Wednesday, August 27, 2008

GOP links Ayers to Kerry

GOP links Ayers to Kerry

http://www.boston.com/news/politics/politicalintelligence/2008/08/gop_links_ayers.html

by Foon Rhee, deputy national political editor
August 26, 2008

[See URL for video.]

In the latest volley in the ping-pong match over 1960s radical
William Ayers, the Republican National Committee has dug up a snippet
of him praising Senator John F. Kerry for throwing away his Vietnam
War decorations.

"John Kerry's finest moment," Ayers, a founder of the Weathermen,
says in the video from C-SPAN of a January 2006 appearance at the
National Press Club while promoting a book.

In a 1971 antiwar protest, Kerry discarded the ribbons from medals
for valor he was awarded for his service on swift boats. Republicans
and groups allied with them attacked Kerry's service and record
during his 2004 presidential campaign.

Democrat Barack Obama's campaign has been aggressively fighting back
against an independent advocacy group's TV ad linking Obama with
Ayers. Ayers led the Weather Underground organization, which took
credit for a series of bombings at the Pentagon and US Capitol in the
1960s. He is now a professor in Chicago and has served on a nonprofit
board with Obama.

The advocacy group's main benefactor is a Texas billionaire who has
given money to John McCain and other Republicans and who was also one
of the main funders of Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, which went after Kerry.

The Associated Press reports that not only has Obama run a response
ad, his campaign has warned TV station managers not to run the ad and
has asked the Justice Department to intervene. The campaign also
planned to compel advertisers to pressure stations that continue to
air the anti-Obama commercial.

Fox News and CNN have declined to air the anti-Obama ad, the AP says.
But by Monday afternoon, the ad had run about 150 times in local
markets in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Virginia and Michigan, according to
Evan Tracey, head of TNS Media Intelligence/Campaign Media Analysis
Group, an ad tracking firm.

Meanwhile, the Free History Project, a nonprofit organization that
produced 2004 documentary "The Weather Underground," said today that
it is demanding that all broadcasts of the ad be stopped, alleging
that it violates copyright laws by using footage without permisson.

.

Rock 'n' Roll Babylon: 50 Years of Sex, Drugs and Rock 'n' Roll

Rock 'n' Roll Babylon:
50 Years of Sex, Drugs and Rock 'n' Roll

by Gary Herman
Plexus Publishing
1 September 2008, 352 pages, $19.95

http://www.popmatters.com/pm/review/61981/rock-n-roll-babylon-50-years-of-sex-drugs-and-rock-n-roll/

by Christel Loar
22 August 2008

Rock 'n' Roll Babylon, Gary Herman's 1982 book has gone through many
editions in the last 26 years, adding current content as new trends
and innovations become part of the collective culture, and as new
stars rise and fall. Rock 'n' Roll Babylon: 50 Years of Sex, Drugs
and Rock 'n' Roll is the latest revised and updated version, taking
the reader from rock's genesis in the 1950s, right up to the tabloid
exploits of today's stars (Amy Winehouse's self-destruction and
Britney Spears' spectacular decline are featured, and there is nearly
an entire chapter devoted to perpetual lost-boy Pete Doherty and his
muse, Kate Moss).

Herman has written several other books on rock music, musicians and
movie stars, including Hollywood Babylon and The Who. He also
co-founded the 1970s magazine Let It Rock. Originally, Rock 'n' Roll
Babylon had 192 pages and 150 pictures, and has expanded over the
years to boast 352 pages and 300-plus pictures, more than 40 of which
are full-page photos (several of which have served as the cover shots
of previous editions). It's these striking black and white photos
that are the great revelation of this book, for they tell the real
story of rock 'n' roll, showing it as the beautifully seductive,
deceptively inclusive and brutally vindictive beast that it is. The
first chapter, titled "The Promised Land," features a facing page
photo of a mid-performance Mick Jagger, with his pale, skinny,
hairless chest, androgynous eye makeup, and a very prominent bulge in
his sequined jumpsuit. You'd be hard-pressed to find an image that
more succinctly sums up the implied and often incongruent promises
rock 'n' roll makes.

Of course, "The Promised Land" actually details the Monterey Pop
Festival, but it could allude to the rarefied air of rock stardom as
well. After this introductory chapter, Herman doesn't follow any
particular chronology, choosing instead to group incidents loosely by
topic; he covers the '50s, introduces the first collection of rock's
many train wrecks and tragic victims and wanders off point rather
annoyingly for several pages to explore Elvis Presley's sexual
proclivities, spiritual pretenses and self-prevarication later in
life, before cataloging several of the countless tragedies of rock's
other progenitors.

Despite the jumping back and forth in time and not having thoroughly
updated some of the early copy (some poorly edited passages make it
seem, for instance, that some dearly departed musicians are still
alive), there are enough titillating stories and mesmerizing photos
to thrill even the most jaded and in-the-know rock music junkie. Sex,
Drugs and Rock 'n' Roll opens with an iconic picture of Sid Vicious
tied off and shooting up and tells not just of the well-known busts
and fatalities, but also touches on other, overlooked side effects of
rock stars using drugs (the drug trial that broke up the Allman
Brothers Band, Eric Burdon's psychedelic breakdown, Syd Barrett,
etc.). Naturally, Herman does list details from the well-documented
(John Bonham, Keith Moon, Gram Parsons, etc.) to the now relatively
unknown (Mike Bloomfield, Tim Hardin, Jimmy McCulloch) casualties of
drug use and excess, however excesses of many varieties are
chronicled throughout the book.

There's the excessive "outrageousness" of image and performance
(Frank Zappa, David Bowie, the Velvet Underground's, Iggy Pop, Alice
Cooper and the Sex Pistols are discussed at length.) and the excess
toll of touring. There are excesses of fan adoration (from Elvis
fanatics­the "aristocracy of fandom"­to the more frightening
fanatics­collectors of Dylan's garbage and murderers like Manson and
Chapman, from Deadheads to dead audience members crushed by crazed
crowds or killed by security) and the excessively abusive groupie
scene (from both perspectives).

No other industry, save perhaps Hollywood, has such an excess of
corruption, corporatization, sensationalism and behind-the-scenes
sadness as the music industry and Rock 'n' Roll Babylon delves into
all of it (extended sections on Kurt Cobain and the spectacle that is
Michael Jackson are quite compelling). Herman also dives into the
sometimes hollow, sometimes heroic attempts by rock stars to rail
against the demons that haunt them and the monsters they have become.
Whether it's an about-face, religious conversion denouncing former
indulgences or a sincere effort to remain faithful or get clean,
there are a lot of rockers quick to blame all of their sins on rock 'n' roll.

Though it's true that there is an excess of repentance in rock 'n'
roll, just as surely as there is an excessive relapse rate (not to
mention the revisionism!), there is also a romance to it. Herman
chooses the many rock star relationships of Pamela Anderson, the very
public courtship and bitter divorce of Paul McCartney and Heather
Mills, and the circus of Kate Moss and Pete Doherty to illustrate the
connection between the music, the people who make it and their
personal relationships. It's a fact that in this media-saturated age,
rock 'n' rollers are as famous for who they date as for the musical
contributions, but I suspect Herman produced this relationship
chapter (and the "Celebrity Courtroom" chapter that follows and ends
the book) simply to include photos of today's tabloid stars like Kate
and Pete, Spears, and Winehouse.

That's not to say these subjects shouldn't be included, they are
important and intrinsic parts of rock 'n' roll after all, but perhaps
the next edition could benefit from a little more time to present new
material in a fuller context. A bit more revising and editing might
be a good idea, too (because, apparently, Courtney Love gets "visibly
raddled" and Roy Orbison appears to be alive and well 20 years after
his death). Still, Rock 'n' Roll Babylon is overall a fabulous book;
it exposes all of the things that make the idea rock 'n' roll so
irresistible, even after 50 years. And the photos are phenomenal!

.

Eccentric Soul: The Tragar & Note Labels

Various Artists:
Eccentric Soul: The Tragar & Note Labels
[Numero Group; 2008]

http://www.pitchforkmedia.com/article/record_review/142668-various-artists-eccentric-soul-the-tragar-note-labels

by Joe Tangari
August 22, 2008

By 1968, Jesse J. Jones, Jr. was a seasoned veteran of the music
business. He started out at 17, touring with Jimmy Witherspoon in
1948, formed his own band in 1949, and ruled the Atlanta club scene
until he broke for L.A. in 1956. He also gave a young saxophonist
named Ornette Coleman one of his earliest gigs. In L.A., Jones worked
for Specialty Records, cut a few sides for Ebb and launched his first
two labels, Lita and Four-J. It was the failure of the second imprint
that cost him his home and sent him back to Atlanta.

Despite being at the very heart of the chitlin' circuit, Atlanta had
a relatively small independent soul scene. One of the biggest
obstacles to establishing a productive black record industry in the
city was a the lack of a studio that catered to it. There was no
Motown, no Vee-Jay, no Chess, no Stax, no Revilot-- no one had
established a bedrock label to fuel a scene that had ample live
venues at its disposable. And so Jones set up shop, pulling together
the best band he could, securing financial backing, and booking time
at the National Recording Company studio, which until then had
specialized in country music.

The first few Tragar singles were good examples of music succeeding
(artistically, not commercially) on the strength of passion and
songwriting rather than studio expertise. Barbara "Tokay" Lewis
penned and sang the A- and B-sides of Tragar's inaugural single; the
B-side, "What Can the Matter Be", is where her magic can be heard--
it's a waltz-time deep soul burner stuffed with blistering blues
guitar and topped with a righteously dejected vocal. Even as the
label grew from the ground up, its first two years produced an
amazing clutch of great music that neatly straddles the line between
smoky Southern soul and the sophisticated arrangements that adorned
the crossover sound of the North.

Numero Group's enormous 2xCD, 50-track retrospective of Tragar and
its successor, Note, focuses mainly on 1968 and 1969, devoting all of
Disc One and two-fifths of Disc Two to those years. Good thing, too,
because the labels' diverse cuts rivaled the best contemporary soul
of the time. Franciene Thomas' "Too Beautiful to Be Good" is a
stunning ballad with a billowing, sorrowful melody; L. Daniels'
"Nitecap" is a fantastic, funky instrumental led by a big, Broadway
sax; Sandy Gaye wails like a woman possessed on the burbling workout
"Watch the Dog That Bring the Bone"; and Chuck Wilder does justice to
the time-worn sad clown theme on "The Clown", a dejected, dramatic,
and even somewhat psychedelic slow-burner with a string part
descended from "It's a Man's Man's Man's World". A couple of male
vocal duos turn in exemplary cuts as well: Frankie & Robert channel
Sam & Dave on "Sweet Thing", backed by a horn part to match, while
Langston & French's "Tumbling Down" is its morose but sweetly soulful
antithesis.

The greatest discovery of Tragar's early phase, though, was Eula
Cooper, who was only 14 when she had her first impromptu audition for
Jones, walking into his office at 799 ½ Hunter St. and singing her
own "Shake Daddy Shake" for him. Cooper has 11 songs on this
compilation, and she's the epitome of the talented should-have-been.
"Shake Daddy Shake" was certainly good for a 14-year-old, and it
charted locally, but it was a warm-up. Her adept and sensitive
reading of the Holland/Dozier/Holland chestnut "Love (Makes Me Do
Foolish Things)", recorded one year later, is a stunner, but it pales
next to her original "Try", a sweeping, uptown soul number with a
great vibraphone melody and mature vocal. Cooper continued to record
for Jones throughout the early 70s, but she never achieved more than
a local hit. "Beggars Can't Be Choosey", from 1973, is a fine
pop-soul tune, and "Let Our Love Grow Higher", recorded at Muscle
Shoals, has a brilliant rhythm track and sharp bounce that was
diverted from the charts by lack of promotion.

As Jones soldiered on until financial ruin in the 70s, the sounds he
was making echoed larger national trends, smoothing out and flirting
with the rise of disco. A few of these are outstanding-- especially
the Young Divines' "Ain't That Sharp", a swinging slice of well-honed
harmony soul that could've stood with the Stylistics if it had
received the proper backing. The greatest find of Jones' later years
was Alice Harper, who chose the stage name Alice Swoboda, taking the
surname from a New York Yankees outfielder. Her two tracks on this
compilation, both from 1972, are sophisticated soul numbers that dip
into funk, psychedelia, and folk. Her self-harmonizing over the
relentless clavinet groove of "I Think It's Time (You Were Mine)" is
jaw-dropping, as is the shuddering orchestral arrangement that backs
it, while her strange mid-point between Joni Mitchell and Nina Simone
on "Potter's Field" is weirdly arresting. She was a singular talent
who probably should have been releasing albums on Elektra or Harvest,
and these sides are truly great finds.

Jones persevered for as long as he could, sporadically churning out
singles until the end of the decade, but all dreams have to end, and
Jones' concluded without ever managing the true breakout that could
have come if luck had merely sided with him once. This sweeping
collection reveals his many highs and a few of his lows with great
affection, finally shedding some light on the greatest player in
Atlanta's strangely undersized independent soul scene.

.

Judith Malina, woman alone (sort of)

[4 articles]

Judith Malina, woman alone (sort of)

http://www.thevillager.com/villager_277/judithmalina.html

By JERRY TALLMER
August 20 - 26, 2008

There's going to be a benefit at Joe's Pub this coming Monday, August
25, in honor of Judith Malina and The Living Theater, but Judith,
though she will certainly be there along with Debbie Harry and other
revolutionists­the evening is headlined "Revolutionary Acts"­doesn't
really want to talk about that.

She wants to talk about "Eureka!"

Imagine. Eighty-two years old, with hearing aids in both ears that do
not work worth a damn, a woman alone after the deaths of the two men
who were the lights of her life­Julian in 1985, Hanon just this past
May­and here she is, bringing forth to the stage as director (she's
only been doing this for sixtysomething years) yet one more extremely
offbeat drama, a heritage from Hanon, who left her and us before he
could complete it

"October 1," she says with a certain force. "That's when we open.
'Eureka, exclamation mark.' Yes, at The Living Theater, 21 Clinton Street.

"It's a participatory show – actors and audience participating
together. Fifteen characters. Two of them are Poe and Humboldt"­Edgar
Allen Poe, he of "The Raven," that is, and Alexander von Humboldt,
the 19th-century explorer and naturalist.

"Everything is flourishing­except money," she says. This is the
lifelong avant-garde torchbearer who likes to quote from Tennyson: "
… To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield."

Julian Beck, poet, painter, actor, designer, ethereal
anarchist, whom she fell in love with in their teens, and with whom
she founded The Living Theater in the 1940s and built it into
worldwide often-jailed fame, died of cancer, at 60, in 1985.

Hanon Reznikov, a Yale physics major from Brooklyn, was so thrilled
by the Living Theater"s "Paradise Now" that in 1977 he dropped
everything and joined that company, where he would flower as writer,
director, and actor. He and Judith got married three years after the
death of Julian. The groom was 24 years younger and almost that many
inches taller than the bride.

"Hanon and Julian and I really ran the theater together," she says.
"We were lovers together. Everybody knew that."

A romantic triumvirate?

"Yes. And because we were a trio, there was a kind of rhythm in our
lives. And because I was never an independent woman – because we
always worked together­maybe I shouldn't say this, it could turn the
feminists against me­it was always a partnership, so it's very
difficult for me now."

Judith Malina, dependent woman! Maybe you should ask the fire
inspector whom she threw a spear at one day in the '40s during the
rehearsals of an Aeschylus or a Euripedes at the Cherry Lane, one of
the earliest of the Living Theater's many way stations. Or ask any
one of the actors in "The Connection": or: "The Brig" or "Paradise
Now" or any other Living Theater curtain-smasher.

She pats the knee of a very nice young man who is sort of an aide
these days­Brad Burgess, 23, from Boston. "A wonderful actor," she
says, "who gave up being in a European tour of 'The Brig'"­Kenneth
Brown's jolting 1960s play about a U.S. Marines punishment center
(think Guantanamo, 2001-2008)­"to help me out. And he was just
wonderful in 'The Brig' in a whole variety of roles."

It was during the original run of "The Brig," at 14th Street and
Sixth Avenue, that the feds busted The Living Theater for back taxes.
The cast, crew, audience, Julian, Judith, everybody swarmed over the
roof and into the theater for one last bootleg performance. As
recently as July 4, 2007, when a new generation of Living Theater
people went to perform "The Brig" at Ground Zero, New York City cops
tried to bust them all over again. Nothing changes.

Or everything changes. That is one of the possibilities raised by
"Eureka!," a play derived and begun by Hanon Reznikov from an 1848
book of the same title by Edgar Allen Poe, then finished by Judith
after Hanon's death.

"It was Poe's last book," she says, "a huge book, and practically
unreadable. He called it 'a prose poem' '' -- and dedicated it to
Humboldt, a fellow explorer of terra incognita. "Poe realized,
reading the works of Humboldt, that the beginning of creation must
have come from a singularity, a single point, which somehow exploded
in what we now call the Big Bang."

Or, to put it in terms of one of the lines in the play (Poe
speaking): "My proposition is this: In the original unity of the
first thing lies the cause of all things, with the germ of their
inevitable annihilation."

Bang! And if you know Judith Malina and The Living Theater over all
these years, the Big Bang of human orgasm is wrapped somewhere all
through that equation too.

Indeed, "the Big Bang will happen on our stage," she says. "The Big
Bang is when everything flew outward, and is still flying outward. My
objective is to make the audience realize they are participating in creation."

Hey, Judith, you've been participating in creation since the cradle,
wouldn't you say?

"That's right­but not everybody knows it," she says, clasping her
hands and nodding affirmation.

"Of course the scientists of that day pooh-poohed Poe's theory,"
Judith says, "and as Hanon was reading along, he said: 'I could make
a play of this.' I said: 'How could you possibly?' and Hanon said:
'I have a lot of ideas,' and began making lots of notes.

"We actually started rehearsing in January and February, and then he
died. He was working along under terrible stress­the difficulty of
maintaining the theater­and one morning [April 9] he couldn't speak
very well. He'd had a stroke. I called 911. He was taken to Beth
Israel, where after a month we thought he was improving. But then he
got pneumonia, and two days later he was dead" (at 57).

They had survived much together, including a year or more in a
rathole one-room apartment off Times Square while waiting for
construction to be completed on the Living Theater's new Lower East
Side premises at 21 Clinton Street that they'd bought on the proceeds
from the sale of the great old rambling West End Avenue
apartment­once Julian's parents; apartment – where Judith and Julian,
and then Hanon, had lived for many years.

Back to "Eureka!" for a moment. It hypothesizes three kinds of
civilization, Judith says: the cyclic civilization, "where everything
will start all over again after another Big Bang;" the progressive
civilization "that we live in now;" and the dissident, or anarchic,
civilization.

That would be your choice, right, Judith?

"Yes, I am an anarchist," says Judith Malina, the rabbi's daughter,
born Kiel, Germany, June 4, 1926. "Anarchists are looking for an
alternative to the destruction of civilization. They like it this way."

And her Living Theater is looking forward far beyond "Eureka!"­right
at the moment, hopefully, to a 50th- anniversary production, on or
around New Year's, of the late Jack Gelber's "The Connection," the
1959 so-called "jazz play" that smashed, as never before, the glass
wall between actors and audience, and was cordially detested by all
but a few reviewers of its day (you are reading one of the few). Its
subject: a bunch of guys, some of them musicians, waiting around in a
dingy pad for Cowboy to come with their fix.

How do you keep alive, Judith? How do you eat? Do you cook?

"I don't cook" she replies with asperity. "I don't cook anything.
Never did. I really maintain myself with the help of the Living
Theater people."

Living Theater­the sixtysomething-year-old international commune.
Think of it that way.

Which brings us back to "Revolutionary Acts," the August 25 benefit
at Joe's Pub organized by Barbara Maier, a voice teacher who lives in
Chelsea and read about Judith in Goodie magazine, the journal edited
and published by Romy Ashby and Foxy Kidd. "I can't stand to see
authentic New York disappear,'" says Ms. Maier. She has taught voice
to most of the people on the star-studded August 25 entertainment bill.

Doors open at 6:30 p.m. at 425 Lafayette Street. Tickets $30
(standing room) to $50 (plus $12 minimum at tables). Call (212)
967-7555 or (212) 539-8778, or go to www.joespub.com.

"Money!" says Judith Malina in her 82nd year. "It wore Hanon down and
is wearing me down. But I'm too busy to care."

--------

Revolutionary Acts: A Benefit for the Living Thea

http://www.villagevoice.com/events/revolutionary-acts-a-benefit-for-the-living-thea-568060/

Date/Time:Mon., August 25, 7:00pm
Price: $30-$50

VIVA LA REVOLUCIÓN
Keep the Living Theatre alive

SHARYN JACKSON

You'll never see the Living Theatre do a Disney adaptation, that's
for sure. The company, which was founded in 1947 by Judith Malina and
her husband, Julian Beck, has staged almost 100 works by literary
outsiders like Gertrude Stein, William Carlos Williams, and Bertolt
Brecht and served as an alternative to commercial theater. In those
60 years, the company has never been able to hold onto a space; now
located on the Lower East Side amid high-end condos and low-income
projects, the theater stages social and political commentary that's
as relevant today as it ever was. Meanwhile, they've got to pay those
LES-size rents. Tonight, several generations of artists and
activists­including Debbie Harry, Nellie McKay, Austin Pendleton, the
cast members of Passing Strange, and MC Murray Hill­unite for
Revolutionary Acts: A Benefit for the Living Theatre. Join them in
honoring Malina, 81, who will be attending, and the subversive art to
which she's devoted her life.

--------

Judith Malina to Be Honored at 4th Annual IT Awards

http://www.theatermania.com/content/news.cfm/story/15028

By: Brian Scott Lipton · Aug 22, 2008

Living Theatre co-founder Judith Malina will receive the 2008
Artistic Achievement Award at the 4th Annual New York Innovative
Theatre Awards (IT Awards), dedicated to celebrating
Off-Off-Broadway, to take place at the Fashion Institute of
Technology on September 22.

Honorary awards will also be given to New York Theatre Experience and
the Boomerang Theatre Company at the event, which will feature an
opening number by Blue Man Group.

Among the many nominees are Vampire Cowboys Theatre Company's Fight
Girl Battle World, which received nominations for outstanding
production of a play, playwright Qui Nguyen, outstanding ensemble,
featured actor Paco Tolson, director Robert Ross Parker,
choreographer Qui Nguyen, costume designer Jessica Wegener, and sound
designer Patrick Shearer. The musicals Honor, The People Vs. Mona,
and The Rockae all received nominations, as did Yank!, for which
Bobby Steggert was nominated as Outstanding Actor in a Lead Role.

Other nominees include Taylor Mac's The Young Ladies Of... for both
solo and performance art production; Petronia Paley for her solo On
the Way to Timbuktu; director Emma Griffin for Removable Parts;
composer Peter Mills for The Rockae; playwright Bekah Brunstetter for
You May Go Now; and the New York Neo-Futurists for ensemble work and
performance art production, Too Much Light Makes the Baby Go Blind.

For tickets or more information, visit www.nyitawards.com.

--------

Malina, Boomerang and New York Theatre Experience to Be Honored at IT Awards

http://www.playbill.com/news/article/120691.html

By Adam Hetrick
22 Aug 2008

The New York Theatre Experience, Boomerang Theatre Company and Living
Theatre founder Judith Malina will be honored at the 2008 Off-Off
Broadway IT Awards.

The 2008 Innovative Theatre Awards will be presented Sept. 22 at the
Fashion Institute of Technology. The evening, celebrating the best of
Off Off-Broadway, will open with a special performance from Blue Man Group.

Living Theatre founder Judith Malina will be honored with the 2008
Artistic Achievement Award, which is "presented to an individual who
has made a significant artistic contribution to the Off-Off-Broadway
community." The Living Theatre is credited with inaugurating the
Off-Off Broadway movement and introducing the U.S. to avant-garde theatre.

The New York Theatre Experience will be presented with the 2008
Stewardship Awards for "demonstrating a significant contribution to
the Off-Off-Broadway community through service, support and
leadership," for its use of new and traditional media to connect
emerging non-profit artists with theatregoers.

The 2008 Caffe Cino Fellowship, "presented to an Off-Off-Broadway
theatre company that consistently produces outstanding work," will be
awarded to the Boomerang Theatre Company, now in its tenth season.
This award also includes a fellowship to be used toward an
Off-Off-Broadway production.

IT Award nominations were announced July 21 at the Off Off-Broadway
venue Our Lady of Pompeii. The 2008 nominations, including 127
individual artists and 47 productions, have been culled from the work
of over 3,000 artists.

For a complete list of nominations, visit www.nyitawards.com.

.

Obama's Radical Friends And What They Reveal

[4 articles]

Conservatives blast Obama for ties to ex-Weatherman

http://www.news-leader.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20080825/NEWS06/808250362/1015

Chad Livengood • News-Leader • August 25, 2008

Conservative commentators in this presidential election have railed
on Sen. Barack Obama for his association with Bill Ayers, an
unrepentant 1960s radical who bombed the Pentagon as part of the
Weathermen terrorist group.

On Thursday, Oklahoma Sen. Tom Coburn appeared at Bass Pro Shops
Outdoor World in Springfield for a "Sportsmen for John McCain" event
with McCain supporters.

When asked what stories the national media have not covered in this
election campaign, Coburn brought up the Obama-Ayers connection.

Ayers, who is now an English professor at the University of Illinois
at Chicago, lives in Chicago's Hyde Park neighborhood with Obama.
They served together on the board of a Chicago-based charity. Obama
left the board in December 2002. Obama also was the first chairman of
a Chicago school reform group Ayers founded.

Ayers contributed $200 to Obama's state Senate campaign in 2001 and
once hosted a meet-the-candidate party for Obama in the mid-1990s.

When Obama was asked about his relation with Ayers at a primary
debate in April, he questioned the relevance of ABC's George
Stephanopoulos' question.

"The notion that somehow as a consequence of me knowing somebody who
engaged in detestable acts 40 years ago, when I was 8 years old,
somehow reflects on me and my values doesn't make much sense," Obama said.

Obama then brought Coburn into the debate.

"The fact is that I'm also friendly with Tom Coburn, one of the most
conservative Republicans in the United States Senate," Obama said,
"who during his campaign once said that it might be appropriate to
apply the death penalty to those who carried out abortions."

Coburn made it obvious Obama's dodge-and-spin from the question burns
him to this day.

"He said 'I'm a friend of Tom Coburn and he thinks people who kill
babies ought to have a consequence,'" Coburn told McCain supporters.

Coburn said Obama should level with the American people why he
remains associated with Ayers, who after the Sept. 11 attacks made
headlines when he told the Chicago Tribune that the Weathermen
"weren't terrorists ... because we did not commit random acts of
terror against people. Terrorism was what was being practiced in the
countryside of Vietnam by the United States."

The Weathermen group, which bombed the U.S. Capitol in 1971, never
killed innocent people with their bombs -- but members of the group
did blow themselves up during bomb production.

"Here's a faculty professor who still professes almost-Marxism in
Chicago, and yet he is a confidant of Barack Obama," Coburn said.
"Why shouldn't Barack answer that question?"

...
--

Send political news and announcements to reporter Chad Livengood at
clivengood@news-leader.com, fax him at 837-1381 or call him at 836-1260.

--------

Obama Needs to Explain His Ties to William Ayers

http://www.usnews.com/blogs/barone/2008/08/22/obama-needs-to-explain-his-ties-to-william-ayers.html

August 22, 2008
Michael Barone

In my U.S. News column this week, I make a brief reference to the
unrepentant Weather Underground terrorist bomber William Ayers and
his connections to Barack Obama. They were closer than Obama implied
when George Stephanopoulos asked him about Ayers in the April 16
debate­the last debate Obama allowed during the primary season. To
get an idea of how close they were, check out Tom Maguire's Just One
Minute blog and Steve Diamond's Global Labor and Politics. The
Obama-Ayers relationship is also mentioned in David Freddoso's The
Case Against Barack Obama: The Unlikely Rise and Unexamined Agenda of
the Media's Favorite Candidate.

Ayers was one of the original grantees of the Chicago Annenberg
Challenge, a school reform organization in the 1990s, and was
cochairman of the Chicago School Reform Collaborative, one the two
operational arms of the CAC. Obama, then not yet a state senator,
became chairman of the CAC in 1995. Later in that year, the first
organizing meeting for Obama's state Senate campaign was held in
Ayers's apartment. Ayers later wrote a memoir, and an article about
him appeared in the New York Times on Sept. 11, 2001. "I don't regret
setting bombs," Ayers is quoted as saying. "I feel we didn't do enough."

Ayers was a terrorist in the late 1960s and 1970s whose radical group
set bombs at the Pentagon and U.S. Capitol.

You might wonder what Obama was doing working with a character like
this. And you might wonder how an unrepentant terrorist got a huge
grant and cooperation from the Chicago public school system. You
might wonder­if you don't know Chicago. For this is a city with a
civic culture in which politicians, in the words of a story often
told by former congressman, federal judge, and Clinton White House
counsel Abner Mikva, "don't want nobody nobody sent." That's what
Mikva remembers being told when he went to a Democratic ward
headquarters to volunteer for Adlai Stevenson in the 1950s, and it
rings true. And it's a civic culture in which there's nobody better
to send you than your parents.

That's how William Ayers got where he was. When he came out of hiding
because the federal government was unable to prosecute him (because
of government misconduct), he got a degree in education from Columbia
and then moved to Chicago and got a job on the education faculty of
the University of Illinois-Chicago Circle. How did he get that job?
Well, it can't have hurt that his father, Thomas Ayers, was chairman
of Commonwealth Edison (now Exelon) and a charter member of the
Chicago establishment. As Mayor Richard M. Daley said recently, in
arguing that the Ayers association should not be held against Obama,
"His father was a great friend of my father."

In none of our other major cities is genealogy so important. I
remember a story that Bill Plante of CBS News has often told. Plante
was working for WBBM, the Chicago CBS-owned and -operated affiliate,
during the violence-plagued Democratic National Convention. At a
press conference, he asked the late Mayor Richard J. Daley a question
"da mare" thought was impertinent. Daley's answer was, "Sometimes
even in the best of families there's a bad apple." It baffled the
members of the national press, but not those from Chicago. Plante's
father and brother were Democratic precinct committeemen in the 49th
Ward. The late Mayor Daley had the whole city of Chicago in his head.
It is only natural that his son should vouch for someone by saying
that their fathers were great friends.

The voters of Chicago and Illinois respect family ties in a way that
voters in no other state or city do. The current Mayor Daley is, of
course, the son of the late Mayor Daley; the two Daleys have been
mayors, and effective and competent mayors, of Chicago for 40 of the
last 53 years. The attorney general of Illinois is the daughter of
the speaker of the Illinois House of Representatives. The governor of
Illinois is the son-in-law of the Democratic ward committeeman in the
33rd Ward. The congressman from the 2nd Congressional District is
Jesse Jackson Jr. Jackson's predecessor-but-one in the district was
Morgan Murphy Jr., whose father was chairman of (get this) Commonwealth Edison.

But my favorite example of the importance of family ties is 3rd
District Rep. Dan Lipinski, who was first elected in 2004 to replace
his father, Bill Lipinski, who was first elected in 1982. Bill
Lipinski won the Democratic nomination in the March 2004 primary. But
on August 13, he announced he would not seek re-election and would
resign the Democratic nomination. The deadline for replacing him was
August 26, and a meeting was set on August 17 for the 19th Ward and
township Democratic committeemen to choose a new candidate. Lipinski
announced his support for his son, who was then a professor of
political science at the University of Tennessee and had not lived in
Chicago for many years. Among the committeemen making the decision
were: 11th Ward committeeman and County Commissioner John Daley, son
of the late mayor and brother of the current mayor; 13th Ward
committeeman Michael Madigan, speaker of the Illinois House and
father of Attorney General Lisa Madigan; 14th Ward committeeman
Edward Burke, who succeeded his father as a council member in his 20s
and and was longtime chairman of the Finance Committee, and whose
wife is a justice of the Illinois Supreme Court; 19th Ward
committeeman Tom Hynes, former Cook County Assessor and father of
Illinois Comptroller Dan Hynes; and 23rd Ward committeeman Bill
Lipinski. An electorate more averse to an argument against nepotism
cannot be imagined. Lipinski advanced his son's name and said, "I'm
optimistic, but one never knows in politics until the votes are
counted." It did not take long to count them: Dan Lipinski was
nominated without opposition. To the charge that the nomination was
rigged, one participant dryly noted that anyone could have run.

To which it should be added that Dan Lipinski has since won two
seriously contested Democratic primaries to hold the seat
(Republicans are not a factor in this district). One reason that
Chicago and Illinois voters have acquiesced to the politics of
nepotism is that its products­or many of them­are quite competent.
Mayor Richie Daley, if I can call him that, has on the whole been an
excellent mayor. Edward Burke is a cultured man of high intellect.
Michael Madigan seems to be a solidly competent sort, and for all I
know his daughter is, too. Dan Rostenkowski was a highly competent
chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee for 14 years, until he
was laid low by a bit of cheap chiseling; at that point he and his
father had been the 32nd Ward committeemen for just about 60 years.
(The younger Rostenkowski got his seat in the House in 1958 because
his father, Joe Rostenkowski, had supported the late Mayor Daley in
the 1955 Democratic primary against fellow Polish-American Benjamin
Adamowski.) There are exceptions. Many political observers would put
Rod Blagojevich, the son-in-law of 33rd Ward committeeman Dick Mell,
on the top of the list of the nation's dumbest governors. But then,
for Chicago, it has always been more important who is mayor than who
is governor (not to mention out-of-town jobs like U.S. senator).

Which leads us back to Barack Obama, who is now a U.S. senator and
will shortly become the Democratic nominee for an office that even
Chicago regards as more important than mayor. And the question
presents itself: How did this outsider from Hawaii and Columbia and
Harvard become somebody somebody sent? His wife, Michelle Robinson
Obama, had some connections: Her father was (I believe) a Democratic
precinct committeeman, she baby-sat for Jesse Jackson's children, and
she worked as a staffer for the current Mayor Daley. Obama made
connections on the all-black South Side by joining the Rev. Jeremiah
Wright's church. But was Obama's critical connection to le tout
Chicago William Ayers? That's the conclusion you are led to by Steve
Diamond's blog. And by the fact that the National Review's Stanley
Kurtz was suddenly denied access to the records of the Chicago
Annenberg Challenge by the Richard J. Daley Library at the University
of Illinois-Chicago Circle. (Kurtz had already been given an index to
the records.) Presumably the CAC records would show a closer
collaboration between Ayers and Obama than was suggested by Obama's
response to Stephanopoulos that Ayers was just a guy "in the neighborhood."

The increasingly sharp McCain campaign had the wit to ask the
University of Illinois to open up the CAC records. But it doesn't
seem likely the university will open them up; as John Kass puts it in
a characteristically pungent column in the Chicago Tribune, "Welcome
to Chicago, Mr. Kurtz."

Does it matter if William Ayers was the key somebody who made Barack
Obama a somebody somebody sent? I think it does. Not that Obama
shares all of Ayers's views, which surely he does not. Or that he
endorses Ayers's criminal acts, which, as he has pointed out, were
committed while he was a child in Hawaii and Indonesia. But his
willingness to associate with an unrepentant terrorist is not the
same as Daley's (expressed, as George W. Bush's thoughts are, in
disjointed prose but the product of a considerable intellect and
seasoned judgment):

"Bill Ayers, I've said this, his father was a great friend of my
father. I'll be very frank. Vietnam divided families, divided people.
It was a terrible time of our country. It really separated people.
People didn't know one another. Since then, I'll be very frank,
(Ayers) has been in the forefront on a lot of education issues and
helping us in public schools and things like that.

"People keep trying to align himself with Barack Obama. It's really
unfortunate. They're friends. So what? People do make mistakes in the
past. You move on. This is a new century, a new time. He reflects
back and he's been making a strong contribution to our community."

For Daley, family is paramount, and Ayers is admitted into le tout
Chicago because his father is one of its pillars. And electoral
politics is also paramount: In a city that is roughly 40 percent (and
falling) white ethnic and 40 percent black, with an increasing
gentrified white population, the current Mayor Daley has maintained
very strong support from lakefront liberals, including the Hyde
Park/Kenwood leftists like Ayers who were the original movers behind
Obama's 1996 state Senate candidacy. It's in Daley's interest to work
with these people and against his interest to do anything that seems
like disrespecting them. As Bill Daley told me when I asked him some
years ago whether his father would have approved of Richie marching
in the gay rights parade, "Our father always told us when a group was
big enough to control a ward, we should pay attention to them."
Staying mayor is real important to Daley, and Daley staying mayor is
real important to le tout Chicago. An unrepentant terrorist? Hey, we
know your dad. And you control the 5th Ward.

For Obama, the outsider who gained the trust of the insiders, the
position is different. He was willing to use Ayers and ally with him
despite his terrorist past and lack of repentance. An unrepentant
terrorist, who bragged of bombing the U.S. Capitol and the Pentagon,
was a fit associate. Ayers evidently helped Obama gain insider status
in Chicago civic life and politics­how much, we can't be sure unless
the Richard J. Daley Library opens the CAC archive. But most American
politicians would not have chosen to associate with a man with
Ayers's past or of Ayers's beliefs. It's something voters might
reasonably want to take into account.

--------

Obama's Radical Friends And What They Reveal

http://www.dailynews-record.com/opinion_details.php?AID=30811&CHID=36

Posted 2008-08-22
Editorial

Those who oppose Democrat Presidential Barack Obama often express
their doubts about him as a simple question: "Who is he?" But it is
more than just a question. It is a worry, and for many good reasons.

One reason is the University of Illinois' refusing to release records
of Mr. Obama's affiliation with a non-profit outfit under the command
of former Weather Underground terrorist Bill Ayers. The Weather
Underground, you may recall, was that group of fine young Americans
skipping thither and yon tossing bombs and killing cops during that
infantile conniption known as "the '60s."

What should concern everyone about Mr. Obama isn't just Mr. Ayers,
although this unpunished formerly hirsute bomb-thrower is bad enough.
It is Mr. Obama's lifelong, abiding infatuation with radical leftists
and at least one outright communist. Throughout his career, Mr. Obama
hasn't just bumped into these characters by accident. He sought their
friendship. He sought their advice. And he sought their help.

Aside from Mr. Ayers and his wife, Bernadine Dohrn, another
unrepentant America-hating leftist, we have that inestimable guru of
black liberation theology, Jeremiah Wright. Mr. Obama's connection to
this vile character is a serious concern, just as a direct connection
between John McCain and a Christian Identity minister would be a
serious concern.

When the media revealed Mr. Wright's "god damn America" speech, Mr.
Obama did nothing. Not until Mr. Wright became an obvious political
liability did Mr. Obama jettison the crazed lunatic. Aside from that,
we have Mr. Obama's tortured explanations that he doesn't believe
"black liberation theology," that he never heard Mr. Wright's
incendiary anti-American and anti-white sermons, and that the man who
made racially inflammatory speeches was a different man from the one
Mr. Obama knew. Those dogs just won't hunt.

Mr. Obama sat in Mr. Wright's pews for 20 years. Mr. Wright
officiated at Mr. Obama's wedding. He baptized Mr. Obama's children.
Truth is, Mr. Obama knew exactly what Mr. Wright believed, and he
attended the church despite it. Indeed, he may have attended the
church because of it. So much for Mr. Obama's minister.

Another of the influences in Mr. Obama's formation, we now know, was
a fellow named Frank Marshall Davis, whom Mr. Obama describes in his
flimsy autobiography, "Dreams Of My Father," as a veritable Grandpa
Walton "with his books and whiskey breath and the hint of hard-earned
knowledge behind the hooded eyes." Mr. Davis, the ever accurate and
enlightening Associated Press reported, was a "left-leaning poet" to
whom Mr. Obama turned as a mentor when the presidential candidate
grew up in Hawaii.

The simple truth belies the benign caricature of Davis as an old
geezer who took a snort while dispensing the wisdom of the ages. Mr.
Davis wasn't just "left-leaning." He was card-carrying Red, a member
of the Communist Party USA, the most slavishly pro-Soviet communist
party on the planet. Indeed, the "left-leaning" Davis was a communist
at a time when Josef Stalin and his apostles of death were murdering
millions. Space here does not permit a full recitation of Mr. Davis'
career. Suffice it say that Mr. Obama didn't have much problem with
Mr. Davis, who advocated the violent overthrow of the country Mr.
Obama now seeks to lead.

Now, if Sen. John McCain had repeatedly affiliated himself with
cosmically radical lunatics, you can bet the media would cover the
story. But leaving aside that truth and the question of why the AP
covered up Mr. Davis' communist affiliation, one must question the
ideology of a man who is bosom pals with terrorists, race hustlers
and communists. He hung out with Mr. Ayers and Ms. Dohrn for years.
He attended Mr. Wright's church for two decades. And his mentor was
an apologist for Stalin.

Who is Barack Obama? The answer is no mystery.

--------

Dallas billionaire Harold Simmons finances anti-Obama ad

http://www.dallasnews.com/sharedcontent/dws/news/politics/national/stories/082408dnpolobamaad.69811d3.html

August 23, 2008
By WAYNE SLATER and GROMER JEFFERS JR./The Dallas Morning News
wslater@dallasnews.com, gjeffers@dallasnews.com

DENVER – A Dallas billionaire who helped bankroll the Swift Boat
Veterans attack on John Kerry is the sole funder of a new television
ad linking Barack Obama to a 1960s radical antiwar group.

Harold Simmons gave $2.88 million to the American Issues Project,
which is using the money to air the ad, according to Federal Election
Committee filings.

The commercial raises questions about Mr. Obama's relationship with
William Ayers, a University of Chicago professor who three decades
ago was a member of the Weather Underground.

The 60-second spot is playing in Ohio and Michigan, two swing states
where Mr. Obama and John McCain are running close in the polls.

The Obama campaign cried foul.

"It's not surprising that the smear peddlers that bankrolled the
Swift Boat lies four years ago on behalf of George Bush are once
again using old-fashioned Washington tactics to lie about Barack
Obama on behalf of John McCain," said Obama spokeswoman Shannon Gilson.

Christian Pinkston of the American Issues Project defended the ad as
accurate and well-documented.

"This is an issue of substance," said Mr. Pinkston, who also worked
for Swift Boat Veterans. "It goes to Sen. Obama's judgment. And the
fact that he seems to surround himself with people who hate the
United States of America seemed worth exploring."

Mr. Simmons did not return a telephone call seeking comment.

Mr. Pinkston said he didn't know how Mr. Simmons, a major McCain
fundraiser, was contacted to bankroll the group's media effort.

Under federal law, it's illegal for independent groups to coordinate
with political candidates. Mr. Pinkston said there was no contact
between his group, which was founded by a former McCain consultant,
and the McCain campaign.

Mr. Simmons, an investor who heads the corporate holding company
Contran, is one of the most prolific political donors in the country.
He was among President Bush's largest campaign contributors and has
given millions of dollars to candidates and groups aligned with the GOP.

He and two other Texans, Houston homebuilder Bob Perry and Dallas
oilman T. Boone Pickens, were primary backers in 2004 of Swift Boat
Veterans, which challenged Mr. Kerry's military service. Many of the
group's charges were subsequently discredited, but its ad campaign
proved politically devastating.

Mr. Simmons is a major benefactor of Texas politicians. He has given
more than $500,000 to Gov. Rick Perry and more than $300,000 to both
Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst and Attorney General Greg Abbott.

Mr. Simmons is the major owner of Waste Control Specialists, which is
seeking state approval to expand its radioactive waste operations in
West Texas to include a higher level of nuclear material. The state's
environmental commissioners are appointed by Mr. Perry.

Craig McDonald of Texans for Public Justice, a nonprofit group that
monitors campaign contributions, said, "Texas is a breeding ground
for this type of dirty politics."

"Given the legal limits on contributions to presidential candidates,
bankrolling so-called independent attack ads is one way for
mega-donors to exercise their clout," he said.

The American Issues Project is one of scores of independent
committees created to support Republican and Democratic candidates in
the presidential race.

Its anti-Obama ad underscores how The Weather Underground claimed
responsibility for bombing government buildings. Mr. Ayers was
indicted but not convicted on conspiracy charges.

Now a college professor, Mr. Ayers served with Mr. Obama on the board
of a charitable organization in Chicago and hosted a fundraiser at
his home in 1995 when Mr. Obama was running for state office.

.

Dreams of Obama [by Tom Hayden]

Dreams of Obama

http://www.sdcitybeat.com/cms/story/detail/dreams_of_obama/7231/

Transformational president or another disappointment? That's up to us

By Tom Hayden
08/19/2008

Barack Obama, it is true, is a transformational leader. But he needs
a transformational movement to become a transformational president.

My wife and I have an adopted 8-year-old "biracial" boy whose roots
are African-American. My adult son is married to an African-American
woman with roots in Jamaica and Costa Rica. Our family is part of the
globalized generation Obama represents. What is at stake for our
kids' future is real, palpable, not only political. Their future will
very much be shaped by the outcome of this election. Millions of
people in this country­and around the world­feel similarly affected.

Myths are all-important, as Obama writes in his Dreams From My
Father. Fifty years ago, the mythic Obama existed only as an
aspiration, an ideal, in a country where interracial love was taboo
and interracial marriage was largely banned.

The early civil-rights movement, the jazz musicians and the Beat
poets dreamed up this mythic Obama before the literal Obama could
materialize. His African father and white countercultural mother
dared to dream and love him into existence, incarnate him, at the
creative moment of the historic march on Washington. Only the
overthrow of Jim Crow segregation then opened space for the dream to
rise politically.

If this sounds unscientific or, as some would say, cultish, think
about it. None of the supposedly expert people in the political,
media or intellectual establishments saw this day coming. I didn't
expect it myself; the news was carried to me by a new generation,
including my own grown-up children. It was dreamed up and built
"beyond the radar" or "outside the box" by experienced dreamers with
long histories in community organizing, social movements and not a
few lost causes.

In one of his best oratorical moments, Obama summons the spirit of
social movements that were built from the bottom up, from the
Revolutionary War to the abolitionist crusade to the women's suffrage
cause to the eight-hour day and the rights of labor, ending with the
time of his birth when the walls came down in Selma and Montgomery,
Ala., and Delano, Calif. As he repeats this mantra of movements
thousands of times to millions of Americans, a new cultural
understanding becomes possible. This is the foundation of a new
American story that is badly needed, one that attributes whatever is
great about this country to the ghosts of those who came before, in
social movements from the margins.

John McCain represents a different American story. I am constantly
aware that he bombed Vietnam at least 25 times before being shot down
in a war that never should have been fought, in a defeat that still
cannot say its name. He wants to continue the unwinnable Iraq War,
costing $10 billion per month, until every suspect Iraqi is dead,
wounded or detained, even though our military tactics keep causing
more young Iraqis to hate us than ever before. As if fighting the war
on terrorism until the end of terrorism isn't enough for him, McCain
wants to reignite the Cold War until the Russians are forever broken
and humiliated. The vanguard for the anti-Russian offensive has been
Georgia, a stronghold of the neoconservative lobby and, incidentally,
a cash cow for McCain's own foreign-policy adviser Randy Scheunemann,
who made hundreds of thousands of dollars working as a lobbyist for
the country before joining McCain's campaign team.

This inability to limit the adventurist appetite for war is the most
dangerous element of the McCain and Republican worldview. It is
paralleled, of course, by their inability to limit the corporate
appetite for an unregulated market economy. In combination, the brew
is an economy directed to the needs of the country-club rich, the oil
companies and military contractors. A form of crony capitalism
slouches forward in place of either competitive markets or state regulation.

My prediction: If he continues on course, Obama will win the popular
vote by a few percentage points in November but is at serious risk in
the Electoral College. The institution rooted in the original slavery
compromise may be a barrier too great to overcome.

Unlike the nadir of 2000, when Al Gore and the institutional
Democrats seemed unable to mount a resistance, another Electoral
College loss should trigger an unrelenting and forceful democracy
movement against the Electoral College and other institutional chains
on the right to know, vote and participate.

There are many outside the Obama movement who assert that the
candidate is "not progressive enough," that Obama will be co-opted as
a new face for American interventionism, that, in any event, real
change cannot be achieved from the top down.

These criticisms are correct. But in the end, they miss the larger point.

Most of us want President Obama to withdraw troops from Iraq more
rapidly than in 16 months. But it is important that Obama's position
is shared by Iraq's prime minister and the vast majority of both our
peoples. The Iraqi regime, pressured by its own people, has rejected
the White House and McCain's refusal to adopt a timetable.

The real problem with Obama's position on Iraq is his adherence to
the outmoded Baker-Hamilton proposal to leave thousands of American
troops behind for training, advising and ill-defined
"counterterrorism" operations. Obama should be pressured to
reconsider this recipe for a low-visibility counterinsurgency quagmire.

On Iran, Obama has usefully emphasized diplomacy as the only path to
manage the bilateral crisis and assure the possibility of orderly
withdrawal from Iraq. He should be pressed to resist any escalation.

On Afghanistan, Obama has proposed transferring 10,000 American
combat troops from Iraq, which means out of the frying pan, into the
fire. Pakistan could be Obama's Bay of Pigs, a debacle. On
Israel-Palestine, he will pursue diplomacy more aggressively, but
little more. Altogether, the counterinsurgencies in Iraq, Afghanistan
and Pakistan are likely to become a spreading global quagmire and a
human-rights nightmare, nullifying the funding prospects for
healthcare reform or other domestic initiatives.

In Latin America, Obama has been out of step and out of touch with
the winds of democratic change sweeping Latin America. His commitment
to fulfilling the United Nations anti-poverty goals, or to
eradicating sweatshops through a global living wage, is underwhelming
and­given his anti-terrorism wars­will be underfinanced.

And so on. The man will disappoint as well as inspire.

Once again, then, why support him by knocking on doors, sending
money, monitoring polling places, getting our hopes up? There are
three reasons that stand out in my mind. First, American
progressives, radicals and populists need to be part of the vast
Obama coalition, not perceived as negative do-nothings in the minds
of the young people and African-Americans at the center of the
organized campaign. It is not a "lesser evil" for anyone of my
generation's background to send an African-American Democrat to the
White House. Pressure from supporters of Obama is more effective than
pressure from critics who don't care much if he wins and won't lift a
finger to help him. Second, his court appointments will keep us from
a right-wing lock on social, economic and civil-liberties issues
during our lifetime. Third, we all can chew gum and walk at the same
time; that is, it should be no problem to vote for Obama and picket
his White House when justified.

Obama himself says he has solid progressive roots but that he intends
to campaign and govern from the center. (He has said he is neither a
"Scoop" Jackson Democrat nor a Tom Hayden Democrat.) That is a
challenge to rise up, organize and reshape the center, and to build a
climate of public opinion so intense that it becomes necessary to
redeploy from military quagmires, take on the unregulated
corporations and uncontrolled global warming and devote resources to
domestic priorities like healthcare, the green economy and inner-city
jobs for youth.

What is missing in the current equation is not a capable and
enlightened centrist but a progressive social movement on a scale
like those of the past.

The creative tension between large social movements and enlightened
Machiavellian leaders is the historical model that has produced the
most important reforms in the course of American history.

Mainstream political leaders will not move to the left of their own
base. There are no shortcuts to radical change without a powerful and
effective constituency organized from the bottom up. The next chapter
in Obama's new American story remains to be written, perhaps by the
most visionary of his own supporters.

His own movement will have to pull him toward full withdrawal from
Iraq or the regulation of the great financial power centers, instead
of waiting for him to lead. Already among his elite caste of
fund-raisers, there is more interest in his position on the
capital-gains tax than holding Halliburton accountable. And his "cast
of 300" national security advisers, according to The New York Times,
"fall well within centrist Democratic foreign policy thinking."

Progressives need to unite for Barack Obama but also
unite­organically at least, not in a top-down way­on issues like
peace, the environment, the economy, media reform, campaign finance
and equality like never before. The growing conflict today is between
democracy and empire, and the battlefronts are many and often
confusing. Even the Bush years have failed to unite American
progressives as effectively as occurred during Vietnam. There is no
reason to expect a President McCain to unify anything more than our
manic depression.

But there is the improbable hope that the movement set ablaze by the
Obama campaign will be enough to elect Obama and a more progressive
Congress in November, creating an explosion of rising expectations
for social movements­here and around the world­that President Obama
will be compelled to meet in 2009.

That is a moment to live and fight for.
--

Tom Hayden is a civil-rights and anti-war activist who served in the
California Legislature from 1982 to 2000 and currently serves on the
advisory board of Progressive Democrats of America.

.

Red Army Blues

[See URL for embedded links.]

The view: Red Army Blues

http://blogs.guardian.co.uk/film/2008/08/for_editors_the_view_red_army.html

This week's film blogs found a high-end portrait of the
Baader-Meinhof gang embroiled in a PR fiasco

August 22, 2008
by Danny Leigh

News arrives of trouble lapping at a forthcoming movie devoted to a
pivotal moment in modern German history. For once, however, the
blighted Valkyrie is off the hook - the problem child this time is
Der Baader Meinhof Komplex, a prestige account of the life of the Red
Army Faction, written and overseen by the producer of the much-lauded
Downfall, which despite a choice pedigree has blundered into the
roughest of PR waters.

As reported by David Hudson at Green Cine Daily, it's already
habitual for American studios nursing a clunker to skip the niceties
of screening the movie for the press, or to do so only with embargoes
in place to confine bad buzz. But the ante has been conclusively
upped by those responsible for Baader Meinhof, directed by veteran
Uli Edel. Prior to attending a German preview screening of the film
this week, invitees were first required to sign a contract barring
them from writing or even speaking about it afterwards until close to
the film's release date next month - with the penalty a fine of
€100,000 (the better part of £80,000) divided between the journalist
themselves and their outlet.

Absurdly heavy-handed and instantly redolent of
what-have-you-got-to-hide, it's tempting to think the whole thing
must have been conceived as a stunt to play on the severity with
which the German state responded to the early arsons and bank
robberies of the RAF; 100,000 marks being the sum that was placed on
each of the gang members' heads on the infamous Wanted posters issued in 1971.

And yet if so (quite apart from that idea's dubious taste), the
German press don't appear to have been let in on the joke - with the
national journalists' union DJV making a public protest, German
papers including the prominent Der Tagesspiegel and Süddeutsche
Zeitung blowing the whistle on the producers' antics (the latter have
a copy of the contract reproduced here), and Hudson quoting the
online journalist Rüdiger Suchsland as declaiming: "Obviously, Der
Baader Meinhof Komplex is a botched film. There's no other
explanation for [producers] Constantin's loss of control and
hysterical behavior. There's a fear that word of the poor quality of
the film will get out."

So, not quite the PR masterstroke. And it's a gaffe made stranger by
the apparently sturdy foundations on which Edel's film has been
built; while Valkyrie contained a kernel of risibility from the
get-go, everything about Der Baader Meinhof Komplex screams
impeccably high-end: the internationally-acclaimed precedent of
Downfall, an A-list cast (including The Lives of Others' Martina
Gedeck, Run Lola Run's Moritz Bliebtrau and Bruno Ganz essaying
doughy police chief Horst Herold) - and the source material of
journalist Stefan Aust's book on the gang (long out of print in the
UK but due to re-emerge when the film comes out here in the autumn)
outstanding in a field not untouched by the glib or partial.

Yet now, just weeks before its release, the project is, in Germany at
least, the subject of anger and ridicule. And if Rüdiger Suchsland is
right and the film proves to be a tank, then that's a shame for
reasons other than the fortunes of the producers and PR
functionaries. After all, despite their spectral hold over many
imaginations - revenants of a time when a gaggle of petty criminals,
magazine journalists and student cinematographers in crushed velvet
and stolen BMWs could all but unhinge an entire liberal democracy -
and various fragments of their story having appeared on screen
before, the goal remains open for a definitive portrait on film more
than 30 years after the disputed events at Stammheim Prison that left
Andreas Baader and two of the gang's other principals dead.

Of course, for all the rancour, the fiasco could yet prove to be a
mere false start. Yet even so, that still leaves the project tainted
by a bizarrely draconian display of commercial interests - quite the
irony, eh? Still, I'm sure Tom Cruise and Bryan Singer are grateful
for the breathing space.

.

Richie Havens - Nobody Left To Crown

Music Review:
Richie Havens - Nobody Left To Crown

http://blogcritics.org/archives/2008/08/15/195118.php

Written by Richard Marcus
Published August 15, 2008

It was while sitting in a second run theatre in the east end of
Toronto, Ontario that I first saw Richie Havens perform. In 1977 I
was sixteen and the Woodstock Music Festival had taken place eight
years earlier, but the movie of the event extended its life for
people like me who had no interest in the pop culture of the mid
seventies. In the days before punk hit Canada the music and the
politics of the late sixties seemed far more alive then anything our
own time had to offer.

Which explains why on that Friday night there were about forty of us
sitting spread out through the Roxy Cinema, squinting through the
haze produced by the smoke from about that many nickel bags of
Mexican pot at a so-so print of Woodstock: Three Days Of Peace And
Music. Hearing the soundtrack on my brother's cheap stereo at home
hadn't prepared me for seeing the force of nature that was Richie
Havens playing guitar and singing on the screen. With the camera
shooting him in a tight close-up, Richie filled the screen, and you
could see individual rivulets of sweat running down his face as he
curled his body around the guitar he was strumming and poured out his
soul into a microphone.

Although there were many other firsts in terms of seeing people
perform that night, Richie Havens' performance was the one that left
the most indelible impression on me. The intensity that he played
with and the incredible passion that was being transmitted by this
one man to the thousands of people in the audience on screen, and to
us in the old and tacky theatre helped make him far more memorable
than some of his more famous contemporaries.

It's 2008 now and I own a DVD copy of the director's cut of Woodstock
as a memento of my own youth, and as a historical record of the event
itself. While some of the musicians have become history, and some of
the music sounds dated, Richie Havens has not been swallowed up by
time, and as can be told by listening to his latest release on the
Verve Forecast label, Nobody Left To Crown, his music is as powerful
and relevant as it ever was.

There aren't too many people left from the Woodstock era with the
moral authority to be singing about the state of the world anymore.
They've either left the world, or been co-opted by the very
establishment they were supposedly so intent upon changing. Musically
many of them have become vapid and are content to play out their
remaining years as near caricatures of their former selves. So the
performer who has adhered to his ideals for the last forty years and
continues to express them through his music like Richie Havens does
is a rarity.

Six of the thirteen songs on Nobody Left To Crown are new originals
that Mr. Havens has written for this disc, while the seven covers are
ones that speak to either issues of the day or express an idea that
he cares passionately about. That last bit might be a tad redundant
as I can't think of Richie Havens singing a song if he wasn't able to
make an emotional commitment of some kind to it. Interestingly enough
one of the covers dates back to the Woodstock era, Pete Townshend's
"Won't Get Fooled Again", and Havens' interpretation of it keeps it
as pertinent today as it was then.

That's the thing about Nobody Left To Crown that's important to know.
Richie Havens may be a figure some of you think of as belonging to a
time in the past, but that is unfair to the man and his music. None
of these songs are exercises in nostalgia, nor is the disc some sort
of sixties revival thing. This recording has been made for today's
world, and the messages it has to impart are relevant to what is
going on around us. Listen to the second song on the disc, "Say It
Isn't So" and you'll hear what I mean.

"Say it isn't so/ That the world must choose again/ Who is foe and
who is friend". It could be a commentary on any of the numerous wars
that are ongoing in the world today, or it could also be about how
our society seems to demand an us and a them in almost every
circumstance. We are always searching out somebody to blame for the
things that are wrong in our lives. It could be the poor people for
being a drag on the economy because we have to pay taxes to make sure
they get their welfare, the immigrants who steal all the good jobs,
or the minority that got the job and not you. It's our choice whether
we live a life of perpetual wars or "realize we are all the same" in
the important ways, in the ways that truly matter.

Whether it's his cover of Jackson Brown's "Lives In The Balance"
questioning America's friends of convenience in the world, or the
title track, Richie's own "Nobody Left To Crown", where he questions
the way America elects its leaders, he's showing us what lies beneath
the surface sheen of the twenty-four hours of non-stop distraction we
call a culture that diverts attention away from the real problems in
the world. The more time people spend talking about their favourite
celebrity, or reading about their most recent affairs, the less they
spend concerned with the state of the world around them. Who cares if
the infant mortality rate in America is as high as it is in some
developing nations when you can look at candid pictures of some
star's boob job?

He doesn't say any of these things directly, he's too good a song
writer for that. Instead he points us in certain directions in the
hopes that we will think for ourselves and reach our own conclusions.
One of the ways he has of making us listen is his voice. While it
might have lost a little power over the years, it's expressive
qualities and the sense of urgency he can impart with it are still
more then sufficient to grab our attention and hold it.

The same goes for the music, as Havens still plays his guitar with
the staccato strumming style that made him famous and that has pushed
many a song into orbit. However. this isn't just a solo recording as
he's accompanied at various times by everything from a cello to the
twenty-six string mohan veena played by Harry Manx. While an exotic
instrument like either of the two just mentioned can be overused to
the point where they become the focal point of a song, in the case of
Nobody Left To Crown the instruments are used perfectly to accent
whichever song they are being used in. Either the sitar-like mohan
veena will silver in the background of one song or the cello will
gently interject a counterpoint to the rhythm of another. All in all
these are beautifully crafted arrangements, whether they are Richie
Havens' originals or covers of another person's work.

There's something of the prophet about Richie Havens, not that he
makes any predictions with his songs, but rather the fact that
something about him suggests that not only can he see things in a way
that not many of us can, he can also tell us about them. For more
then forty years Richie Havens has been singing impassioned pleas
that we examine the lives we are leading and make some decisions
about them. Nothing Left To Crown shows that as a performer and a
composer he continues to be a musical force to be reckoned with.

.

40 years ago, the whole world was watching

40 years ago, the whole world was watching

http://www.dailyherald.com/story/?id=228804

Suburbanites reflect on turbulent 1968 Democratic National Convention

8/20/2008
By Marni Pyke | Daily Herald Staff

Marty Gleason doesn't go to political conventions anymore.

"They're awfully dull, and nothing happens," the 77-year-old DuPage
resident said.

Of course, as a key player for Eugene McCarthy's fateful campaign
during the 1968 Democratic Convention in Chicago, Gleason's bar is set high.

1968. Forty years later, it still makes people wince.

Mayor Richard J. Daley was spoiling for a fight. Vietnam War
opponents were equally determined to make some noise. Democrats were
searching for a leader with the abdication of Lyndon Johnson and
assassination of Robert Kennedy.

Instead of positive spin, chaos reigned in the International
Amphitheatre and out on the streets as police clubbed protesters in
Grant Park and along Michigan Avenue.

"It was the only instance in my Roman Catholic life that I've
considered suicide," Gleason said, straight-faced.

Four decades after the fiasco that propelled Hubert Humphrey to a
showdown he couldn't win with Richard Nixon, we talked to five
suburbanites who experienced history that hot week in August: a
political organizer, two cops, a peace advocate and someone in the
wrong place at the wrong time.

Innocent bystander

Freelance photographer Gerry Souter had just returned from an
out-of-town assignment Tuesday, Aug. 27, 1968, the second day of the
Democratic Convention.

He and his wife, Janet, decided to catch the Bob Dylan flick "Don't
Look Back" at Piper's Alley, in the Old Town neighborhood.

On their way home, the couple drove east on North Avenue by Lincoln
Park toward Lake Shore Drive in their Peugeot 403.

Abruptly, "we saw the flashing lights and all the people, the cop
cars and the paddy wagon," Souter recalled.

Threats of violence to his beloved city caused Daley to ramp up
security with 6,000 regular Army troops, 6,000 Illinois National
Guardsmen and about 12,000 Chicago police officers armed and ready.
Clashes between law enforcement and the thousands of anti-war
protesters, hippies and yippies assembled for the event became
inevitable, especially when Daley ordered the parks cleared at 11
p.m. each day.

As a photojournalist, Souter had no illusions about the tactics of
Chicago police.

"I wanted to stay clear of it, to get away as fast as I can," he
said. "They'd fired tear gas because the crowd was throwing things
like rocks and bags of feces.

"Suddenly, this great cloud of gas rolled over the car."

As Janet cranked up the windows, Gerry slammed the sunroof shut so
firmly the metal handle broke and cut his hand.

With blood everywhere, Souter drove at a crawl, eventually reaching
the Outer Drive.

As the Peugeot pulled away, the effects of the tear gas were
everywhere. "I saw cars pulled over to the side; there was one
Cadillac with an elderly couple getting rid of their evening meal."

Souter, now a 67-year-old author who lives in Arlington Heights,
remembers seeing colleagues being beaten up on television that week.

"That was the spooky part, seeing people you know getting pushed
around," he said. "Those were interesting times."

Police presence

Retired Elmhurst Police Chief Bill Payne has seen a lot of crime and
violence in his 98 years. But the '68 convention, when he was chief
inspector at Chicago police headquarters at 11th and State streets,
still stands out in his memory.

"It was a busy time," Payne recalled. "We worked 12-hour days."

The intense law enforcement presence was crucial, Payne explained,
after threats of anarchy and boasts about tipping over squad cars by
anti-war agitators.

"We weren't worried," he said. "We figured we could handle it."

But Ed Becht, then a 27-year-old rookie cop, remembers frightening
moments when someone yelled on a bullhorn that members of the Black
Panthers were carrying automatic weapons or people screamed "kill the pigs."

Becht, now an Oak Brook executive, was in the thick of it and trying
to keep his head while mobs smashed windows and looted.

"I never met a policeman who went out of the way to harm someone,"
Becht said. "From my perspective, if the crowd had listened to orders
and obeyed the law, there would have been no confrontation. The crowd
was not an orderly crowd."

While Becht blames "professional agitators" in the crowd for stirring
up emotions, he also criticized his former boss, Mayor Daley.

"Twenty men can't contain 20,000 people," he said. "We were not
properly trained for riot control."

The mayor's order to clear Grant and Lincoln parks of demonstrators
at 11 p.m. was something that stirred up a hornet's nest, Becht
believes, and a policy that "to a man we thought was idiocy."

"It was a matter of male ego, in my opinion," he said. "If Daley had
not elected to clear out the parks at 11 p.m., you wouldn't have had
a street fight at the convention."

At around Thanksgiving 1968, Becht received a phone call from the
police station. Don't come to work, they told him. You've been
suspended on charges of excessive force.

In spring 1969, Becht was found innocent by a jury. He returned to
the force but it wasn't the same as before. He took a job with an air
freight company he'd worked for during his suspension. Now he owns
the company, Bellair Express.

He's moved on but still remembers the sting of those times.

"It dehumanized the police," Becht said.

The organizer

When Democratic power broker Steven A. Mitchell asked Marty Gleason
to be deputy convention manager for Minnesota Sen. Eugene McCarthy,
Gleason needed to be persuaded.

Despite his love of politics, Gleason knew the demands of a
convention. He was going through a divorce; working hard at the
family business, Gleason Cranes; and was still recovering from a 1966
campaign for the state Senate.

But the Joliet native was swayed by his admiration of McCarthy and
his hope of reforming the tight control party bosses such as Daley
held over convention proceedings.

"I wanted change in the party," he said.

One night at dinner, McCarthy put his hands on Gleason's shoulders
and pronounced him deputy convention manager. "I told him, 'Senator,
I just came here to be appointed, not ordained,'" Gleason recalled.

His myriad duties included handling the fresh-faced McCarthy volunteers.

"They voted me the only guy they trusted over 30," he said.

Whether longhair kids from nowhere or blue blood trust-fund heirs,
they had one common cause - stopping the war in Vietnam.

"The war being fought now doesn't have a draft associated with it,"
Gleason said. "It's the draft that made all the difference. These
people had friends in Vietnam."

As the convention descended into discord inside the amphitheater and
chaos outside, Gleason found himself picking up the pieces.

When delegates defeated a proposal for a withdrawal from Vietnam, one
of the young McCarthy backers collapsed in his arms. "She broke
down," he recalled. "It was a close to a nervous breakdown. Those
kids were distraught."

With convention experiences running the gamut from rubbing shoulders
with celebrities Paul Newman and Joanne Woodward to bailing McCarthy
volunteers out of jail at 1 in the morning, Gleason summed it up as
"like rolling over Niagara Falls in a barrel."

The peace advocate

Bernie Kleina was hoping to talk about peace, but he got war on Aug. 28, 1968.

A former Catholic priest and civil rights activist who had marched
with the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., he came to Grant Park to
participate in anti-war rallies.

"The people at the rally felt very strongly about what the war was
doing to the people of Vietnam but also to the people of this
country," Kleina said.

From atop a platform, the amateur photographer was able to snap
shots of the crowd and watch as police started to move in.

"The police formed a V-wedge through the middle of the crowd. No one
had any idea they were coming through. They were just listening to
the speakers," Kleina recalled.

"I think I was shocked the city and state would go to such extremes
to stop what was for the most part a peaceful organization."

As proceedings grew more violent, Kleina looked for a way out and
found Michigan Avenue blocked as tear gas started to flow.

"It was painful and made you cry," Kleina remembered. "But I didn't
get the brunt of it."

The tear gas and beating of protesters brought the Democratic
convention debacle to its denouement.

For Kleina, who lives in Wheaton and is executive director of the
HOPE Fair Housing Center organization, it was a watershed moment.

"At the end of the day, I felt very demoralized," he said, "and felt
change was much further off than I expected. I think there were more
tears in my eyes because of what I saw than what the mace caused."

.

The whole world is still watching [Project 1968]

The whole world is still watching

http://www.bhamweekly.com/article.php?article_id=00923

Project 1968 provides a dramatic re-imagining of that year's
Democratic Convention

By: Courtney Haden

As the orchestrated pageantry of the 2008 Democratic Convention
nears, it's worth going back 40 years to examine a convention where
chaos took center stage and the pageantry was in the streets. Author
and playwright Laura Axelrod, a Cullman resident and self-styled
political agnostic, takes that trip every day online in an episodic
narrative she calls a "docu-novel", adapted for the web from a stage
play she began writing in 2004. Project 1968 recounts the events of
that pivotal year through the experiences of two young women, Amy and
Janine, who wind up in Chicago that fateful week.

BIRMINGHAM WEEKLY: What interests you so about this event that took
place before you were even born?

LAURA AXELROD: Everything came to a head in '68. There was a
tremendous sense of empowerment, that people had a say in government,
in how people lived their lives. They wanted to do things
differently. It was an idealistic time, and I think people were
trying to live as authentically as possible, according to their values...

Everything crested and then fell apart because there were mistakes
that were made that led to the chaos of the Chicago convention. I
look at the rhetoric of the Yippies [Youth International Party
radical activists] now and I think, could any of that have played out
now? And I think people would disappear, quite frankly. [laughs]

A lot of the Eisenhower Commission reports I read in Austin at the
Lyndon Baines Johnson Presidential Library. They have a couple of
boxes that are just filled with people's experiences at the
convention ­ they were interviewed ­ and some of them are brutal.
They took it from all different sides; people who were delegates,
people who were just visiting from Europe, to protesters ­ really
powerful stuff.

BW: At what point did you decide to change this story from the small
focus of the stage to the broader panorama of a docu-novel?

LA: It was an interesting idea for a couple of reasons. One, American
history should belong to everybody; why open it up just for people
who can afford a ticket to a play? The second thing was the idea of
blending fact with fiction to document my story. Based on my
research, I think there are a lot of books out there that're
historically inaccurate...

To map this out daily, it's like these characters are alive, so as I
live my day, I think about how they're living their day.

BW: So, there are aspects of your own personality in Amy and Janine?

LA: Yeah. Janine reminds me of how I was back when I was politically
active in my college years. She's 18 and hopefully a little more
naïve than I was.

BW: The last time you voted was the last time you attended a
political convention.

LA: The first and the last time. I was a campaign worker for Jerry
Brown [in 1992]. It was a cool experience to go to a convention like
that, but to go as the unwanted ­ I mean, the attitude was, 'You're
ruining our convention, you're ruining our party, go away.' We were
really idealistic, but also artistic, so when we weren't on the
convention floor, we were trading buttons.

BW: Why should we even have conventions anymore?

LA: '68 had all the markings of being out of control. [Chicago mayor]
Richard Daley was trying to control every aspect of the convention
and I think they learned a lesson there. That things have to be
presentable, to make it seem like the party is presidential. If they
can't control their own convention, how're they going to deal with the country?

Lester Maddox [segregationist governor of Georgia] had entered the
nominating process and you get the feeling that the leadership of the
Democratic party had no idea how to bring everybody back in line.
When I look at the news these days, it's like, everybody has to get
their ducks in a row, everybody has to fall into place.

BW: And yet Obama's people think it's a good idea to offer Hillary
Clinton a roll call vote, which would seem to fly in the face of the
idea that disharmony makes bad TV.

LA: The gut feeling I have is that a lot of women felt left out of
the process and are really angry. Because of the sexism. From what
I've looked at in the media, it's hard to ignore that...

That's part of the reason for Project 1968, to look at the role of
women and how women's voices really aren't heard in the political
process. Instead, we wind up talking about what a candidate wore, or
her marriage...

I'm not sure who I support these days. Probably Eugene McCarthy [laughs]...
I personally say that this is a demoralized society. I heard that on
a radio show and I believe that to be true. People just shrug and
say, well, you can't fight City Hall... I wonder why the Baby Boomers
didn't teach my generation ­ I'm probably effectively Generation X ­
how to become politically active, how to represent ourselves in
politics. Maybe it had something to do with '68.

BW: Have you thought about a story arc for your characters beyond 1968?

LA: Yeah, I pretty much have mapped them out through 1978. There may
be a leap in the story at some point. The choices they make now [in
1968] determine how they live the rest of their lives.

BW: Much as the political choices made in 1968 still have
ramifications far beyond that year.

LA: Right. Yes...
I'm trying not to let 1968 take over too much of my personal life.
It's hard to explain to people that what happened 40 years ago, to me
is currently happening, so it's kind of a weird alienation from the present.
--

The day-by-day experiences of Amy and Janine, replete with vintage
reportage from national papers and new interviews conducted by Laura
Axelrod, are yours to explore at www.project1968.com.
--

Courtney Haden is a Birmingham Weekly columnist. Write to
courtney@bhamweekly.com

.

Racial, political tensions came to a head in 1968

Boiling Point:
Racial, political tensions came to a head in 1968

http://www.stjoenews.net/news/2008/aug/24/boiling-point-racial-political-tensions-came-head-/?local

40 years later, local residents recall gravity of convention

by Joe Blumberg
Sunday, August 24, 2008

The 1968 Democratic Convention perhaps marked the climax of the
Sixties revolutionary movement in America.

Divergent groups ­ Yippies, hippies, the National Mobilization to End
the War in Vietnam, anti-war Catholics, civil rights activists and
Black Panthers ­ converged en masse on Chicago 40 years ago this
week. They hoped to force the Democrats into a platform to end the
war in Vietnam and to prevent the nomination of Hubert H. Humphrey
for president.

Local residents who went to Chicago still recall the gravity of those
days, how that convention led to Richard Nixon's presidency, and how
convention politics have never been the same.

"Pretty much any more it's all wrapped up before the convention. It's
been trivialized from deciding the issues to a television show," said
Jim Farley, of Platte City, Mo., who was a delegate at the 1968
convention. "To me, it's not nearly as much fun as it used to be."

Establishment authorities beat the protestors with politics inside
the convention and with brute force outside.

The loss stung the protesting factions, and some of their leaders
were charged with inciting a riot in the "Chicago 7" trial. (They
were found innocent on appeal.) It could be argued that after
Chicago, the counterculture traded in its grand societal hopes for
its own worst self-indulgent aspects ­ drugs, sex and rock 'n' roll.

Before the convention, President Lyndon B. Johnson, a Democrat, had
suffered a swift fall from grace.

Despite passing the Civil Rights Act in 1964, he couldn't escape the
fury over Vietnam. He barely won the primary in New Hampshire, and
when Robert F. Kennedy joined the race, President Johnson dropped out.

Only 13 states held primaries in those days, so most delegates voted
with the will of the party establishment ­ similar to today's
superdelegates. Vice President Humphrey, despite not participating in
any primaries, held a huge number of delegates.

But RFK did well in the primaries, and his momentum-building victory
in California, along with his good looks and last name, suggested
that he could right the country's wrongs. He wouldn't get the chance.
He was assassinated just after giving his victory speech in California.

"He was coming on strong," Mr. Farley said of RFK. "Whether or not he
would've been nominated is still a big question."

The convention turned into a referendum on Vietnam. The Missouri
delegation held a caucus at the convention to determine its stance on the war.

Gov. Warren Hearnes supported the "majority report" ­ to stay the
course in Vietnam ­ but U.S. Sen. Stuart Symington did his best to
sway the 60 delegates.

"It was the most eloquent speech I ever heard," Mr. Farley said of
Mr. Symington's argument for withdrawal. "He asked, 'What do we win
if we win, and what do we lose if we get out?'"

Still, the Missouri delegates voted 50-10 for the majority report.
The vote was even more lopsided for president. Missouri voted 56 for
Mr. Humphrey and 3½ for anti-war candidate Eugene McCarthy, according
to News-Press archives.

Most states felt the same, and Mr. Humphrey won the nomination on the
first ballot, ending all the drama and infighting.

Outside the International Amphitheatre, the drama was still unfolding.

Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley, the notorious Democratic machine
boss, would tolerate nothing from the protestors. He bulletproofed
the doors to the convention and surrounded the hall with a barb-wire fence.

Against 10,000 to 15,000 protestors, Mr. Daley launched a massive
counter-protest.

The Missouri delegation stayed downtown, perhaps five miles away from
the convention in south Chicago. The Missourians were largely
shielded from the protests, and Mr. Farley and then-News-Press
reporter Bob Slater agreed that they might not have even known the
riots were going on if not for TV coverage.

For about a mile along the route to the convention hall, "hundreds
and hundreds of children stood on porches, along sidewalks and even
in the street, waving small American flags and cheering the
visitors," Mr. Slater wrote in one of his articles from the convention.

Mr. Slater still has a "We Love Mayor Daley" sign from the counter-protest.

Remembering the scene in an interview last week, Mr. Slater said:
"You could walk the streets of Chicago at 3 a.m. and feel safe
because they had a cop on every corner ... It was almost like you
were in another country. There was concertina wire, barricades and
military jeeps in downtown Chicago."

But Mr. Slater's news accounts and his thoughts today indicate that
he felt the show of force was necessary.

He wrote of an orderly protest on Tuesday, early in the convention.
"Catholic nuns and mini-skirted girls ­ along with some men who
generally needed haircuts ­ marched side-by-side in one of the
'peace' demonstrations here."

Mr. Daley mobilized 12,000 police, at least 6,000 National Guard
troops and perhaps 1,000 U.S. Secret Service agents, according to the
Chicago Tribune and NPR. Dubbed "Daley's storm troopers," the armed
authorities didn't seem swayed by the protestors' chants that "the
whole world is watching."

After three nights of violence with police in Lincoln and Grant
parks, on Wednesday the thousands-strong crowd attempted to march to
the convention despite Mr. Daly having denied a permit, according to
several news accounts.

That "Battle of Michigan Avenue" turned into a bloody spectacle
during what was supposed to be a high point of American democracy. By
some accounts, the police forced tear gas onto the marching
protestors, then blocked them from behind and beat them as they
scrambled to escape. Police also beat bystanders, reporters and medics.

Mr. Slater recalls the protestors' actions justifying the police response.

"They were throwing bottles of urine and feces at the police," Mr.
Slater said. "There were some acts of violence that were unnecessary,
but the police overall did a very good job."

But Mr. Farley said the violence destroyed the Democratic Party's
image going into the November election. Mr. Nixon defeated Mr.
Humphrey by less than 1 percent of the popular vote.

"Had they handled the riots differently, we might've had a different
result," Mr. Farley said. "It made the party leadership look very bad."

Dick Senecal, of Atchison, Kan., attended the convention as an
alternate delegate.

"It was strenuous times," Mr. Senecal recalled. "A lot of people just
didn't know where we were going and what we were going to do."

On Thursday, the final day in Chicago, the convention showed a film
honoring RFK. With the lights out, the emotional crowd broke out
singing "The Battle Hymn of the Republic," Mr. Slater said.

"Of the five conventions I had the opportunity to cover, it was
certainly the most emotional," Mr. Slater said.
--

Joe Blumberg can be reached at joeblumberg@npgco.com.

.