
started the UFO Coffeehouse in 1967. The "Summer of Support" referred
to in Cleaver's article was not organized by him, but by Rennie Davis
and Tom Hayden, original founders of Students for a Democratic
Society. SOS was one of, but not the only organization supporting the
GI Coffeehouses.
--

Thorne,

I heard an interesting story about the Oleo Strut and the general
attitude of the soldiers to authority. The guy who told me the story
was a combat vet send to Ft Hood to decompress along with a lot of
other guys who had seen heavy combat. He is the only source but I
have no reason not to believe him. He told me that there was a small
lake somewhere around the base with a small island in it and that it
was common for the soldiers to use rowboats and go to the island
where they would have numerous small fires around which they would
talk and decompress. Of course there was a considerable amount of the
magical herb being smoked out there too. The cops knew what was going
on and a squadcar load of them got into a couple of the small
rowboats and decided to liberate the island. They landed and went to
the first campsite and announced "Y'all are all under arrest" My
friend told me that the entire island became silent and then across
the island could be heard the sound of the hammers being pulled back
on the government issue .45 callibar handguns that the GI's still
carried. Needless to say the cops were tripping over one another
trying to get back into their boats.

Robert Pardun / July 26, 2008

.

Synthetic Pot as a Military Weapon?

Synthetic Pot as a Military Weapon?
Meet the Man Who Ran the Secret Program

http://www.alternet.org/drugreporter/92049/

By Martin A. Lee
July 19, 2008.

Dr. James Ketchum tested a potent form of synthetic marijuana on
soldiers to develop a secret weapon in the '60s. Now he's telling the tale.
--

It was billed as a panel discussion on "the global shift in human
consciousness." A half-dozen speakers had assembled inside the Heebie
Jeebie Healers tent at Burning Man, the annual post-hippie
celebration in Black Rock, Nev., where 50,000 stalwarts braved
intense dust storms and flash floods last August. Among the notables
who spoke at the early evening forum was Dr. Alexander "Sasha"
Shulgin, the Bay Area-based psychochemical genius much beloved among
the Burners, who synthesized Ecstasy and 200 other psychoactive drugs
and tested each one on himself during his unique, offbeat career.

Sitting on the panel next to Shulgin was an unlikely expositor. Dr.
James S. Ketchum, a retired U.S. Army colonel, told the audience,
"When Sasha was trying to open minds with chemicals to achieve
greater awareness, I was busy trying to subdue people."

Ketchum was referring to his work at Edgewood Arsenal, headquarters
of the U.S. Army Chemical Corps, in the 1960s, when America's
national security strategists were high on the prospect of developing
a nonlethal incapacitating agent, a so-called humane weapon, that
could knock people out without necessarily killing anyone. Top
military officers hyped the notion of "war without death," conjuring
visions of aircraft swooping over enemy territory releasing clouds of
"madness gas" that would disorient the bad guys and dissolve their
will to resist, while U.S. soldiers moved in and took over.

Ketchum was into weapons of mass elation, not weapons of mass
destruction. He oversaw a secret research program that tested an
array of mind-bending drugs on American GIs, including an
exceptionally potent form of synthetic marijuana. (Most of these
drugs had no medical names, just numbers supplied by the Army.)
"Paradoxical as it may seem," Ketchum asserted, "one can use chemical
weapons to spare lives, rather than extinguish them."

Some of the Burners were perplexed. Was this guy cool or creepy?

Shulgin, a critic of chemical mind-meddling by the military, was wary
when he first met Ketchum at a 1993 event honoring the 50th
anniversary of the discovery of LSD. But Ketchum is not your typical
military bulldozer type. An intelligent, gracious man with a
disarming sense of humor, in his own way he has always been a free
spirit. He and his wife, Judy, who currently reside in Santa Rosa,
became close friends with Sasha and his formidable partner, Ann. They
stayed in frequent contact and occasionally socialized together. When
the Shulgins invited them to Burning Man, the Ketchums joined the
caravan of RVs driving to the desert.

"I'm kind of a Sasha worshipper," Ketchum, who reads
neuropharmacology textbooks during his leisure hours, confessed. Tall
and lanky, the colonel, now 76, is one of the few people who can
actually understand what Shulgin, six years his senior, is talking
about when he lectures on the molecular subtleties of psychedelic
drugs, waving his arms furiously like a mad scientist. Shulgin took
Ketchum under his wing and welcomed him into the fold.

Shulgin wrote the foreword to Ketchum's self-published memoir,
Chemical Warfare: Secrets Almost Forgotten, which lifts the veil on
the Army's little-known drug experiments and illuminates a hidden
chapter of marijuana history. A graduate of Cornell Medical College,
Ketchum describes how he was assigned as a staff psychiatrist to
Edgewood Arsenal, located 25 miles northeast of Baltimore, in 1961.

"There was no doubt in my mind that working in this strange
atmosphere was just the sort of thing that would satisfy my appetite
for novelty," Ketchum wrote. Soon he became chief of clinical
research at the Army's hub for chemical warfare studies. Although the
Geneva Convention had banned the use of chemical weapons, Washington
never agreed to this provision, and the U.S. government poured money
into the search for a nonlethal incapacitant.

Red Oil

The U.S. Army Chemical Corp's marijuana research began several years
before Ketchum joined the team at Edgewood. In 1952, the Shell
Development Corporation was contracted by the Army to examine
"synthetic cannabis derivatives" for their incapacitating properties.
Additional studies into possible military uses of marijuana began two
years later at the University of Michigan medical school, where a
group of scientists led by Dr. Edward F. Domino, professor of
pharmacology, tested a drug called "EA 1476" -- otherwise known as
"Red Oil" -- on dogs and monkeys at the behest of the U.S. Army. Made
through a process of chemical extraction and distillation, Red Oil,
akin to hash oil, packed a mightier punch than the natural plant.

Army scientists found that this concentrated cannabis derivative
produced effects unlike anything they had previously seen. "The dog
gets a peculiar reaction. He crawls under the table, stays away from
the dark, leaps out at imaginary objects and, as far as one can
interpret, may be having hallucinations," one report stated. "It
would appear even to the untrained observer that this dog is not
normal. He suddenly jumps out, even without any stimulus, and barks,
and then crawls back under the table."

With a larger dose of Red Oil, the reaction was even more pronounced.
"These animals lie on their side; you could step on their feet
without any response; it is an amazing effect and a reversible
phenomenon. It has greatly increased our interest in this compound
from the standpoint of future chemical possibilities."

In the late 1950s, the Army started testing Red Oil on U.S. soldiers
at Edgewood. Some GIs smirked for hours while they were under the
influence of EA 1476. When asked to perform routine numbers and
spatial reasoning tests, the stoned volunteers couldn't stop laughing.

But Red Oil was not an ideal chemical-warfare candidate. For
starters, it was a "crude" preparation that contained many components
of cannabis besides psychoactive THC. Army scientists surmised that
pure THC would weigh much less than Red Oil and would therefore be
better suited as a chemical weapon. They were intrigued by the
possibility of amplifying the active ingredient of marijuana,
tweaking the mother molecule, as it were, to enhance its psychogenic
effects. So the Chemical Corps set its sights on developing a
synthetic variant of THC that could clobber people without killing them.

Enter Harry Pars, a scientist working with Arthur D. Little Inc.,
based in Cambridge, Mass., one of several pharmaceutical companies
that conducted chemical warfare research for the Army. (Two Army
contracts for marijuana-related research were awarded to this firm,
covering a 10-year period beginning in 1963.) A frequent visitor to
Edgewood, Pars synthesized a new cannabinoid compound, dubbed "EA
2233," which was significantly stronger than Red Oil.

At the outset of this project, Pars had sought the advice of Shulgin,
then a brilliant young chemist employed by Dow Chemical. Shulgin was
a veritable fount of information regarding how to reshape
psychoactive molecules to create novel mind-altering drugs. Eager to
share his arcane expertise, Shulgin gave Pars the idea to tinker with
nitrogen analogs of tetrahydrocannabinol (THC). Pars never told
Shulgin that he was an Army contract employee. A declassified version
of Pars' research was published in the Journal of the American
Chemical Society (August 1966), in which he thanked Shulgin for
"drawing our attention to the synthesis of these nitrogen analogs."

The U.S. Army Chemical Corps began clinical testing of EA 2233 on GI
volunteers in 1961, the year Ketchum arrived at Edgewood Arsenal.
When ingested at dosage levels ranging from 10 to 60 micrograms per
kilogram of body weight, EA 2233 lasted up to 30 hours, far longer
than the typical marijuana buzz.

"I Just Feel Like Laughing"

In an interview videotaped seven hours after he had been given EA
2233, one soldier described feeling numb in his arms and unable to
raise them, precluding any possibility that he could defend himself
if attacked. "Everything seems comical," he told his interlocutor.

Q: How are you?

A: Pretty good, I guess. ...

Q: You've got a big grin on your face.

A: Yeah. I don't know what I'm grinning about, either.

Q: Do things seem funny, or is that just something you can't help?

A: I don't -- I don't know. I just -- I just feel like laughing. ...

Q: Does the time seem to pass slower or faster or any different than usual?

A: No different than usual. Just -- just that I mostly lose track of
it. I don't know if it's early or late.

Q: Do you find yourself doing any daydreaming?

A: Yeah. I'm daydreaming all kinds of things. ...

Q: Suppose you have to get up and go to work now. How would you do?

A: I don't think I'd even care.

Q: Well, suppose the place were on fire?

A: It would seem funny.

Q: It would seem funny? Do you think you'd have the sense to get up
and run out, or do you think you'd just enjoy it?

A: I don't know. Fire doesn't seem to present any danger to me right
now. ... Everything just seems funny in the Army. Seems like
everything somebody says, it sounds a little bit funny. ...

Q: Is it like when you're in a good mood and you can laugh at anything?

A: Right. ... It's like being out with a bunch of people and
everybody's laughing. They're just --

Q: Having a ball?

A: Yeah. And everything just seems funny.

Q: Would you do this again? Take this test again?

A: Yeah. Yeah. It wouldn't bother me at all.

EA 2233 was actually a mixture of eight stereoisomers of THC. (An
isomer is a rearrangement of atoms within a given molecule; a
stereoisomer entails different spatial configurations of these
atoms.) Eventually, Edgewood scientists would separate the eight
stereoisomers and investigate the relative potency of each of them
individually in an effort to separate the wheat from the psychoactive
chaff and reduce the amount of material needed to get the desired
effect for chemical warfare.

Only two of the stereoisomers proved to be of interest (the others
didn't have much of a knockdown effect). When administered
intravenously, low doses of these two synthetic cousins of
tetrahydrocannabinol triggered a dramatic drop in blood pressure to
the point where test subjects could barely move. Standing up without
assistance was impossible. This was construed by cautious Army
doctors as a warning sign -- a sudden plunge in blood pressure could
be dangerous -- and human experiments with single THC stereoisomers
were suspended.

Looking back on these studies, Ketchum wonders whether his colleagues
made the right decision. "This hypotensive (blood-pressure-reducing)
property, in an otherwise nonlethal compound, might be an ideal way
to produce a temporary inability to fight, or do much else, without
toxicological danger to life," Ketchum says now. Given the high
safety margin of THC -- no one has ever died from an overdose -- and
the likelihood that the stereoisomers would display a similar safety
profile, Ketchum believes the Army may have spurned a couple of
worthy prospects that were capable of filling the
knock-'em-out-but-don't-kill-'em niche in America's chemical warfare arsenal.

As for the two exemplary stereoisomers weaned from EA 2233, Ketchum
speculates, "They probably would have been safe in terms of
life-sparing activity. ... But a person who received them would have
to lie down. If he tried to stand up and get his weapon, he would
feel faint and lightheaded and he'd keel over. Essentially he would
be immobilized for any military purpose until the effects wore off."

The colonel's assessment: "A safe drug that knocks people down --
what more could you ask for?"

Volunteers for America

With THC isomers on the back burner, the U.S. Army Chemical Corps
focused on several other compounds -- including LSD, PCP,
methylphenidate (Ritalin) and a delirium-inducing ass-kicker known as
"BZ" (a belladonna-like substance similar to atropine) -- all of
which were thought to have significant potential as nonlethal incapacitants.

By the time the clinical testing program had run its course, 6,700
volunteers had experienced some bizarre states of consciousness at
Edgewood. Under the influence of powerful mind-altering drugs, some
soldiers rode imaginary horses, ate invisible chickens and took
showers in full uniform while smoking phantom cigars. One garrulous
GI complained that an order of toast smelled "like a French whore."
Some of their antics were so over-the-top that Ketchum had to
admonish the nurses and other medical personnel not to laugh at the
volunteers, even though it was unlikely that the soldiers would
remember such incidents once the drugs wore off.

Ketchum insists that the staff at Edgewood went to great lengths to
ensure the safety of the volunteers. (There was one untoward incident
involving a civilian volunteer who flipped out on PCP and required
hospitalization, but this happened before Ketchum came on board.)
During the 1960s, every soldier exposed to incapacitating agents was
carefully screened and prepped beforehand, according to Ketchum, and
well treated throughout the experiment. They stayed in special rooms
with padded walls and were monitored by medical professionals 24/7.
Antidotes were available if things got out of hand.

"The volunteers performed a patriotic service," Ketchum says. "None,
to my knowledge, returned home with a significant injury or illness
attributable to chemical exposure," though he admits that "a few
former volunteers later claimed that the testing had caused them to
suffer from some malady." Such claims, however, are difficult to
assess given that so many intervening variables may have contributed
to a particular problem.

A follow-up study conducted by the Army Inspector General's office
and a review panel convened by the National Academy of Sciences found
little evidence of serious harm resulting from the Edgewood
experiments. But a 1975 Army IG report noted that improper
inducements may have been used to recruit volunteers and that getting
their "informed consent" was somewhat dubious given that scientists
had a limited understanding of the short- and long-term impact of
some of the compounds tested on the soldiers.

Ketchum draws a sharp distinction between clinical research with
human subjects under controlled conditions at Edgewood Arsenal and
the CIA's reckless experiments on random, unwitting Americans who
were given LSD surreptitiously by spooks and prostitutes. "Jim is
very certain of his own integrity," says Ken Goffman, aka R.U.
Sirius, the former editor of the psychedelic tech magazine Mondo
2000. "There is little doubt in his mind that he was doing the right
thing. He felt he was working for a noble cause that would reduce
civilian and military casualties." Goffman helped Ketchum edit and
polish his book manuscript, which vigorously defends the Edgewood
research program.

Strange bedfellows, the colonel and the counterculture scribe. Or so
it would appear. But these days, Ketchum and Goffman see eye to eye
on many issues. Both feel that the alleged dangers of marijuana and
LSD have been way overblown. No doubt, LSD could wreak havoc on the
toughest, best-trained troops, derailing their thought processes and
disorganizing their behavior.

When used wisely, however, LSD can be uplifting. Ketchum notes that
some soldiers had insightful and rewarding experiences on acid,
lending credence to reports from civilian psychiatrists that LSD was
a useful therapeutic tool. "I had an interest in psychedelic drugs
long before my interest in chemical warfare," Ketchum says. "I was
intrigued by the positive aspects of LSD, as well as the
incapacitating aspects."

Mystery Stash

One morning, Ketchum arrived at his office in Edgewood and found "a
large, black steel barrel, resembling an oil drum, parked in the
corner of the room," he recounts in his book. Overcome by curiosity,
he opened the barrel and examined its contents. There were a dozen
tightly sealed glass canisters that looked like cookie jars; the
labels on the canisters indicated that each contained about three
pounds of "EA 1729," the Army's code number for LSD. By the end of
the week, the 40 pounds of government acid -- enough to intoxicate
several hundred million people -- vanished as mysteriously as it had
appeared. Ketchum still doesn't know who put the LSD in his office or
what became of it.

But this much is certain: Some officers at Edgewood were dipping into
the Army's stash for their own personal use. "They took LSD more
often than was necessary to appreciate its clinical effects," Ketchum
admits. "They must have liked it."

The colonel was personally a bit skittish about trying LSD.
Eventually, he worked up the courage to experiment on himself. Under
the watchful eye of a knowledgeable Edgewood physician, he swallowed
a small dose and proceeded to take the same numerical aptitude tests
that the regular volunteers were put through to measure their
impairment. Constrained by the white-smock laboratory setting, his
lone LSD experience was somewhat anticlimactic. "Colors were more
vivid and music was more compelling," Ketchum recalls, "but there
were no breakthroughs in consciousness, no Timothy Leary stuff."

Ketchum also sampled cannabis shortly after he began working for the
Chemical Corps. His younger brother turned him on to marijuana, but
the first time Ketchum smoked a joint nothing happened. "Later, I
read about reverse tolerance. Some people don't get high on marijuana
until they use it a few times," Ketchum explains.

It wasn't until he went on a paid, two-year leave of absence from
Edgewood that he started smoking pot socially. Ketchum had convinced
the surgeon general of the Army that it would be in everyone's best
interest if he studied neuroscience at Stanford University. How
better to keep abreast of the latest advances in the field? In 1966,
he joined a team of postdoctoral researchers mentored by Karl
Pribram, a world-renowned expert on the brain and behavior.

Ketchum related well with his academic colleagues. "I got together
with a few of my friends at Stanford and we had some cheap marijuana,
which I smoked, and I got a real effect for the first time," he says.
"I liked it. It was very sensuous. But I didn't use it very often. I
didn't have any of my own."

Ketchum's West Coast hiatus coincided with the emergence of the
hippie movement in San Francisco. "I was fascinated with this
spectacular development," he gleams. "Luckily, I caught it at its peak."

Occasionally, Ketchum took his home movie camera to Haight-Ashbury,
the epicenter of hippiedom, and filmed the procession of exotically
dressed flower children strutting through the neighborhood high on
marijuana and LSD. "I was always interested in drugs, primarily
because I've always been interested in how the mind works," he says.
"So when this wave of psychedelic users descended upon San Francisco,
I thought maybe I'd learn more by going there."

Ketchum attended the legendary Be-In in Golden Gate Park in January
1967, sitting cross-legged on the lawn with 20,000 pot-smoking
enthusiasts, soaking up the rays and listening to rock music, poetry
and anti-war speeches. A few months later, the colonel began working
as a volunteer doctor at the Haight-Ashbury Free Clinic, where he
treated troubled youth with substance abuse problems.

Life After Edgewood

Ketchum returned to Edgewood in 1968, but the mood back at
headquarters was not the same as before. Growing opposition to the
Vietnam War and public disapproval of the use of napalm and toxic
defoliants cast a lengthening shadow over classified research into
chemical weapons. When journalists briefly got wind of the Army's
ambitious psychochemical warfare program, they scoffed at the notion
of making the enemy lay down their arms by turning them on.

The colonel saw the writing on the wall. Army brass consented when he
asked to be transferred to another base in the early 1970s. By this
time, the Chemical Corps had concluded that marijuana-related
compounds would not be effective in a battlefield situation, but the
testing of other incapacitating agents under field conditions would
proceed. And drug companies continued to supply a steady stream of
pharmaceutical samples for evaluation by the military.

In 1976, Ketchum retired from the Army and embarked upon a new career
as a civilian psychiatrist in California. Commissioned by the
California Department of Justice, he collaborated on a 1981 study
comparing the effects of alcohol and smoked marijuana on driving
performance. The results were somewhat surprising. "When combined
with alcohol, cannabis produced little additional impairment," he concluded.

"While alcohol had an adverse impact on steering, THC affected a
driver's ability to estimate time. But the combination of both drugs
did not substantially increase the impairment produced by either one
alone. ... In fact, there was an antagonistic effect. Marijuana
seemed to offset some of the problems caused by alcohol, and vice versa."

Ketchum feels that drug prohibition is bad public policy. "It's the
refusal to look at the evidence that keeps pot illegal. They
misrepresented marijuana as an evil weed. ... I've always had a
libertarian attitude toward drugs. I believe people should be able to
do anything as long as it's not harmful to somebody else."

In the years ahead, Ketchum would reach out to medical marijuana
trailblazers, prominent psychedelic advocates and drug-policy rebels
working inside and outside the system to end prohibition. He joined
the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws and became
a member of the Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies (MAPS).

Founded by Rick Doblin, MAPS has spearheaded the revival of
scientific investigations into the therapeutic potential of LSD,
ecstasy, psilocybin and ibogaine, while also challenging bureaucratic
roadblocks that prevent independent cannabis research in the United
States. Ketchum attended fundraising events and wrote letters to
potential donors, praising the work of MAPS.

During the 1960s, Ketchum supervised thousands of drug experiments,
yet he barely scratched the surface of the awesome potential of
cannabis and LSD. "Jim is not apologetic for what he did before,"
Doblin says, "and I don't think he sees it as incongruous with
supporting research into the therapeutic aspect of psychedelics.
These tools have tremendous power, but he only looked at a narrow
slice of it while he was at Edgewood."

Today, Ketchum steadfastly maintains that cannabis and LSD are safe
drugs compared to many legal substances. This is what the Edgewood
experiments and other studies have shown, he contends. Given his
status as a retired army officer who had extensive, hands-on
experience testing psychoactive compounds, he speaks with a certain
authority that most medical and recreational drug users cannot claim.

Medical Marijuana

After Californians broke ranks from America's drug-war orthodoxy in
1996 and legalized medical marijuana in the Golden State, Ketchum got
a recommendation from his family doctor to use cannabis for insomnia.
"I have personally found it helpful, especially for sleep," he says.
"I've had problems with sleep for a long time."

It was at a picnic hosted by the Shulgins that Jim and Judy Ketchum
first met Tod Mikuriya, the controversial Berkeley-based physician
who has been described as "the father of the medical marijuana
movement." One of the prime movers of Proposition 215, the successful
med-pot ballot measure, Mikuriya quickly took a liking to the
Ketchums and taught them how to use a vaporizer for inhaling cannabis
fumes without tar and smoke.

With Mikuriya tendering introductions, Ketchum befriended some of the
leading lights of the '60s counterculture, including Tim Scully, the
prodigious underground chemist who manufactured millions of hits of
black market LSD (remember Orange Sunshine?) while the colonel was
administering hallucinogenic drugs to soldiers at Edgewood. "Jim and
his wife visited me at my home in Mendocino County," Scully says. "I
enjoyed their company. We found that we shared idealistic beliefs
about the potential for good in psychoactive drugs, as well as
sharing some wry understanding of the pitfalls, too."

As for their divergent paths in the past, Scully remarks, "I don't
really see his work as having been in conflict with mine. I believe
Jim sincerely hoped to save lives by helping in the development of
nonlethal weapons as an alternative to conventional weapons."

An incurable iconoclast, the colonel has made common cause with
counterculture veterans and anti-prohibition activists. His
endorsement of the therapeutic use of marijuana and LSD confers
additional credibility on views long championed by his newfound
allies. Validation, in this case, goes both ways. Embraced as one of
the elders, a peculiar elder to be sure, Ketchum somehow fits right in.

"I don't have a problem with being difficult to categorize," he says.
--

Martin A. Lee is the author of Acid Dreams: The Complete Social
History of LSD: The CIA, the Sixties, and Beyond. He is writing a
social history of marijuana. A version of this article originally
appeared in Cannabis Culture.

.

Robert Meeropol Reacts to Ruling on Rosenberg Grand Jury Decision

Subject: Robert Meeropol Reacts to Ruling on Rosenberg Grand Jury Decision
Date: Fri, 25 Jul 2008
From: Amber Black <amber@rfc.org>

Dear Friends of the RFC,

We're forwarding you a link to video of a local ABC
affiliate's news story surrounding this week's historic
decision to release much of the Rosenberg Grand Jury
testimony. This story, which was filmed at the RFC's
office, includes an interview with Robert Meeropol about
both his parents' case and the work of the Rosenberg
Fund for Children.

While there are minor inaccuracies in the piece, overall
it's a good story which includes a positive portrayal of
the RFC. Here's the link (copy and paste it into your
browser if it doesn't lead there directly).

http://www.wggb.com/Global/story.asp?S=8726542

We're not sure how long this link will stay active,
since it's on a news website and content changes
quickly. The video is about four minutes in length. We
hope you'll have a chance to take a look before it
disappears.

Amber

Amber Black
Public Relations Coordinator
Rosenberg Fund for Children
<http://www.rfc.org>

.

Friday, July 25, 2008

Blood On the Hands of Obama’s Terror Associate

Blood On the Hands of Obama's Terror Associate

http://canadafreepress.com/index.php/article/4095

By Cliff Kincaid & Wes Vernon
July 24, 2008

Barack Obama was asked, during one of the Democratic presidential
debates, about his relationship with communist terrorist Bill Ayers.
But the more controversial relationship was with his wife, communist
terrorist Bernardine Dohrn. Both were present and hosted Obama when
he launched a run for the Illinois State Senate. In effect, Ayers and
Dohrn sponsored Obama's political career. But it has now come to
light that Dohrn repeatedly refused to deny credible reports that she
planted a bomb at a police station that killed a law enforcement officer.

Shouldn't Obama be asked about the reported involvement of his
political associate in cold-blooded murder?

This revelation is important because the Weather Underground
terrorists have long peddled the line that their bombings didn't kill
anybody, except themselves. The book flap for Ayers' book, Fugitive
Days, insists that the organization carried out "strategic, bloodless
bombings, including one inside the Pentagon." This is a Big Lie.

The Legal Link

The ties between Dohrn and Barack and Michelle Obama may run deep.
From 1984-1988, Dohrn worked at Sidley & Austin, a law firm, which
is also where Obama and his wife Michelle worked and met. "For three
years after law school, Michelle worked as an associate in the area
of marketing and intellectual property at Chicago law firm Sidley and
Austin, where she met Barack Obama," the official Obama campaign
website reports. But it says nothing about meeting or knowing Dohrn.

Ayers had told the New York Times­ironically in its edition of Sept.
11, 2001­"I feel we didn't do enough" in those days. It looks like
Dohrn shares that view. Indeed, a witness who questioned Dohrn tells
AIM the onetime fugitive from justice refused to deny she planted a
bomb on the window ledge of a police station in San Francisco that
killed a policeman.

But she has never been held accountable for this murder.

Newspaper accounts at the time put the number of people wounded at
nine. Riddled with shrapnel, Sgt. Brian V. McDonnell died two days
later at San Francisco General Hospital. A memorial was held for him
in February of 2007.

"Sergeant McDonnell caught the full force of the flying shrapnel,
which consisted of heavy metal staples and lead bullets. As other
officers tried rendering aid to the fallen sergeant, they could see
that he sustained a severed neck artery wound and severe wounds to
his eyes and neck," the San Francisco Police Officers Association
Journal reports.

"Officers [Ron] Martin and [Al] Arnaud, who were standing several
feet from the window ledge, were knocked to the ground and sustained
injuries from the flying glass," it says. The blast caused them
hearing impairment and shock. One officer was knocked to the floor
unconscious, while another "suffered multiple severe wounds on his
face, cheek and legs from the flying fragments of the glass."

The original testimony about Dohrn's involvement in this came during
a hearing by the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee on October 18,
1974. On that date, FBI undercover agent Larry Grathwohl testified at
length on his penetration of the Weathermen and how he learned
firsthand of its violent aims on America.

Under questioning from the panel's veteran counsel J.G. "Jay"
Sourwine, Grathwohl testified that with the Weathermen, an offshoot
of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), "it was no longer a
question of changing the system from within. It was to destroy the
system, completely destroy it, and that is what they said the first
time I met them, and that is what they said the last time I was with them."

Grathwohl also testified about a specific bombing:

"When he [Bill Ayers] returned, we had another meeting at which
time­and this is the only time that any Weathermen told me about
something that someone else had done­and Bill started off telling us
about the need to raise the level of the struggle and for stronger
leadership inside the Weathermen 'focals' [cells] and inside the
Weatherman organization as a whole. And [what] he cited as one of the
real problems was that someone like Bernardine Dohrn had to plan,
develop and carry out the bombing of the police station in San
Francisco, and he specifically named her as the person that committed
that act."

Grathwohl added that Ayers "said that the bomb was placed on the
window ledge and he described the kind of bomb that was used to the
extent of saying what kind of shrapnel was used in it."

He was asked, "Did he say who placed the bomb on the window ledge?"
He replied, "Bernardine Dohrn."

Asked if Ayers said that he had personally witnessed Dohrn placing
the bomb, Grathwohl responded, "Well, if he wasn't there to see it,
somebody who was there told him about it, because he stated it very
emphatically."

This testimony completely obliterates the notion, perpetuated by the
Chicago Tribune and other media, that the bombings only killed the
bombers themselves. Such propaganda is designed to play down the
serious nature of the terrorist crimes and make Obama's relationship
with Ayers and Dohrn more palatable.

Ayers Praised Dohrn

Grathwohl includes this conversation with Ayers in his 1976 book,
Bringing Down America: An FBI Informer with the Weathermen. The park
police station bombing in San Francisco was "a success," Ayers is
quoted as saying, "but it's a shame when someone like Bernardine
Dohrn has to make all the plans, make the bomb, and then place it
herself. She should have to do only the planning."

What a shame that Dohrn had to do all the dirty work. But it's
probably safe to assume that Ayers either helped her or knew about it
in advance.

Grathwohl reveals that Ayers himself knew how to make bombs and
didn't care about people being killed. At one point, he says, Ayers
displayed a diagram of a bomb, with dynamite and a fuse. The plan was
to bomb a police station but an objection was raised that it would
also destroy a nearby restaurant. "We'll blow out the Red Barn
restaurant," Grathwohl said. "Maybe even kill a few innocent
customers­and most of them are black."

"We can't protect all the innocent people in the world," Ayers
replied. "Some will get killed. Some of us will get killed. We have
to accept that fact."

Grathwohl says the Weather Under-ground (WUO) also considered using
kidnappings and assassinations in order to bring about their
communist revolution in the U.S. Possible kidnapping targets were
Vice President Spiro Agnew and presidential aide Henry Kissinger.

The KU Appearance

The Monday March 8, 1982 edition of The University Daily Kansan, the
student newspaper of the University of Kansas, ran a story about the
campus appearance the previous Friday of Bernadine Dohrn. She
declared, "Those of us who participated in the [Vietnam] anti-war
movement were not drastic enough."

Considering the testimony that she was responsible for planting the
bomb in San Francisco on Feb. 16, 1970 that killed Police Sgt. Brian
V. McDonnell, who caught the full force of the flying shrapnel, one
wonders what would qualify as "drastic enough."

AIM has been in contact with a witness to the events of the day of
Dohrn's 1982 appearance on the KU campus. John B. Barrett, then a
third semester law student at the university, showed up at the
meeting where Dohrn was speaking against the war then in El Salvador.
That was at a time when a Soviet-backed insurgency was out to take
over that beleaguered country. President Reagan's determination not
to let the Soviets gain one square inch of territory on his watch was
instrumental in putting the kibosh on that aggression. Reagan had a
policy of supporting the government of El Salvador.

As Barrett (now a practicing attorney in Goddard, Kansas) e-mailed
this writer, "Using Larry Grathwohl's testimony, and a pamphlet by
ex-FBI agents, I asked Dohrn how she could condemn killing by the
U.S. government when she had killed one police officer and injured
others. Her response was, 'Larry's a pig.' I asked about the incident
at least two more times, and got the same response each time."
Through it all, as Barrett tells us, Dohrn's two male companions
tried to shout him down; Dohrn told them to let him speak.

And then this:

"DOHRN NEVER SAID THAT GRATHWOHL HAD LIED OR DENIED THAT SHE HAD
PLANNED AND CARRIED OUT THE BOMBING THAT KILLED THE OFFICER IN SAN
FRANCISCO [Caps in original e-mail]."

During her appearance at KU, Dohrn also alleged that the U.S.
government "is the main enemy of the people of the world" and that
"Resorting to violence is painful and tragic, but with a slave/master
situation, something has to be done."

The Manson Murders

Not so coincidentally, members of the SDS such as Ayers and Dohrn
were becoming members of the Weather Underground and engaging in
numerous bombings and other violence as the case of Charles Manson
and his "family" emerged in 1969. Manson had taken a group of young
people, subjected them to heavy drug use, and ordered them to commit
mass murder. On the Weather Underground and their drug use, Ayers
writes in his own book, Fugitive Days, "Marijuana was available
everywhere­every party, every gathering, every meeting."

Dohrn went further, praising the psychopath Manson as a true
"revolutionary," adding, "First they killed those pigs [i.e., the
victims, including a pregnant movie actress], then they ate dinner in
the same room with them. Then they even shoved a fork into one's
stomach. Wild."

In her "Declaration of a State of War," Dohrn said, "We fight in many
ways. Dope is one of our weapons. The laws against marijuana mean
that millions of us are outlaws long before we actually split. Guns
and grass are united in the youth underground."

The pro-Manson comments were delivered by Dohrn at a national SDS
"War Council" in December of 1969. Those in attendance included SDS
leader Mark Rudd, who also gave a speech. Rudd was a subject of an
April 27, 2008, sympathetic article in the Washington Post about a
"Columbia 68" "reunion" of SDS members and student radicals who had
taken over campus buildings. Lee Bollinger, president of Columbia and
a board member of the Post, delivered a welcoming address and
participated in a panel discussion.

The Post article about the event neglected to mention that Rudd had
been to Communist Cuba before he led the riots and the takeover of
Columbia University. Rudd wrote an SDS pamphlet, titled simply
Columbia, which declared that during the "occupation" of Columbia
University, "It was no accident that we hung up pictures of Karl Marx
and Malcom X and Che Guevara and flew red flags from the tops of two
buildings." The pamphlet concluded with a quotation from Communist
Chinese mass murderer Mao Tse-Tung, "Dare to struggle, dare to win."

The Dohrn-Soros Connection

Dohrn is now a Clinical Associate Professor in the Bluhm Legal Clinic
at Northwestern School of Law and an adjunct faculty member of the
University of Illinois/Chicago in the Department of Criminal Justice.
Her curriculum vitae shows participation in several American Bar
Association (ABA) events and even a Department of Justice conference.
She was involved in a "Peace Studies Program" at Colgate University
and served on the board of the "Peace Museum" in Chicago, an entity
currently funded by the Playboy Foundation.

Most interesting, however, are her appearances at events sponsored by
the Open Society Institute (OSI) of billionaire leftist George Soros.
The Baltimore, Maryland branch of the OSI on May 12, 2004, hosted
Dohrn at a forum on criminal justice issues and discipline in
schools. In 1999, Dohrn participated in an OSI event at New York
University on "families in a free society," with a focus on welfare
reform and child welfare. (Another WUO member, Linda Evans, was given
a Soros grant to "increase civic participation of former prisoners.")

An objective observer might conclude that Ayers, Dohrn and their
comrades are now dedicated to creating a new student and youth
movement, like the one they participated in which eventually
developed into a full-blown terrorist organization that killed our
fellow citizens and tried to eliminate the "Thin Blue Line" of police
separating us from the criminals. In this new crusade, they not only
have an inspiring leader, Barack Obama, who attracts young people
with his promise of "change," but a moneybags named Soros, who has
funded causes such as rights for convicted felons and legalization of dope.

"I have very high regard for Hillary Clinton, but I think Obama has
the charisma and the vision to radically reorient America in the
world," Soros told Judy Woodruff of Bloomberg Television. "I think
that he has shown to be a really unusual person."

Where's The Justice?

So how do communist-backed terror bombers escape justice for their
crimes and end up introducing Barack Obama to the wider world of
American politics?

To answer that, one must recall the post-Watergate anti-intelligence
culture that began in the Ford years and accelerated in the Carter
administration, in which concern over a huge slave empire's drive for
world domination was deemed "an inordinate fear of communism," to
quote Jimmy Carter.

Roy M. Cohn, best known as chief counsel to the old McCarthy
committee, captured the tenor of the times:

"During the 1970s, the American internal security and
counter-intelligence community [including congressional committees
investigating communism] was virtually destroyed….by a
sensation-seeking national media which utilized selective "leaks" and
disclosures in order to present a bizarre, distorted picture of the
purpose and operations of the intelligence, counter-intelligence and
internal security agencies."

In those years, the FBI's hands were tied by such prohibitions as
being forbidden to clip news stories of subversive activities or
building a file on individual subversives and terrorists. Meanwhile,
the anti-intelligence lobby was going full tilt. Groups such as the
communist-front National Lawyers Guild, and the pro-Marxist Institute
for Policy Studies worked openly with the American Civil Liberties Union.

The Carter Justice Department prosecuted FBI agents Mark Felt (later
revealed as "Deep Throat" in the Watergate case) and Edward S. Miller
who were in pursuit of radicals in the Weather Underground (the
renamed Weathermen) who had planted bombs not only in San Francisco
but in New York, Los Angeles and in Washington at the U.S. Capitol
and other federal buildings.

It was left to President Reagan to pardon the agents. He declared:

"During their long careers, Mark Felt and Edward Miller served the
Federal Bureau of Investigation and our nation with great
distinction. To punish them further­after 3 years of criminal
prosecution proceedings­ would not serve the ends of justice.

"Their convictions in the U.S. District Court, on appeal at the time
I signed the pardons, grew out of their good-faith belief that their
actions were necessary to preserve the security interests of our
country. The record demonstrates that they acted not with criminal
intent, but in the belief that they had grants of authority reaching
to the highest levels of government.

"America was at war in 1972, and Messrs. Felt and Miller followed
procedures they believed essential to keep the Director of the FBI,
the Attorney General, and the President of the United States advised
of the activities of hostile foreign powers and their collaborators
in this country..."

One argument used by the defendants (and not contradicted) was that
the Weather Underground was taking orders and direction from Castro's Cuba.

The Cuban Connection

Herbert Romerstein, former investigator for the House Committee on
Un-American Activities and the House Internal Security Committee, has
said that "What is significant today are the neo-communists­many of
them are what we call red diaper babies and they came out of
communist families. But they were disappointed in the Soviet Union
back in the 1960's and 1970's and they were disappointed that the
American Communist Party was so weak. So, they said they were
communists and they were better communists than the American
Communist Party. I think a better term for people like Bill Ayers
and Bernardine Dohrn are neo-communists. They were not party
members, but they were fighting on behalf of the countries that the
Soviet Union controlled or created."

Romerstein noted that "A group of the Weathermen went down to Cuba in
the so-called Venceremos Brigade, and some of them received training
in terrorist activities.

"One of their instructors was named Julian Torres-Rizo. Rizo was an
officer of the Cuban DGI, the intelligence service. He was assigned
to work with the young Americans who were coming down ostensibly to
cut sugar cane. They were really coming down for training. And we
have one of Rizo's speeches in which he says, 'You come from a
society that must be destroyed. It's your job to destroy your society.'

"Well, Bernardine Dohrn and her cronies published Rizo's speech and I
have the copy that they published so we know what he did and what
they said. And Rizo later became the Cuban Ambassador to Grenada at
the time of Maurice Bishop and he was still the Cuban Ambassador when
Bishop was murdered by his own comrades and finally had to leave and
go back to Cuba where he became a member of the central committee of
the Cuban Communist Party.

"He's a very significant communist apparatchik and he was a
tremendous influence on the Weather Underground…he helped the
terrorists that were fighting against us at that time."
--

Cliff Kincaid is the Editor of the AIM Report.
Cliff can be reached at cliff.kincaid@aim.org

.

Thursday, July 24, 2008

Proud To Be a Vietnam Vet?

Proud To Be a Vietnam Vet?

http://www.lewrockwell.com/orig6/young-r3.html

by Roger Young
July 24, 2008

"It is such twisted thinking that leads those who refuse to examine
the content of their minds to bleat about the soldiers who "fight for
our freedom." What nonsense. Shall we next be told that Sunset
Boulevard hookers are peddling virtue?"
~ Butler Shaffer

Why would someone be "proud" to be a Vietnam veteran? Certainly, one
shouldn't necessarily be ashamed, particularly if they were
conscripted. But what is there to be proud of? The US government
lost the war. It was a war that, by all historical perspective,
should not have involved the intervention of the US government and
its military. In other words, the operation was misguided and a
failure. What is there to be proud of?

Why is a soldier who is killed or captured in war considered a
hero? It would seem to me that the first objective, when striving to
be a successful soldier, is not to be killed or captured. It is
impossible to achieve your goal of destroying your enemy when you are
dead or locked up under his control. Instead of a "hero," shouldn't
you be considered a failure?

Why does a US soldier say he is fighting for freedom when he, as an
enlisted individual, is not free?

Why is it that military failure is never blamed on the military,
itself, i.e., the individuals who make up the military? When
confronted with the question of why the military lost the Vietnam
War, or why the military did not protect the country (or even make an
effort) on 9/11, or why was the military on that same date unable to
even protect its own building – the answer is always, "it was someone
else's fault." Members of the military can never seem to find fault
in their own actions as reasons for their collective failures but
always seem to find someone (or thing) else to blame – be it
politicians, war protestors, insufficient financial and asset support, etc.

Why do militarists proudly point out soldier's benevolent acts toward
civilians suffering the effects of war when it is the soldiers that
caused the suffering in the first place?

Why do soldiers claim to be fighting for democracy (majority rule) in
Iraq when the American democratic majority, for whom they claim to
fight for, clearly has said they do not want the American military in Iraq?

Why do soldiers, who have taken an oath to defend the Constitution of
the United States, violate that oath when partaking in illegally executed wars?

Why are soldiers who refuse to fight in violation of that oath
considered "deserters" or "traitors?"

Why are soldiers considered the "best and the brightest" when they
fail to understand the clear language of the US Constitution, heed to
authority without question, and are unable to grasp the clear
evidence that the leaders that command them are ignorant, corrupt,
and deceiving? Shouldn't they be referred to as the "clueless and
easily deceived?"

Why do soldiers claim "they fight for you" when "you" never requested
the soldiers or anyone else do such a thing? Isn't that a rather
arrogant claim to make? I certainly don't recall making such a
request. "Excuse me, sir; do you have a signed contract that quote