Monday, December 29, 2008

What Were Those 1960s Terrorists Thinking, Anyway?

Looking Back at CAPBOMB

http://www.counterpunch.org/albert12252008.html

What Were Those 1960s Terrorists Thinking, Anyway?

By JUDY GUMBO ALBERT
December 25, 2008

We are forces of chaos and anarchy
Everything they say we are, we are
And we are very
Proud of ourselves.
--Jefferson Airplane, We Can Be Together

This is the inside story of how my late husband Stew Albert and I
became prime suspects in CAPBOM, which is the FBI codename for the
1971 Weather Underground bombing of the United States Capitol
Building in Washington D.C. Sarah Palin and her cohort of extreme
right-wing really, really scary people used the Capitol bombing to
link President-elect Obama with the not nearly as scary 1960s
Weatherman and 1997 Chicago Citizen of the Year Bill Ayers. At the
time, my widely quoted take on the Capitol bombing was: "We didn't do
it, but we dug it."

As a former 60's protestor, celebrating with everyone else the
results of this historic election, I'd like to give my personal point
of view about the attacks on the 1960s that were made during the
campaign ­ specifically "guilt by association" and "domestic
terrorism." And also to reflect a bit on how I feel about those issues today.

Wrong Place, Right Time

In the spring of 1971, on the day the Capitol bombing takes place,
I'm living in our nation's capital organizing an anti-war
demonstration. Along with Stew, Abbie and Anita Hoffman, Jerry Rubin,
his girlfriend Nancy Kurshan and satiric journalist Paul Krassner,
I'm an original Yippie. Yippies believe in the politics of theatre.
We call ourselves Groucho Marxists and use comedy to turn serious
issues on their head. We're cultural revolutionaries who raise
political awareness by having as much fun and getting as much media
attention as we can. We're a youth movement who doesn't believe in
hierarchy: every Yippie is her or his own leader. Our favorite Bob
Dylan mantra is: Don't follow leaders, watch the parking meters.

Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson and FederalReserve Chairman Ben
Bernanke are not the first to throw money at Wall Street. In the
spring of 1968, Abbie, Jerry and the rest of us stopped trading on
the New York Stock exchange when we threw $1 and $5 bills at greedy
stockbrokers who grabbed at the money floating down from a
balcony. Yippies brought the New York Stock Exchange to a halt for a
mere $250.

By the summer of 1968, at the Democratic Convention in Chicago, we're
running a pig named Pigasus for president as a send-up to protest the
election and an unjust and illegal Vietnam War. In what is to become
an iconic American moment, 15,000 of us -- Yippies, mainstream
anti-war demonstrators, the media and even a member of the British
Parliament -- are severely gassed and beaten by the Chicago police.

But three years later, by the time of the Capitol bombing, it's
becoming more and more difficult to find the fun in protest. All of
us in the anti-war movement are frustrated by the seemingly endless
parade of atrocities being committed in Vietnam, which we see in
living color at home on TV every night, and a recent campaign of
deadly, intense carpet-bombing in Laos.

The Mayday Tribe

I'm staying temporarily in Washington DC, in a collective house at
2226 M Street.

Chicago Conspiracy 8 defendant and anti-war activist Rennie Davis,
and at least 30 others live in the surrounding neighborhood. The M
Street house is situated directly across the street from a red-brick
fire station that, in addition to fire-trucks, is outfitted with
surveillance cameras so overtly visible in the front window that I
occasionally lead a group of us out front just to dance and wave at
the cameras.

We call ourselves the Mayday Tribe. Our name - Mayday -- is intended
to convey an urgent distress call about the war to the American
people and motivate protestors to come to a demonstration scheduled
for three months later. We're putting together a People's Peace
Treaty on behalf of the American public to draw attention to the
Nixon administration's obdurate refusal to make peace. Our
admittedly utopian demonstration slogan states: "If the government
won't stop the war, we'll stop the government."

We predict thousands of people will take to the streets and block
traffic to protest the war and this recent escalation in bombing.

At my initiation, Stew and I have officially broken off our
two-year-old romance. As I recall, I feel fine. Liberated in fact. I
have no qualms about publicly labeling Stew an arrogant, patronizing,
sexist, male chauvinist pig, which, looking back on it, was about 35%
true, and 65% women's movement PC rhetoric. Besides, we're still on
speaking terms. I realize he's lonely without me and know I can still
get him to do almost anything I want, so I ask him to come and visit
from New York and bring with him, on the plane, a large satchel of
high quality marijuana donated to the cause by a sympathetic New York
City lawyer. I'm trying to lighten things up by introducing some
traditional Yippie medicinals into our ultra-serious organizing effort.

The Day of the Bombing

Early in the morning of Monday March 1, the M Street phone rings.
We're told that members of the Weather Underground, originally known
as Weatherman, (from Bob Dylan's prophetic mantra "You don't need a
Weatherman to know which way the wind blows") are taking credit for
placing a bomb in an out-of-the-way men's bathroom. The Weathermen say:

We have attacked the Capitol because it is, along with the White
House and the Pentagon, the worldwide symbol of the government which
is now attacking Indochina.

When I first hear this news, I feel exhilarated. Irrationally
exuberant in fact. My reaction is documented by an unknown person,
possibly an informant who, in a later legal affidavit, describes me
and the others in M Street as "exultant" ­ which is not so far
removed from my own recollection. But why, you quite rightly ask --
and I ask myself the same question -- did I feel so positive about
this act -- especially when placing a bomb is something I could never
do ­ or did ­ myself?

As an anti-war activist, I considered dissent to be patriotic. Still
do. At the time of the bombing, I felt like I was rooting for David
in the face of Goliath. I saw the Weathermen as courageous enough to
take the lead in our very own, 60's style Boston Tea Party. In my
view, they blew up a U.S. Capitol bathroom on my behalf and on behalf
of the entire anti-war movement. And I appreciated that they did so
for the most compelling of reasons -- to stop the endless, brutal
killing war in Vietnam and Laos. Which is why I could, in good
conscience, make the statement: "We didn't do it, but we dug it."

Hands Up!

Immediately after the bombing, M-street house surveillance
intensifies. Firemen swarm. Burly new guys start hanging around
outside the firehouse. They don't look and weren't even dressed like
firemen. Stew and Leslie Bacon, a young, anti-war activist friend,
decide to take a walk to Lafayette Park, directly in front of the
White House. Beyond the macho of it, I can't speculate about Stew's
motives. Most likely I disapproved because, at that particular moment
in our on-again, off-again relationship, almost anything he said or
did was enough to provoke my disapproval.

As the tension-filled, day-after-bombing dragged on, it became
increasingly clear to me that there was no time like the present to
get the hell out of Dodge.

Leslie chooses to remain in DC. I grab Stew, Colin and Michael, two
other M Street residents, plus a couple of bags of clothing and we
hop into my 1969 dark blue VW Beetle named "Lindequist." (When I
bought the car I found the previous owner's name "Lindequist",
inscribed on the dashboard; I currently drive Lindequist 3.) A few
blocks into our getaway I realize I've forgotten my all-time favorite
hat ­ a fisherman's cap made out of fluffy brown Canadian beaver
pelts with a brown leather front brim. Stew and I immediately get
into a huge fight. Stew, the pragmatist, now recognizes the wisdom of
leaving town as quickly as possible. I, the Yippie fashionista, will
not leave my favorite hat to the mercy of the pigs. It's my car, I'm
the driver: we circle back. I run in, save my hat and, Keystone Cops
like, we once again beat a retreat. There's no PETA yet to make my
hat a political issue.

But in the early evening, just we've reached the outskirts of
Baltimore, I suddenly notice flashing lights behind me. I pull
Lindequist over and hear a loud, gruff male voice coming over a
loudspeaker "get out of the car with your hands up." Shotguns at our
heads, the four of us are quickly spread eagled against the
VW. Colin is shaking so hard I think he might pee himself ­ but he
doesn't. The boys are put in one police car; I'm alone in another
for what feels like hours. I'm buzzy with adrenaline and really bored
sitting alone in my personal Mad Max Beyond Thunderdome cage. I can't
see much except cops and the boys' heads in front of me in the other
car, so all I can do is bite my nails and obsess. Lindequist and the
satchels are thoroughly searched. Eventually we are released and, in
true Yippie absurdist fashion, are given a ticket for a bald tire by
a local highway patrolman who signs his name James Bond

We're not Weathermen. It literally didn't occur to me we were being
stopped because of the Capitol Bombing. I am really grateful we
left the marijuana back in DC.

What Happens to Leslie

Five days before Mayday, on April 28, Leslie, who at the time is 19
years old, is arrested in Washington D.C. by the FBI and appears a
few days later before Judge John Sirica, later of Watergate fame.
Leslie is taken to a Seattle hotel where she is held captive in a
room for weeks, with no access to family or friends, only to
lawyers. She is questioned harshly about the Capitol bombing but
there's nothing she can tell them because there's nothing she
knows. On May 1, the Weathermen make public a communiqué addressed
to Leslie's mother:

Your confidence in Leslie is justified because she is completely
innocent of any involvement in the bombing of the US Capitol. We know
this for a fact because, as the FBI and Justice Department well know,
our organization did the bombing.

Leslie said to me recently that her mother, an upscale, conservative,
California homemaker, told the national and international press
staking out their Atherton home:

I don't see why everyone is so upset about someone blowing up a
building when the government is blowing up people.

Standard operating procedure for FBI agents and prosecutors, then and
now, is to target young women who they consider potential "weak
links" in an evidentiary chain and most likely to give up
information. These young women become their special victims. I've
come to believe that Leslie's kidnapping, imprisonment and resulting
unwanted national media attention, was the moral equivalent of a
rape. The federal prosecutor and the FBI violated a 19 year old
woman's trust and privacy, and, even though today Leslie is teacher
and grandmother, this incident still poisons her sense of security
and well- being.

Facing My Fear

I learned at the Democratic Convention in Chicago in 1968 that, when
you're in a true "face your fear" moment, you need to take action.
Don't delay. Don't procrastinate. Don't over think the consequences.
By facing your fear, you can discover inside yourself the courage to
take your life ­ and your freedom -- into your own hands.

This is one such moment. My mantra serves me well. By the time I
drop Stew off in New York City, check in with the marijuana-donating
lawyer for free legal advice, and drive back home to Boston, I've
talked myself into believing I've emerged from this incident shaken
but unbowed.

In Boston, as my FBI files later reveal, agents have evicted my next
door neighbor and ensconced themselves in an adjoining apartment. A
group of Boston women, me included, take over a building at 888 Mass.
Ave and turn it into a women's center. The takeover becomes a
springboard for the women's demonstration that preceded Mayday -- the
April 10 Women's March on the Pentagon.

The march attracts no more than 500 women -- but the contingent I
lead marches under a beautiful purple Janis Joplin banner.

Monday May 3, 1971 -- Mayday

Our Mayday demonstration doesn't stop the war ­ or the government.

The day before the demonstration, rock concert permits are cancelled.
Police, reprising Chicago 1968, and presaging the 2008 Republican
Convention, teargas as many demonstrators as they can; they destroy
tents and use other coercive tactics to force protestors to leave a
day early. Many do.

The remaining demonstrators begin assembling at 6 a.m. When it's
time to get up, I make a strategic decision, based purely on personal
sloth, to let myself and my Boston affinity group sleep in -- we'd
been smoking too much of that dope and partying the night before. By
the time we arrive downtown, streets are empty. Traffic is flowing
smoothly. Stew and Abbie are among 7,000 demonstrators already
arrested and locked up in an emergency detention center next to RFK
stadium. Some claim Mayday is the largest mass arrest in U.S. history.

For me, Mayday is a bust. No pun intended. And it's my own fault.

My failure of leadership is what my new fiancé David calls an AFOG ­
another f----g opportunity for growth. It's a harsh lesson that
stays with me: don't wimp out just before the end is in
sight. Follow through on your commitment. No excuses. And never,
ever smoke really strong dope the night before a big demo. Duh.

Guilt By Association

Three weeks after Mayday, Stew receives his subpoena to a Grand Jury
investigating the Capitol bombing. He burns it publicly in New Haven
to support Black Panther Party Chairman Bobby Seale, who is on trial
there at the time.

I receive my Grand Jury subpoena in Boston a few days after Stew. Why
me? Perhaps no-one got the memo that Stew and I had broken up. Or
perhaps the FBI was pissed about my arrogant, fuck you dance in front
of the cameras on M-Street's front porch. Or maybe the Feds just
wanted to "round up the usual suspects."

The eminence gris federal prosecutor responsible for all grand juries
investigating Weather Underground bombings is a smartly dressed,
slick-haired man named Guy Goodwin. Goodwin also convened a grand
jury to investigate another equally false allegation -- that Rev.
Phil Berrigan and Elizabeth McAllister, a nun, are plotting to kidnap
President Nixon's evil national security advisor Henry Kissinger. He
harassed Vietnam Veterans Against the War so much that, in 1972, they
filed a $1.8 million civil suit against him.

My first response to my Grand Jury subpoena is to go numb. I'm
facing a possible 20 year sentence. My "face your fear" mantra just
doesn't cut it. Denial works a whole lot better. Stew writes that I:
buried the great fear deep in her soul and beamed smiles that would
bounce off the moon…but underneath the smiles, Judy was truly
terrified. Even though we had officially parted, I knew that I still
loved her, which meant that I had to look out for her so that, as a
strange Canadian in a stranger America she would not come to harm.

On a PBS interview all I can say about being subpoenaed is: "It's
annoying. Uncool. But our lawyers will take care of it. Nothing to
worry about." Perhaps it's a positive thing I grew up in a
dysfunctional, alcoholic family ­ repression and denial are terrific
short-term survival techniques for really tough times.

We Didn't Do It But….

Pretty soon my inner Yippie re-emerges and my "face your fear" mantra
kicks in. Stew and I decide the appropriate Yippie response is to
hold a press conference in front of the Capitol Building.

Stew invites Jerry Rubin along for both his expertise and moral
support. Abbie and Jerry believed passionately in the 1960s
communications guru Marshall McLuhan's dictum that the medium is the
message -- which led them to measure their success by how much media
coverage they got and how frequently they got it. For all the time I
knew them, and up until their deaths, a defining aspect of the
Abbie/Jerry relationship was their constant competition with each
other for the media spotlight. Manipulating the media to expose
establishment hypocrisy was a primary Yippie value.

I paint my forehead with a Weather Underground Rainbow, cover one
cheek with a woman's symbol, the other with an NLF (otherwise known
as Viet Cong) flag and I put a green marijuana leaf on my chin. And
yes, that is a cigarette I'm smoking in the photo ­ I quit for good a
few years later. In my press statement I quote a Weatherman
communiqué that says:

The Weather Underground bombed the Capitol to bring a smile and a
wink to all the kids in America who hate their government.

Then I pull off my 15 minutes of fame by adding: We didn't do it but
we dug it.

It's obvious to me, almost 40 years later, that Sarah Palin did a
remarkable job getting global media attention for Bill Ayers and his
associational link to the Capitol bombing ­ way better than Billy,
the Weather Underground, Stew, Jerry or I ever accomplished at the
time. If Palin wasn't a neo-fascist, I might consider giving her a
Yippie Excellence in Media Manipulation award.

In the time immediately preceding our Grand Jury appearances, Stew
and I are so overtly hostile to each other that we become famously
difficult to be around. Observers who witnessed what Stew and I came
to call our "pussycat fights" ­ meow, hissssss, scratch, pose ­ are
horrified. In the photograph with Colin, I can't tell if I'm gazing
at Stew adoringly, or whether I'm just about to yell at him for some
real or imagined sexist act. It's clear to me now that Stew and I
needed to break up, intensely and publicly, to allow us to get back
together with each other as full and equal partners. Which we did
two years later -- and remained together until Stew's death on
January 30, 2006.

In the summer of 1971, I arrive to make my one time appearance before
the Grand Jury dressed like a witch and surrounded by a contingent of
women. In fact I am a member of W.I.T.C.H. -- an early New York City
based women's liberation group appropriately named the Women's
International Terrorist Conspiracy from Hell. Back then, you could
use the word terrorist in a joke and not be labeled unpatriotic.

I walk into an old, dimly lit New York City in my long witchy dress,
alone but unintimidated. Two rows of older men and women, black and
white, arms crossed, stare stonily at me. On our lawyers' advice I
refuse to testify. Instead I cite Constitutional Amendments 1, 4, 5,
6 and 9. These numbers are indelibly imprinted in my memory ­
although, as a Canadian, I was at the time a little fuzzy about what
each Amendment actually stood for. But now I get it why America's
founders gave us freedom of speech and due process. It's another
reason I consider myself a patriot ­ just like Abbie and Anita who
named their son America.

A few months after my Grand Jury appearance, our subpoenas are
quashed -- I assume because they can find no evidence of
wrongdoing. That guard who claimed to Guy Goodwin he saw Stew at the
Capitol building was either set-up, a liar or befuddled ­ or perhaps
he conflated the historic Capitol building with Lafayette Park. It's
a huge relief. Guilt by association loses out to the real world. In
the 1980s, in an act of true Yippie bravado, I buy a car with the
proceeds of our successful lawsuit against the FBI and get for it a
"CAPBOM' license plate.

Reframing "Domestic Terrorism"

The recent media hysteria about the Capitol bombing has prompted me
to revisit, if not re-consider, how I feel today about my long ago
"didn't do it, but dug it" statement. It's one of those situations
where I really miss Stew's advice and counsel. What would Stewie say?

In the 1980s, shortly after Stew and I moved to Portland, Oregon, I
was driving down a street and saw some picketers. My initial gut
response is to identify with the protestors, to honk my horn in
support, but as I get closer I realize they are anti-choice fanatics
picketing what turns out to be the Planned Parenthood affiliate where
I will later be employed. The anti-abortion fundamentalists and
right-wing extremists ­ that same breed of bottom feeder who sent
hundreds of e-mail death threats to Bill Ayers -- have it all over
the Weather Underground when it comes to domestic terrorism.

Lest we forget, just over a decade ago this country witnessed a
horrific killing spree carried out by our very own, home grown
American terrorists: in 1993, abortion provider Dr. David Gunn was
assassinated; Dr. John Britton, another abortion provider, was shot
in 1994; in that same year 25 year old Planned Parenthood
receptionist Shannon Lowney and women's clinic worker Leanne Nichols
were murdered within hours of each other. In 1995, in the worst case
of domestic terrorism this country has ever seen, right wing racist
gun nut Timothy McVeigh and two of his "pals" killed 168 people
including 19 children by setting a bomb in the Alfred P. Murrah
Federal Building in Oklahoma City. In 1998, an anti-choice fanatic
killed abortion provider Dr. Barnett Slepian.

The Weathermen bombed bathrooms. They destroyed property. Which is
why calling them "domestic terrorists" doesn't resonate with me. In
every case of a Weather Underground bombing there was an advance call
warning people to get out of the building. The Weathermen who died
were three of their own. Conflating Bill Ayers and the Capitol
bombing with Osama Bin Laden's terroristic destruction of the Twin
Towers feels like an enormous truth stretch. It disrespects those who died.

I'm a widow. I've experienced the excruciating pain brought on by
death of your loved one. I can't condone action that results in the
death of human beings.

In my humble opinion, members of the Weather Underground turned into
purists who came to so completely idealize and romanticize the
liberation struggles of anyone who was African-American, Vietnamese,
or what we used to call "third world" that they fell into an
uncritical objectification of violence for its own sake. Their
stated doctrine of "lead by example," resulted in groups attempting
to imitate Weather tactics with devastating results. In 1970, an
unaffiliated collective bombed the University of Wisconsin's Army
Math building, tragically killing a researcher. In the 1980s, a
rogue splinter group that included former Weathermen killed a guard
and two policemen in a disastrous, bungled robbery of a Brinks truck.
Most of them are still in jail.

Personally, I feel this may be an appropriate moment for truth and
reconciliation. Even if Henry Kissinger and surviving members of the
Nixon war machine aren't going to repent and atone for the enormous
death and destruction they wreaked on Southeast Asia, I believe it's
time for former Weather Underground leaders to publicly acknowledge
the collateral deaths, in addition to the deaths of their own
comrades. And then they should be forgiven ­ and forgive themselves.
--

Judy Gumbo Albert is an original member of the 1960s countercultural
anti-war group known as the Yippies. Judy is co- author of The
Sixties Papers: Documents of a Rebellious Decade (Greenwood Press,
1984) and The Conspiracy Trial (Bobbs Merrill, 1970). For many years
Judy was an award winning fundraiser for Planned Parenthood. She is
currently living in Berkeley, California writing a memoir titled
"Yippie Girl". Her chapter about the Battle of Chicago, 1968 can be
found at albert08282008.html. Photos can be found at Judy's website:
www.yippiegirl.com.

Judy can be reached at yippiegirl@gmail.com.

.

A Christmas message

A Christmas message

http://www.baltimoreexaminer.com/opinion/columns/gregorykane/122508OPEDKANE.html

By Gregory Kane
Examiner Columnist
12/24/08

It's a holiday greeting, but not one everyone will welcome.

One thing is pretty much a sure bet: The families of Donald Sager and
Stanley Sierakowski sure as heck won't want to hear it. On April 24,
1970, Sager and Sierakowski were two Baltimore police officers who
answered a call for a domestic dispute in the 1200 block of Myrtle
Avenue. Less than an hour after they received the call, both officers
were shot. Sierakowski was wounded, but Sager died in his patrol car.

Three men were arrested, charged and convicted of the crime. Jack
Ivory Johnson and James Edward Powell were found hiding near the
scene. Marshall "Eddie" Conway was arrested later. All three were
members of the Baltimore chapter of the Black Panther Party, not
exactly a "friend of the cop" outfit. (Former Panthers might add,
with a wealth of justification, that no police department anywhere in
the United States could ever be called a "friend of the Negro"
outfit. If they were, the Panthers may never have been born.)

The "season's greetings" message came earlier this week from Conway,
sent via Gary Gillespie, the director of the American Friends Service
Committee's Baltimore Urban Peace Program. I'll quote a small portion
of it with full apologies to the Sager and Sierakowski families, and
then tell why Conway's message MUST be heard.

The thrust of Conway's message was to give his supporters -- there
are quite a few of them, as well as supporters of Sager and
Sierakowski who want Conway to remain in prison -- an update on
efforts to free him. He thanked his supporters for their continued
support. Then he hit the nail on the head about why he's served 39
years of a life sentence.

"Many of Maryland's lifers, including myself, would have been paroled
years ago if not for the state's draconian policies toward its
citizens who are serving life sentences," Conway wrote. "In my case,
we hope to help change that situation."

Some full disclosure is in order. Last year I did a Fathers' Day
column for another paper about the relationship between Conway and
his son Ron. I also interviewed Ron Conway earlier this year for a
story I wrote for the Institute for Advanced Journalism Studies.

Some might accuse me of being biased in favor of the Conway family,
and claim I'm one of those buying into his claims of innocence. I
don't honestly know whether Conway is guilty or innocent. I do know I
don't trust "Saul of Tarsus" epiphanies that occur behind prison walls.

That's what happened in Conway's case. It was Johnson who fingered
Conway as one of the triggermen. Johnson later claimed police coerced
his account and dummied up when it came time to testify at Conway's trial.

About the same time, Michigan prison inmate Charles Reynolds had his
"Saul of Tarsus" epiphany. He was in a Maryland lockup shortly after
Conway was arrested, and just happened to remember that Conway told
him, a complete stranger, critical information about the crime that
could lead to his conviction.

Boo Boo The Fool wouldn't even have believed Reynolds, but a
Baltimore jury did, during a time when federal, state and local law
enforcement officers were carrying out acts every bit as -- if not
more -- illegal than those the Panthers were accused of.

And let's not forget: Some people died because of some of those
illegal actions. But not one of those law enforcement officers has
spent so much as one second behind bars. Oh, Congress held hearings
about the abuses and condemned them, but we have a classic double standard.

For the law enforcement officers who committed illegal acts, it's a
"let bygones be bygones" approach. For the Eddie Conways of the
country, it's throw 'em under the jail for the rest of their lives.

If you think I'm saying that Conway should be pardoned because of the
abuses of the FBI's COINTELPRO and similar state and local law
enforcement efforts, then give yourself some points for perception.
Conway didn't say that and perhaps couldn't say that in his message.

But I sure as hell can, and the holiday season seems a perfect time
to do it. Have a Merry Christmas.

And write to Gov. Martin O'Malley about that pardon for Conway.
--

Gregory Kane is a columnist who has been writing about Baltimore and
Maryland for more than 15 years. Look for his columns in the
editorial section every Thursday and Sunday. Reach him at gregkane@mac.com.

.

Black supremacist leader: I’m no racist

[2 items]

Black supremacist leader: I'm no racist

http://blogs.augusta.com/node/1966

by Johnny Edwards
December 26, 2008

Before marching through Cherry Tree Crossing with armed members of
the New Black Panther Party – as an observing journalist, of course –
I knew very little about the group.

My covering the protest Monday happened spur of the moment. The day
started with an assignment to cover the funeral of Justin Elmore,
killed in a police shooting Dec. 14. There were about a half dozen
men at the church in black uniforms. Later in the day, I got word of
a press conference at the site of the shooting, which turned out to
be a march of about 200 people led by those uniformed men.

They had no permit and they hadn't notified the city in advance. They
marched carrying shotguns and assault rifles, alarming Cherry Tree
Crossing residents and raising the ire of Richmond County Sheriff
Ronnie Strength. The sheriff dispatched deputies in riot gear, and
Panthers Augusta chapter Chairman Bobby Price, wanting to avoid a
confrontation, had his people put away their guns and quickly wrapped
up the demonstration.

Back at the office that evening, under deadline pressure, a cursory
Internet check of the New Black Panthers revealed they're not part of
the late Huey P. Newton's leftist civil rights organization of the
1960s and 1970s. I called Mr. Price and confirmed that, even though
his business card spells Panthers with an s, his group is part of the
New Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, a militant black
supremacist group that formed in Dallas, Texas, in the late 1980s.

More research the following day turned up some disturbing stuff. I
found accounts of New Black Panther leaders spewing anti-Semitic,
racist vitriol and inciting confrontations. These were the guys who
attacked reporters outside former U.S. Congresswoman Cynthia
McKinney's campaign headquarters after she lost in a 2006 runoff.
Late National Chairman Khalid Abdul Muhammad called for genocide of
whites and Jews. Both the Southern Poverty Law Center and the
Anti-Defamation League consider the New Black Panthers a hate group,
and the Huey P. Newton Foundation has called it illegitimate and
denounced its hatred of whites.

I interacted with Mr. Price a good deal on Monday and didn't get a
racist vibe from him. I called him again and asked more questions
about the party. I read him a quote from Mr. Muhammad: "There are no
good crackers, and if you find one, kill him before he changes."

"I don't personally feel that," Mr. Price said. "I understand that
some offensive things have been said about whites and others, but
that doesn't define who we are."

Mr. Price said he wants to embolden poor blacks to emerge from the
shadow of slavery and Jim Crow, and he doesn't see where insulting
whites and Jewish people fits into that.

"I'm about opposing racism, and if I take flak from those who think
that's too soft, I'm OK with that," Mr. Price said.

To him, black supremacy doesn't mean blacks are superior to other
races, he said. It's about teaching young blacks that their history
goes back further than their ancestors' arrival in slave ships, that
black people founded the first human civilizations. He said he's not
anti-Jewish, but anti-Zionist because he believes in Palestine's
right to exist.

Monday's protest wasn't about race, Mr. Price said. One of the
deputies involved in the shooting is black. Mr. Price said he opposes
anyone who oppresses black people.

"It's not about the color of the person's skin," he said. "We see it
as a police brutality issue."

Mr. Price said he's been chairman of the Augusta chapter for about
five years. It has seven members including him, all of whom took part
in the march.

New Black Panther groups often carry weapons in public appearances.
The organization has staged protests over the dragging death of James
Byrd in Jasper, Texas; in Jena, La., over the Jena Six controversy;
and outside Duke University, where they demanded justice for a
stripper who – it turned out – falsely accused three lacrosse players of rape.

The Rev. Al Sharpton has been peripherally involved, speaking at the
party's Million Youth March and arranging for Mr. Muhammad, who died
of a brain aneurysm in 2001, to speak to street gangs. After Mr.
Elmore's funeral Monday at Macedonia Baptist Church, the Rev.
Sharpton exited through the front door, then reentered the church
through a lower-level side door where the Augusta Panthers had
gathered in a hallway. A church official wouldn't let me in.

Hours later, as Mr. Price readied for the march, he expressed
frustration with the Rev. Sharpton, accusing him of kowtowing to city
and church leaders. Mr. Price said he was trying to give residents of
Cherry Tree Crossing an outlet to vent their frustrations.

"We're trying to be an influence in a positive way. We've got to get
people talking, debating the issues," he said. "It's giving a voice
to the voiceless."

--------

From:

http://chronicle.augusta.com/stories/2008/12/28/met_505614.shtml

12/28/08

SUPREMACISTS, NOT RACISTS: He might be part of a national
organization that's been labeled a hate group, but Bobby Price says
he's no racist.

The chairman of the Augusta chapter of the New Black Panthers Party
says he wants to embolden poor blacks to emerge from the shadow of
slavery and Jim Crow, and unlike the group's leaders in other parts
of the country, he doesn't see where insulting whites and Jewish
people fits into that.

"I'm about opposing racism, and if I take flak from those who think
that's too soft, I'm OK with that," Mr. Price said.

He and the chapter's six other members raised the ire of Richmond
County Sheriff Ronnie Strength on Monday when, carrying shotguns and
assault rifles, they led a march through Cherry Tree Crossing housing
project to protest the fatal police shooting of Justin Elmore. The
sheriff dispatched deputies in riot gear, and Mr. Price, wanting to
avoid a confrontation, had his people put away their guns and quickly
wrapped up the demonstration.

They aren't part of the late Huey P. Newton 's leftist civil rights
organization, but rather followers of the New Black Panther Party for
Self-Defense, a militant black supremacist group that splintered from
the Nation of Islam in the late 1980s.

Nationally, the group has a terrible reputation. Its leaders spew
anti-Semitic, racist vitriol. The Southern Poverty Law Center
considers it a hate group, and the Huey P. Newton Foundation has
called it illegitimate and denounced its hatred of whites. Its late
national chairman, Khalid Abdul Muhammad, once said, "There are no
good crackers, and if you find one, kill him before he changes."

"I don't personally feel that," Mr. Price said after being read the
quote. "I understand that some offensive things have been said about
whites and others, but that doesn't define who we are."

To him, black supremacy doesn't mean blacks are better than other
races, he said. It's about teaching young blacks that their history
goes back further than their ancestors' arrival in slave ships, that
blacks founded the first human civilizations, he said.

Regardless, the protest Monday wasn't about race, Mr. Price said. One
of the deputies involved in the shooting is black.

"It's not about the color of the person's skin," he said. "We see it
as a police-brutality issue."

.

FBI official in 'Omaha Two' case was master media manipulator and self-described liar

FBI official in 'Omaha Two' case was master media manipulator and
self-described liar

http://www.opednews.com/articles/FBI-official-in-Omaha-Two-by-Michael-Richardson-081229-270.html

by Michael Richardson
December 29, 2008

William Cornelius Sullivan was the chief architect of the Federal
Bureau of Investigation's clandestine and illegal Operation
COINTELPRO during the tenure of director J. Edgar Hoover. Sullivan
was also a master at media manipulation shaping the news to the
benefit of the Bureau.

Operation COINTELPRO was a massive, secret, nation-wide operation
aimed at hundreds of domestic political targets. Ordered by Hoover
to "disrupt" the Black Panther Party and other groups by any means
necessary, FBI agents used a wide variety of illegal and improper
tactics. One of the time-tested methods of eliminating the
leadership of local Panther chapters was obtaining false convictions
by use of withheld evidence, planted evidence, and false testimony.

Sullivan, an assistant director, was the highest-ranking FBI official
to admit public knowledge of the 'Omaha Two' case. Black Panthers Ed
Poindexter and Mondo we Langa (formerly David Rice) headed the Omaha,
Nebraska chapter and were COINTELPRO targets. The August 17, 1970
bombing murder of policeman Larry Minard was followed by the
prosecution of the two Omaha activists for his death and led to their
conviction following a controversial 1971 trial that was marred by
withheld evidence and conflicting police testimony.

In October 1970 at a conference of United Press International,
Sullivan falsely denied the existence of a "conspiracy" against the
Black Panthers and tried to squelch sympathy for the
Panthers. Sullivan told the assembled reporters, "Panther cries of
repression at the hands of a government 'conspiracy' receive the
sympathy not only of adherents to totalitarian ideologies, but also
of those willing to close their eyes to even to the violent nature of
hoodlum 'revolutionary' acts."

Sullivan also spoke of his knowledge of Minard's death. "On August
12, 1970 [sic] an Omaha, Nebraska police officer was literally
blasted to death by an explosive device placed in a suitcase in an
abandoned residence. The officer had been summoned by an anonymous
telephone complaint that a woman was being beated [sic] there. An
individual with Panther associations has been charged with this crime."

What Sullivan didn't tell assembled reporters was that Hoover had
already ordered critical evidence withheld from the 'Omaha Two' with
a directive to FBI Crime Laboratory director Ivan Willard
Conrad. The 911 tape recording of the killer's voice had been sent
to FBI headquarters for vocal analysis but Hoover ordered no lab
report be issued after the testing.

Sullivan was on a special distribution list at the COINTELPRO
directorate in FBI headquarters where he received various secret
memos from the Omaha FBI office updating him on the status of the
investigation and the ongoing deception about the recording of the
killer's voice.

The jury that convicted Ed Poindexter and Mondo we Langa never got to
hear the tape recording or know that Hoover had personally ordered
evidence about the killer's identity withheld.

The Omaha World-Herald's coverage of the case was apparently
manipulated to aid the FBI plot to keep quiet about the 911
tape. The newspaper initially reported on the tape's journey to
Washington quoting acting-Chief of Police Walter J. Devere that the
tape would be a good investigative tool. However, the Omaha
newspaper never followed up their lead story on the testing of the
fatal recording and subsequent articles about the case dropped the subject.

Sullivan was fired by Hoover several months after the Omaha trial
ended for leaking to the Justice Department information about
unauthorized FBI wiretaps on Henry Kissinger. Sullivan retaliated by
writing a book, The Bureau: My Thirty Years in Hoover's FBI. The
autobiographical account is far from a tell-all and Sullivan's
self-aggrandizement agenda is apparent. However, Sullivan does make
some remarkable admissions.

Although Sullivan is virtually silent about COINTELPRO and does not
mention the 'Omaha Two' case at all, he boasts about his prowess
working the news media to manipulate stories. "Because of this
network of field offices, and thanks to scores of contacts made and
maintained by the special agents in charge, Hoover was able to place
'news' stories--invented and written in the bureau, really nothing
more than press releases, puff pieces for the FBI--in newspapers all
over the country. Our strength was in the small dailies and
weeklies, with hundreds of these papers behind him."

"Of course, scores of Washington-based reporters printed stories we
gave them too, and they usually printed them under their own
bylines. Some of them lived off us. It was an easy way to make a
living. They were our press prostitutes."

"We also planted stories critical of some of Hoover's favorites
targets, the CIA for instance. And of course we placed stories about
Hoover's congressional critics. A negative story which appears in a
newspaper published in a congressman's home district hurts him more
than any article in the Washington Post."

"Letters went by the thousands to the Jaycees, the newspaper editors,
the movers and shakers so carefully cultivated as FBI contacts by our
agents out in the field. These field agents were also responsible
for reading any article or letter to the editor that mentioned the
FBI or Hoover. Any favorable mention of either in any newspaper in
America meant a personal letter of thanks from Hoover."

"This public relations operation of Hoover's, this massive attempt to
control public opinion continues to this day, and is at the very
heart of what is wrong with the bureau. Unless it is exposed, until
every editor of every little weekly newspaper who ever printed an FBI
press handout realizes how he has been used, the FBI will continue to
do business in the same old way."

In a rare moment of candor, Sullivan confessed to his
deceptions. "The bureau system made liars of us all. If you didn't
lie, you couldn't survive."

Ed Poindexter and Mondo we Langa, despite their protestations of
innocence, were convicted of Minard's killing and sentenced to life
sentences. Incarcerated at the maximum-security Nebraska State
Penitentiary both men continue to deny any role in the 1970
murder. Poindexter has a new trial request pending before the
Nebraska Supreme Court over withheld evidence and conflicting police
testimony. No date for a decision has been announced.

.

Peter Fonda: What I've Learned

Peter Fonda: What I've Learned

http://www.esquire.com/features/what-ive-learned/peter-fonda-quotes-0109

The actor opens up about forgiving his father, accepting death, and
discovering God online.

By Mike Sager
December 23, 2008

Fonda has lived on a ranch in southern Montana since 1975.
Interviewed by Mike Sager, August 12, 2008
--

I was born famous, so right off the bat, fame meant nothing to me.

I could dig the coolest, straightest ditch you ever saw, but the guys
at the other end of the ditch would be saying, "You know who that is?
That's Henry Fonda's son."

I had no idea who Henry Fonda was. He wasn't around the house much
and didn't communicate much. Of course you know my mother. She slit
her throat with a razor.

Never refill a plastic water bottle.

I sometimes get way out there. I need somebody to draw me back.

At first I liked living in Montana. Then I learned that it's
extraordinarily cold, and it's full of dust. I had to plow drifts
that were nine feet high and went almost four hundred yards long.
That's a lot of work. And it ain't fun.

I'm always changing the words. A screenwriter writes for somebody to
read, but we are paid to take it off the page, to make it spoken.
People stammer, they stutter, they take pauses, they drop stuff. It
must drive writers crazy. But I'm making the character real.

Sailing has taught me how small we really are on this planet, how
insignificant. And yet, in this insignificance, we have really messed
things up.

Think about Tom Joad. That last speech he gives to Ma Joad: "Wherever
there's a cop beating up a fella, I'll be there, Ma." I think the
most brilliant part about that speech is the way my father delivered
it. He never blinked. Like a prizefighter, he never blinked. He
didn't change anything on his face. He didn't put a loaded value on
any of the words. He just canted it out in his Nebraska accent, and
it worked so powerfully. Had he put any spin on it, I think it would
have been the corniest thing ever.

Jane is driven. Sometimes her choices aren't the best. I never would
have gone to North Vietnam and done that. But her whole workout
ethic, what a great thing.

I like to go online and look at the Hubble Space Telescope. Out there
you see total chaos and perfect symmetry. That's God.

Muslims want the whole world to be Muslim. Christians want the whole
world to be Christian. Catholics. Protestants. Mormons. They're all
the same. Far out, right? Everybody wants the world to be like them.

Once I forgave my father, everything else became possible. I started
telling him, "Before you leave this planet" -- because he was on his
way out -- "I need to hear you say, 'I love you very much, son.' "

When he died, I was in the room with Jane, her husband, Tom Hayden,
dad's fifth wife, Shirlee, and we were in the room and everybody was
really morbid, but not me. At first I was looking at him, he was kind
of in another state. And then he came to consciousness. He looked
around, blinking one eye and then the other, like a drunk trying to
find the right part of the path to walk down. Beautiful big blue
eyes, you know. Then he looked at his firstborn, Jane, and then he
looked at Hayden. When he looked at me, both eyes opened. He focused
on me and he said, "I want you to know, son, I love you very much."
That's how we left it.

Forgiveness: It just keeps proving itself to me.

Right now, if the stray bullet whacked me, or the odd great white
swam up and bit me in two -- you know what? It's been a hell of a good life.

..

Black Panthers in white marble

From:

Best in visual arts in 2008

http://www.mysanantonio.com/entertainment/36799544.html

12/28/2008
By Dan R. Goddard - Express-News Staff Writer

Black Panthers in white marble, Linda Pace Foundation:

Los Angeles artist Daniel Joseph Martinez was commissioned by Linda
Pace, who died last year, to create a pair of provocative public art
pieces for her foundation's offices next to CHRISpark ­ Black Panther
leaders Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale carved in white Italian
Carrera marble and a text piece about "beauty" painted on the North
Flores Street side of the building.

.

Blacks Have Been Conned About Kwanzaa!

[2 articles]

My Triumph Over Kwanzaa!

http://www.humanevents.com/article.php?id=30063#continueA

by Ann Coulter
12/24/2008

Is it just me, or does Kwanzaa seem to come earlier and earlier each year?

This year, I believe my triumph over this synthetic holiday is nearly
complete. The only mentions of Kwanzaa I've seen are humorous ones.
Most important, for the first time in eight years, President George
Bush appears not to have issued "Kwanzaa greetings" to honor this
phony non-Christian holiday that is younger than I am.

It is a fact that Kwanzaa was invented in 1966 by a black radical FBI
stooge, Ron Karenga, aka Dr. Maulana Karenga. Karenga was a founder
of United Slaves, a violent nationalist rival to the Black Panthers
and a dupe of the FBI.

In what was probably ultimately a foolish gamble, during the madness
of the '60s the FBI encouraged the most extreme black nationalist
organizations in order to discredit and split the left. The more
preposterous the organization, the better. Using that criterion,
Karenga's United Slaves was perfect. In the annals of the American
'60s, Karenga was the Father Gapon, stooge of the czarist police.

Despite modern perceptions that blend all the black activists of the
'60s, the Black Panthers did not hate whites. They did not seek armed
revolution. Those were the precepts of Karenga's United Slaves.
United Slaves were proto-fascists, walking around in dashikis,
gunning down Black Panthers and adopting invented "African" names.
(That was a big help to the black community: How many boys named
"Jamal" currently sit on death row?)

Whether Karenga was a willing dupe, or just a dupe, remains unclear.
Curiously, in a 1995 interview with Ethnic NewsWatch, Karenga
matter-of-factly explained that the forces out to get O.J. Simpson
for the "framed" murder of two whites included: "the FBI, the CIA,
the State Department, Interpol, the Chicago Police Department" and so
on. Karenga should know about FBI infiltration. (He further noted
that the evidence against O.J. "was not strong enough to prohibit or
eliminate unreasonable doubt" -- an interesting standard of proof.)

In the category of the-gentleman-doth-protest-too-much, back in the
'70s, Karenga was quick to criticize rumors that black radicals were
government-supported. When Nigerian newspapers claimed that some
American black radicals were CIA operatives, Karenga publicly
denounced the idea, saying, "Africans must stop generalizing about
the loyalties and motives of Afro-Americans, including the widespread
suspicion of black Americans being CIA agents."

Now we know that the FBI fueled the bloody rivalry between the
Panthers and United Slaves. In one barbarous outburst, Karenga's
United Slaves shot to death Black Panthers Al "Bunchy" Carter and
Deputy Minister John Huggins on the UCLA campus. Karenga himself
served time, a useful stepping-stone for his current position as a
black studies professor at California State University at Long Beach.

(Sing to "Jingle Bells")

Kwanzaa bells, dashikis sell

Whitey has to pay;

Burning, shooting, oh what fun

On this made-up holiday!

Kwanzaa itself is a nutty blend of schmaltzy '60s rhetoric, black
racism and Marxism. Indeed, the seven "principles" of Kwanzaa praise
collectivism in every possible arena of life -- economics, work,
personality, even litter removal. ("Kuumba: Everyone should strive to
improve the community and make it more beautiful.") It takes a
village to raise a police snitch.

When Karenga was asked to distinguish Kawaida, the philosophy
underlying Kwanzaa, from "classical Marxism," he essentially
explained that under Kawaida, we also hate whites. While taking the
"best of early Chinese and Cuban socialism" -- which one assumes
would exclude the forced abortions, imprisonment of homosexuals and
forced labor -- Kawaida practitioners believe one's racial identity
"determines life conditions, life chances and self-understanding."
There's an inclusive philosophy for you.

Coincidentally, the seven principles of Kwanzaa are the very same
seven principles of the Symbionese Liberation Army, another charming
invention of the Worst Generation. In 1974, Patricia Hearst, kidnap
victim-cum-SLA revolutionary, posed next to the banner of her alleged
captors, a seven-headed cobra. Each snake head stood for one of the
SLA's revolutionary principles: Umoja, Kujichagulia, Ujima, Ujamaa,
Nia, Kuumba and Imani -- the exact same seven "principles" of Kwanzaa.

Kwanzaa was the result of a '60s psychosis grafted onto the black
community. Liberals have become so mesmerized by multicultural
nonsense that they have forgotten the real history of Kwanzaa and
Karenga's United Slaves -- the violence, the Marxism, the insanity.
Most absurdly, for leftists anyway, is that they have forgotten the
FBI's tacit encouragement of this murderous black nationalist cult
founded by the father of Kwanzaa.

This is a holiday for white liberals -- the kind of holiday Bill
Ayers and Bernardine Dohrn probably celebrate. Meanwhile, most blacks
celebrate Christmas.

Kwanzaa liberates no one; Christianity liberates everyone,
proclaiming that we are all equal before God. "There is neither Jew
nor Greek, slave nor free, male nor female, for you are all one in
Christ Jesus" (Galatians 3:28). Not surprisingly, it was
practitioners of that faith who were at the forefront of the
abolitionist and civil rights movements.

Next year this time, we'll find out if our new "Halfrican" president
is really black or just another white liberal. If he's black enough
to say the "brothers should pull up their pants," surely Obama can
just say no to Kwanzaa.
--

Ann Coulter is Legal Affairs Correspondent for HUMAN EVENTS and
author of "High Crimes and Misdemeanors," "Slander," ""How to Talk to
a Liberal (If You Must)," "Godless," and most recently, "If Democrats
Had Any Brains, They'd Be Republicans."

--------

Blacks Have Been Conned About Kwanzaa!

http://www.expertclick.com/NewsReleaseWire/default.cfm?Action=ReleaseDetail&ID=24577

December 29 2008
Don Boys, Ph.D.

Let me state the obvious: If Blacks (or anyone else) want to
celebrate Kwanzaa that is their right; however, it is my right to set
the record straight. Kwanzaa is not a religious holiday, nor is it a
traditional "African thing." Moreover, it is grounded in violence,
corruption, and deceit. Furthermore, it has an admitted humanist
foundation, so professing Christians should not go near the thing.
Neither should black Americans!

Yes, I know the U.S. Postal service issued a stamp honoring Kwanzaa
but that only proves how shallow and stupid the Postal Service is.
And yes, the New York Times and other major journals have positively
pitched Kwanzaa. (See previous sentence.) Those people are wearing
the "merit badge" of political correctness. In fact, they flaunt it.

It was December 26, 1966 that Ron Karenga and his family and friends
lit a candle at the kick-off of Kwanzaa, a new holiday to remember
their African roots. However, Karenga admitted to the Washington Post
that Kwanzaa was not African and they hated whites. Karenga wrote
what I call, the mission statement for Kwanzaa fanatics: "The
sevenfold path of blackness is think black, talk black, act black,
create black, buy black, vote black, and live black." That is black
separatism and racism to the core. Let me suggest it should be "Think
American, talk American, act American, create American, buy American,
vote American and live American."

While some of the "seven principles" (unity, self determination,
collective work and responsibility, cooperative economics, purpose,
creativity, and faith) of Kwanzaa seem commendable, they must be read
within the total socialist, Marxist, and anti-white context in which
they were developed by a very unstable guy.

The Kwanzaa Information Center also notes that the Kwanzaa flag "has
become the symbol of devotion for African people in America to
establish an independent African nation on the North American Continent."

Remember during the 1960s, President John Kennedy was assassinated
followed by his brother Bobby and Martin Luther King. Hippies were
protesting the Vietnam War and many burned their draft cards and fled
to Canada. Timothy Leary convinced thousands of youth to use illegal
drugs (especially LSD) using the phrase,"Turn on, tune in, drop out."
When he dropped out and assumed room temperature, his remains were
cremated and shot into space where they still orbit the earth. Leary
is still going around and around and around without the help of any drug!

The 1964 Civil Rights Act was passed giving Blacks the right to jobs,
college enrollment, access to public restrooms, etc., and many Blacks
overreacted and promoted "Black Power." Some black leaders like
Malcolm X were intent on the eventual creation of a separate black
American nation in the U.S. or Western hemisphere. He and other
leaders wanted black independence and freedom from dependence upon Whites.

The Black Panther Party was formed in Oakland, CA by Huey Newton and
Bobby Seale in 1966 to protect blacks and black neighborhoods from
"police brutality." However, those lofty goals changed with time.
While the party was always socialist, it became more vicious and
violent. They and other black groups spewed bigotry, intolerance,
hatred, sexism, anti-Semitism, dogmatic historical revisionism, and
violence throughout North America. Many black nationalists
exemplified more hatred for whites than love of their own race. Most
Black Nationalist leaders were critical of Martin Luther King's
professed nonviolent approach to civil rights and sarcastically
called him, "De Lawd."

Into such an atmosphere, entered Ron Karenga, founder of United
Slaves (a violent nationalist rival to the Black Panthers) and a dupe
of the FBI. The tension between the Black Panthers and the United
Slaves reached the highest level over who would head up the new
Afro-American Studies department at UCLA. Each radical group
supported different candidates.

Then on January 17, 1969, fewer than 200 students gathered on the
UCLA campus to discuss their differences. During the meeting John
Jerome Huggins and Alprentice Carter of the Panthers verbally
attacked Karenga, much to the dismay of his followers. After the
meeting two United Slave members, George and Larry Stiner, confronted
Huggins and Carter in a hallway and shot and killed them. The fat was
in the fire.

George and Larry finally were sentenced to life in San Quentin prison
but in 1975, the two brothers, fearing an alleged retaliatory plot by
white prison guards, escaped from San Quentin (with help from a black
prison guard) and fled to Suriname. In 1994, Larry turned himself in
to United States officials and returned to America but the
whereabouts of George is still unknown.

On September 17, 1971, Ron Karenga was sentenced one to ten years to
the slammer on counts of felonious assault and false imprisonment.
The charges stemmed from a May 9, 1970 incident in which Karenga and
two others tortured two women. According to the Los Angeles Times
"Deborah Jones, who once was given the title of an African queen,
said she and Gail Davis were whipped with an electrical cord and
beaten with a karate baton after being ordered to remove their
clothes. She testified that a hot soldering iron was placed in Miss
Davis' mouth."

At his trial, Ron Karenga's sanity was in question and a psychiatrist
declared, "This man now represents a picture which can be considered
both paranoid and schizophrenic with hallucinations and elusions,
inappropriate affect, disorganization, and impaired contact with the
environment." The psychiatrist observed that Karenga talked to his
blanket and imaginary persons and believed that he had been attacked
by dive-bombers! My two-year-old grandson also talks to his blanket,
has imaginary friends, and believes he has been attacked by
peg-legged, one-eyed Caribbean pirates but he has not been offered a
position at a major university as was Karenga! Eight years later
California State University at Long Beach made Karenga the head of
its Black Studies Department! I think he should be making license
plates in a state prison.

Blacks can celebrate whatever they choose but I will remind them that
if it is Kwanzaa, they recognize a "holiday" that was designed by a
hateful, bigoted, black Marxist who reportedly talks to his blanket,
has imaginary friends and believed he was attacked by dive-bombers!
Watch out, they're coming out of the clouds at the two o'clock position!

Maybe Blacks and Whites should be more careful in choosing their
holidays and their heroes.
--

(Dr. Don Boys is a former member of the Indiana House of
Representatives, author of 13 books, frequent guest on television and
radio talk shows, and wrote columns for USA Today for 8 years. His
most recent book is ISLAM: America's Trojan Horse! These columns go
to over 11,000 newspapers, television, and radio stations. His web
sites are www.cstnews.com and www.Muslimfact.com.)

Don Boys, Ph.D.
International Director
Common Sense for Today
Ringgold, GA
Phone : 706-965-5930
Fax : 706-965-5930

.

OBIT: Rabbi Arnold Jacob Wolf 1924-2008

Rabbi Arnold Jacob Wolf 1924-2008

Rabbi Arnold Jacob Wolf, 1924-2008: Led 2 prominent Reform Jewish congregations

http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/chi-hed-arnold-wolf-25-dec25,0,7051656.story

He mixed respect and deep knowledge of Jewish tradition with a
willingness to ask questions

By Trevor Jensen | Tribune reporter
December 25, 2008

Rabbi Arnold Jacob Wolf, a provocative and influential leader of
Reform Judaism, blended probing scholarship with a profound
commitment to social justice while leading two prominent Chicago-area
congregations.

Rabbi Wolf, 84, died Tuesday, Dec. 23, in the University of Chicago
Hospitals, apparently of a heart attack, said his son Jonathan.

He led KAM Isaiah Israel Congregation in Kenwood, the city's oldest
Jewish congregation, from 1980 to 2000. In 1957 he helped launch
Congregation Solel in Highland Park, where he remained until 1972.

At both temples, he mixed respect and deep knowledge of Jewish
tradition with a willingness to ask questions, try new things and
expose his congregation to an eclectic collection of guest speakers.
At Congregation Solel, those included Rev. Martin Luther King and
defendants in the Chicago 7 conspiracy trial.

"Solel is not just a footnote, it was a ground-breaking
congregation," said Rabbi Ira Youdovin, former executive vice
president of the Chicago Board of Rabbis.

Rabbi Wolf instituted practices then unheard of, now more common,
such as letting his congregation write its own prayer book and make
decisions previously reserved for the rabbi, Youdovin said.
Membership was capped at 400 and bar mitzvahs were banned.

"It was a lay-led congregation," said Allen "Bud" Levis, a founding
member and the congregation's third president. "He was really a
believer in what was true Judaism. It wasn't just the ceremony, the
ritual, it was the interpretation."

Secular issues were fair game for temple talks, and through the 1960s
Rabbi Wolf marched in Selma, Ala., for civil rights and traveled to
Washington to protest the Vietnam War.

"The core teaching of Torah for him had to do with justice, and one
sometimes had to speak about that in ways that people didn't care to
hear," said Rabbi Laurence Edwards, who grew up in Congregation Solel
and now serves Congregation Or Chadash in Edgewater. "He was unfazed
by criticism. He said what he thought."

After leaving Congregation Solel, Rabbi Wolf spent eight years as
Jewish chaplain and Hillel director at Yale University, where he
found an activist compatriot in Rev. William Sloane Coffin, the
school's chaplain.

Returning to Chicago and joining KAM Isaiah Israel, his most recent
political activity was his support for President-elect Barack Obama,
whose home is across the street from the congregation's synagogue.

Rabbi Wolf grew up in Lakeview and as a boy was an actor with the
Mutual Radio Network. His mother was a social worker, and his father,
a tailor, died when he was 7. He was greatly influenced by his uncle
and great-uncle, both rabbis. He graduated from Lake View High School.

"He knew from a young age he wanted to be a rabbi," his son Benjamin said.

He received a two-year associate's degree from the University of
Chicago, then a bachelor's degree in philosophy from the University
of Cincinnati. He completed rabbinical studies at Hebrew Union
College in Cincinnati and was ordained in 1948.

After a stint as an assistant to his uncle, Rabbi Felix Levy, at
Temple Emanuel in Chicago, he served as a Navy chaplain in Japan
during the Korean War. A near crash in a seaplane that landed safely
in the water was a life-altering experience, he told the Tribune last year.

Like many Reform Jews, Rabbi Wolf did not receive his bar mitzvah at
13. Instead, he went through the ceremonial ritual at 83, 13 years
after passing the Biblical life span of "three score and 10."

"My father would say, 'Life starts at 70,' " Jonathan said.

Rabbi Wolf's first two marriages ended in divorce.

In addition to his sons, he is survived by his wife, Grace;
stepchildren Sara Berger, Justine Henning, Sarah-Anne Schumann and
Dara Henning; and 10 grandchildren.

Services are set for 10 a.m. Friday in KAM Isaiah Israel, 1100 E.
Hyde Park Blvd.
--

Tribune reporter Deanease Williams-Harris contributed to this report.

tjensen@tribune.com

.

1968 [Pinoy Kasi]

Pinoy Kasi

1968

http://opinion.inquirer.net/inquireropinion/columns/view/20081226-179987/1968

By Michael Tan
Philippine Daily Inquirer
12/26/2008

The title hints at the surprise I have for you: my two year-ender
columns will revolve around 1968. That's because the entire 2008 has
been marked by a mild, but quite visible "1968 fever," mainly in the
United States and Europe, with practically nothing done in local
media despite the importance of the events of that year.

Newsweek's cover story for its Nov. 19, 1968 issue called it "the
year that made us who we are," paraphrased many times over by other
writers as "the year that defined America." BBC (British Broadcasting
Corp.), which did a four-part radio documentary and set up special
web pages to commemorate the year, said it was the "year that changed
the world."

I am going to describe, in broad strokes, what happened in 1968, but
more importantly, I want to share the different insights that have
come from social scientists trying to explain why so much happened in
that year, and what lessons it offers us for the future. Much of what
has been written about the year focuses on developments in the West,
so I thought of writing as well about the Philippines in 1968, not
quite as tumultuous as many parts of the world but significant in its
own right.

Baby boom

I have a personal interest in 1968 because the main characters in the
multinational drama that played out were mainly from my generation.
This was the baby boom generation born in the years after World War
II. "Peace time" meant a spike in the number of births and by 1968,
the baby boomers had come of age (more or less, in their early 20s)
or were coming of age (as in my case being, smile, younger adolescents).

A Cold War was still simmering between capitalist and communist
countries, fought out in many violent proxy wars, the most visible of
which was Vietnam. But it was also a period of relative peace, and of
growing prosperity. Throughout much of the developed world, and some
developing countries, life was much better than it had been during
the era before the War, so it seemed unthinkable that the young would
have asked for anything more, other than supporting the status quo.

But the baby boomers were restless because not all was well on the
social front. In the United States, blacks were winning many battles
for civil rights. Just a year earlier, the US Supreme Court finally
declared as unconstitutional the bans in several states on
interracial marriages. But people were restless, seeing the changes
as too little, too slowly.

In April 1968, the black civil rights leader Martin Luther King was
assassinated, sparking nationwide protest actions not just among
blacks but also among white Americans, especially the young baby
boomers. The Vietnam War (called, incidentally, the American War in
Vietnam) had claimed almost 16,000 American lives by the end of 1967,
and because the young were the ones being drafted to serve in
Vietnam, it was their generation that was strongest in opposing the war.

Serious doubts about winning the war were being raised. The year 1968
had started with disturbing news from Vietnam: the Tet (Vietnamese
New Year) offensive that included an attack on the US Embassy in
Saigon. Vietnam was beginning to disturb American consciences. About
the middle of 1968, the mass media began to talk about My Lai, a
small hamlet in Vietnam where American soldiers had killed some 500
unarmed civilians. Beatings and rapes were reported as well.

Support for black civil rights, an end to the Vietnam War­these
issues converged with other more youth-specific issues. It was also
an election year in the United States, and young Americans began to
question the agendas of both the Democrats and Republicans. The
Democratic convention in August 1968 ended in violent encounters
between police and young Americans.

The turbulence wasn't limited to America's baby boomers. In England,
France, Germany, Spain and Italy, as well as in several Latin
American countries and normally staid Japan, students practically
closed down universities with their protest actions.

There was, too, the Prague Spring in Czechoslovakia, then a part of
the Soviet bloc. Students came out in support of Alexander Dubcek,
who wanted to build "socialism with a human face" and called for more
civil rights. The Soviets put a quick end to these demands by invading Prague.

All over the world, students protested American involvement in
Vietnam, but the issues often took a local flavor as well. In Japan
the protests were directed against US military bases and the building
of Narita airport. In Spain, student protests were sparked off by a
Mass held in Madrid for Hitler. In Brazil, students protested against
the military dictatorship.

Change

It was a violent year. Besides Martin Luther King, Robert Kennedy,
who was among the leading Democratic candidates for president, was
assassinated weeks before the party convention. Student protests were
often dispersed violently.

In Mexico City, where government was worried about public image
because they were hosting that year's Olympics, soldiers and
civilians clashed during a rally on Oct. 2. To this day, no one knows
the number of fatalities except that there were "many."

I have not come across any historian who dismisses 1968's events as
senseless examples of youthful impulsiveness. The young did shake up
their own generation, as well as older people, about politics and
culture, about the status quo and about change.

The civil rights movement in the United States inspired other groups,
notably the "women's libbers," with their strategies. But the civil
rights movement itself began to change. "Black power" emerged,
epitomized by the boxer Cassius Clay converting to Islam and renaming
himself Muhammad Ali. Blacks questioned old approaches of integration
and assimilation and the idea of the United States as a "melting
pot." Ethnic pride became a new goal for younger blacks, and
eventually influenced Hispanics, Asians, and even "white" ethnic
groups (e.g., the Irish, Poles) who could see themselves as
hyphenated Americans with their own culture, and rights.

The year produced mixed results. Richard Nixon won the US
presidential elections, showing the power of a silent, still
conservative majority. That year, too, 14,589 US servicemen died in
Vietnam, the highest number during the entire Vietnam War. The war
would drag on another seven years.

Outside of the United States, students were raising questions about
authoritarian rule, questions that were to become even more pressing
in the 1970s as more countries, including the Philippines, came under
dictatorships. American historian Bruce Schulman aptly describes 1968
as the "first year of the 1970s."

There was more to all this than a baby-boom generation, and that is
what I will tackle next Wednesday, together with a look at the
Philippines in 1968, before we return to 2008.
--

Email: mtan@inquirer.com.ph

.

OBIT: Adrian Mitchell

'Adrian was a genius. He was a tender, political poet who never compromised'

http://www.thecnj.co.uk/camden/2008/122308/news122308_09.html

Leading lights of the literary world pay tribute to poet and
playwright Adrian Mitchell

by DAN CARRIER
23 December 2008

FRIENDS of the poet Adrian Mitchell, who has died aged 76, have
spoken of his immense contribution to the two passions of his life:
the peace movement and the spoken word. The poet and playwright
passed away on Saturday night.
Children's Laureate Michael Rosen first saw Adrian perform his poem
To Whom It May Concern at a massive anti-Vietnam war demonstration in
Trafalgar Square in the early 1960s and became a life long friend of Adrian's.
Mr Rosen said: "Adrian was a socialist and a pacifist who believed,
like William Blake, that everything human was 'holy'. That is to say
he celebrated a love of life with the same fervour that he attacked
those who crushed life.
"He would point out how society crushes the inventiveness and play in
children, and he created poetry for children that is full of
wordplay, mystery, absurdity and music.
"There are more than 50 years of revolutionary literature that he has
given us. He has sung, chanted, whispered and shouted his poems in
every kind of place imaginable, urging us to love our lives, love our
minds and bodies and to fight against tyranny, oppression and exploitation."
Kentish Town based poet Jehane Markham first met Adrian when she was
15 and performed at many readings with him.
Ms Markham remembered how he articulated political views in
brilliant, memorable prose. She said: "He was always himself. He
never compromised his views. He was the first radical poet I had ever
heard. He put his money where his mouth is. He never deviated. He was
never part of a fashionable in-crowd. He was very much his own man."
She added that his genius in writing for children came from his own
innate sense of mischief and fun.
She added: "He was naturally anti-authoritarian, a natural anarchist.
He had a child's spirit. It is beyond me to put his genius into
words. He was a tender poet, yet political."
Playwright Sir Arnold Wesker recalled running into Adrian at shows and parties.
He had performed at Sir Arnold's Centre 42 at the Roundhouse, in the
1960s, springing on to the stage like a rock'n' roll front man.
Sir Arnold said: "His death has come as a great shock – it just seems
so wrong. It really takes something away from the period."
Actor Roger Lloyd-Pack worked with Adrian at the children's theatre
company Wonderful Beast. He said: "Adrian had a spark about him. It
is a very sad loss."
In the last years of his life, Adrian did not slow down in expressing
fierce anger at the stupidity of war. He travelled to the Faslane
nuclear base in Scotland in 2006 to demonstrate against the Trident
missile programme. He was arrested for taking part in non-violent
direct action to disrupt the convoys going into the base. He recalled
spending a night in the cells and being treated kindly by the
Scottish officers who took him in.
He told the New Journal: "They didn't want to charge me with anything
– they thought it was too much bother and I'd get the publicity of
being in a magistrates' court.
"They thought a night in a police station might inconvenience me a
little bit. But they made me endless cups if tea and made sure I was
warm and comfortable, so I wasn't inconvenienced at all."
Adrian had been suffering from pneumonia through the autumn, although
he seemed to be bearing up well – he was occasionally spotted walking
on the Heath, albeit at a slower pace than usual, with his golden
retriever Daisy, "The Dog of Peace" as she was dubbed in his
children's book of poetry called the Zoo of Dreams.
Adrian lived near the Heath for much of his life and was born in
Parliament Hill in 1932. His father, Jock, was a chemist and Adrian
showed early promise, writing his first play aged just nine. He did
his national service in the RAF and his experiences in the forces
confirmed his anti-militarism.
He studied at Oxford and then became a journalist, moving back to
London to work on the Evening Standard. He worked on the Sunday
Times, but fell out of favour for reviewing Peter Watkins
anti-nuclear film The War Game, which had been banned.
Reporting on the arts, he began writing poetry, novels and plays from
the mid-1960s onwards.
Adrian was a British beat poet – his love of jazz influenced him in
his writing, and he was aware of the importance of the rhythm of the
language he used, writing of the trumpeter Charlie Parker: "He
breathed in air/He breathed out light/ Charlie Parker was my delight."
His back catalogue includes an adaptation of The Lion, The Witch and
the Wardrobe for the RSC and a Beatrix Potter trilogy for the Unicorn
Theatre. Other works included a play about William Blake, Tyger for
the National Theatre. His version of Pushkin's Boris Godunov is due
to be performed by the RSC next year.
Always willing to give time to the peace movement – the windows of
his house in Dartmouth Park are still festooned with 1960s-style CND
signs – he helped write and produce an open air show for the
Woodcraft Folk in a field in Kent.
Adrian leaves his wife, the actress Celia Hewitt to who he was
married for 47 years, their two daughters, as well as two sons and a
daughter from his first marriage.

My Literary Career So Far
(Adrian Mitchell's last poem, written on Thursday evening)

As I prowled through Parentheses
I met an Robin and a Owl
My Grammarboots they thrilled like bees
My Vowelhat did gladly growl
Tis my delight each Friedegg Night
To chomp a Verbal Sandwich
Scots Consonants light up my Pants
And marinade my Heart in Language
Alphabet Soup was all my joy!
From Dreadfast up to Winnertime
I swam, a naked Pushkinboy
Up wodka vaterfalls of rhyme
And reached the summit of Blue Howl
To find a shining Suit of Words
And joined an Robin and a Owl
In good Duke Ellington's Band of Birds

.

Hitchcock estate home to rare scientific finds

Hitchcock estate home to rare scientific finds

http://www.zwire.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=20226776&BRD=1705&PAG=461&dept_id=71853&rfi=6

By: Janine Stankus, Staff Reporter
12/26/2008

The 1,950-acre Hitchcock Estate located off of Route 44 in Millbrook
has long been the center of local lore, according to Carmine Di
Arpino, author of "A History of the Town of Washington and Millbrook."

"There seems to be no end to the number of myths and legends mingled
with scraps of facts that have been spun about the estate and its
creator," he writes.

The property was purchased in 1889 by Charles F. Dieterich who dubbed
the estate "Daheim," which in German means "the home place."
According to Di Arpino, Dietrich tried to create a "castle-world" on
the property, reminiscent of his German homeland. The gatehouse
entrance at exemplifies this concept. He also began constructing an
actual castle on the estate, but later turned the uncompleted project
into a cow barn.

Upon Dieterich's death, the estate was sold off to various parties
and ended up in the hands of the Hitchcock family, who are the owners
to this day.

The estate became famously connected with Timothy Leary, who lived in
the main house on the property for several years in the 1960s. The
ex-Harvard professor had befriended some of the Hitchcock sons and is
alleged to have conducted some of his infamous experiments with
psychedelic drugs there.

The history of this estate is fascinating and its structures are
unique and impressive. The site is probably most widely known for its
Leary connection. However, when Hudsonia scientists were permitted
access to the property, they found something else to be excited about: a pond.

In February 2003, the nonprofit environmental research organization
began a habitat mapping project which focused on the Town of
Washington. The endeavor received the enthusiastic support of the
Town of Washington Town Board, Planning Board, and Conservation
Advisory Commission. It was funded by contributions from the Dyson
Foundation, Millbrook Tribute Garden, and many local landowners.

Hudsonia representatives Jenny Tollefson and Gretchen Stevens led
field studies for this project. The scientific team was granted rare
access to the Hitchcock estate, which encompasses a large portion of
undeveloped land.

According to local resident and grant writer Mike Haggerty, Stevens
was "very excited" about discovery of Round Pond on the site. In the
Hudsonia report, entitled "Significant Habitats of the Town of
Washington," Round Pond is designated as an ecologically significant
wetland habitat. The pond is identified as the only example of a
"circumneutral bog lake" in the Town of Washington.

A circumneutral bog lake is defined in the report as a "spring fed
calcareous body of water that commonly supports the vegetation of
both acidic bogs and calcareous marshes." These unique bodies of
water are rare in the Hudson Valley and support many species of
uncommon plants and animals.

Right now, the lake lies placid and partially frozen and surrounding
woods are covered in snow. In October of 2003, however, Stevens had
discovered a wealth of interesting plant and animal life on the site.

According to the Hudsonia report, approximately 75% of the lake was
covered with floating-leaved vegetation including white and yellow
pond lilies, as well as several species of pond weed, both floating
and submerged. Along its banks, meadowsweet, cattail, purple
loosestrife, lakeside sedge, tussock sedge, sensitive fern, cinnamon
fern, skunk cabbage, marsh fern, and marsh St. Johnswort formed an
eclectic fringe of brush.

Stevens also spotted over 15 great blue herons, at least 16 wood
ducks, and had previously observed the presence of green frogs and wood frogs.

Though not sighted during the study, circumneutral bog lakes are also
the known to be the habitats several other species, including the
blue-spotted salamander, the four-toed salamander, the Blanding's
Turtle, the bog turtle, the marsh wren, and the river otter, among others.

Round Pond is safely sequestered for now, its closest developed
neighbors being Bangall Road, about 650 feet to the east, Valley Farm
Road about 3,000 feet to the west, and the Shunpike, about 1300 feet
to the north. However, Hudsonia warns that this significant habitat
is extremely sensitive to change in surface and groundwater chemistry
as well as flow, and could be adversely affected by changes in the
watershed, application of pesticides, altered drainage, dredging, or
mechanical disturbance of the lake.

Special attention, state the scientists, should be paid to
contamination of surface or groundwater entering the pond. Haggerty
noted that the presence of hunters or ATV riders near the pond could
compromise this natural habitat.

"Overall," states the Hudsonia report, "the town has a rural
character with extensive open space." According to Haggerty, the Town
of Washington has the most land easements in Dutchess County. Though
the Hitchcock Estate has remained private property for over a century
and development does not seem imminent, Haggerty suggested the
benefits of the owners seeking an easement on Round Pond.

"This whole place could be a subdivision," he said. An easement, he
noted, is considered a land donation and often results in tax
reductions for the owner.

The mysterious Hitchcock Estate houses many hidden treasures.
Visitors granted access would be privileged to spot the massive
Victorian style gate house, the elegant guest house known as "The
Bungalow," the small-scale bowling alley, or the burned down cattle
barns that are the only remnants of Dieterich's castle-topia.

Less obvious are the natural gems that are scattered throughout the
site, Round Pond being prominent among them. In its valiant quest to
support biodiversity in the Hudson Valley, Hudsonia promotes the
protection of this unique habitat. "This excellent landscape context
presents a tremendous opportunity for conservation," the report states.

Hudsonia has provided owners of this and other properties in the Town
of Washington with a new context for looking at their land. It has
developed a basis for better land use planning and decision making in
the future that promotes minimal disruption of the ever-sensitive ecosystem.

.

R. D Laing’s life becomes a movie

R. D Laing's life becomes a movie

http://www.thefirstpost.co.uk/people,1796,r-d-laings-life-becomes-a-movie,66063

[December 2008]

The life of R D Laing, the celebrity psychiatrist, is to be made into
a film. Laing, who was born in Scotland but based himself in London
during his 1960s and 70s heyday, was considered to be Britain's
answer to the US psychedelic guru Timothy Leary and at the height of
his fame attracted the support of the Beatles, Jim Morrison, Sylvia
Plath and Ted Hughes. However, by the time of his death from a heart
attack in 1989, many of his progressive theories had been discredited.

Robert Carlyle, star of The Full Monty and Trainspotting, is said to
be in talks to play Laing (pictured). Brought up in the type of
environment Laing endorsed, a hippie commune, the actor is a
long-time admirer of the shrink's ideas, which involved searching for
the roots of mental illness in the stresses within the family and
other close relationships.

Much of the movie will be centred on Laing's work at Kingsley Hall in
east London, where he devoted himself to a radical experiment in
which mentally ill patients and their doctors lived together.
However, it seems likely that the film will also focus on some of his
more famous patients.

Among these were the young Sean Connery, who at the time was
struggling to come to terms with his new-found stardom after
appearing as James Bond in the movie Goldfinger. Connery's first wife
Diane Cilento recalled how the actor was persuaded by Laing to take
the powerful and at that time legal hallucinogenic LSD to unleash the
anxieties left from his strict working-class upbringing in Edinburgh.

Taking a smaller dose of the drug, Laing accompanied Connery on the
psychedelic trip. Cilento later described how the meeting came about.
"[Laing] demanded a great deal of money, complete privacy, a limo to
transport him to and from the meeting and a bottle of the best single
malt scotch at each session," she said.

The producer of the film, Bob Mullan, who wrote a recent biography of
Laing, said that Hayley Atwell, who recently starred alongside Keira
Knightley in The Duchess, has been approached to play Laing's second
wife, Jutta.

.

Creepy OLPC ad brings Lennon back from grave

Creepy OLPC ad brings Lennon back from grave

http://www.techradar.com/news/computing/creepy-olpc-ad-brings-lennon-back-from-grave-497337

"Imagine every child… could access a universe of knowledge," says
dead John Lennon

12/29/08
By Adam Hartley

In what is perhaps the strangest tech news of the last week or so,
John Lennon has been digitally brought back from the grave in order
to star in a video advert for the One Laptop Per Child initiative.

28 years after he was brutally murdered in cold blood outside his
apartment building in New York, everybody's favourite hippy Beatle
pops up on YouTube to tell us all about the joys of giving cheap,
solar-powered computers to the world's poor.

"Imagine every child, no matter where in the world they were, could
access a universe of knowledge," Lennon's image is cleverly made to
say in the commercial.

Creepy? Or clever?

It continues, in an increasingly unsettling way, with the dead Beatle
adding: "They would have a chance to learn, to dream, to achieve
anything they want. I tried to do it through my music, but now you
can do it in a very different way."

Lennon's widow, Yoko Ono has apparently given her approval for the commercial.

BoingBoing sums up our feelings about the whole matter rather well,
noting that: "Resurrecting the dead to shill modern products is not
going to catch on. Digitally, it's creepy, and reeks of defilement no
matter how well done."

Check out the ad over on YouTube. Clever p*ss-take or geniune ad?
Make your own mind up.

http://uk.youtube.com/watch?v=4b4GkGMiBDQ

.

Geronimo Pratt case 40 years later

Geronimo Pratt case 40 years later

http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/thedailymirror/2008/12/geronimo-pratt.html

by Larry Harnisch
December 23, 2008

'Lie down and pray'

Gunshots on a Santa Monica tennis court reverberated across legal landscape.

Note: Edward J. Boyer, now retired, covered the Elmer Gerard
"Geronimo" Pratt case for The Times.

By Edward J. Boyer

On a clear, chilly December evening 40 years ago, Kenneth Olsen, head
of the English department at Belmont High School, and his wife,
Caroline, drove to Santa Monica's Lincoln Park tennis courts to meet
another couple for a friendly doubles match.

The courts on Wilshire Boulevard at 7th Street were dark when the
Olsens arrived about 8 p.m. Caroline went to the light meter to
deposit a quarter. When she had trouble getting the meter to work,
Kenneth went to help.

Just as the lights came on, the Olsens noticed two men walking toward
them. As the pair drew closer, Kenneth Olsen realized both men were
carrying pistols.

The men ordered the Olsens to put their hands up.

"We want your bread, man," Kenneth Olsen remembered one saying. "Give
us your money. Where is it?"

He directed the robbers to his tennis bag and his wife's purse. They
ordered the couple to the ground and started to leave.

Suddenly, they turned and opened fire.

Kenneth Olsen survived the fusillade; his wife did not. And those
shots fired on Dec. 18, 1968, reverberated across Los Angeles' legal
landscape for nearly three decades.

Just over three years later, former Black Panther Party leader Elmer
Gerard "Geronimo" Pratt was sent to prison for the robbery and
murder. Pratt had maintained at his trial that he was in Oakland, 341
miles away, attending Black Panther Party meetings when Caroline
Olsen was killed.

Even by the standards of those turbulent times, it was a crime
remarkable for its chillingly random and wanton character.

Describing the shooting at Pratt's trial, Kenneth Olsen said: "It
came as a complete surprise to me that they actually fired. I didn't
think they would."

He was hit five times--in the forehead and right hand, little finger,
forearm and hip. Caroline Olsen was struck in the back and hip.

Olsen, then 31, checked on his wife as blood poured out of the wound
in his forehead.

"Are you OK? Can you move?" he asked his wife.

She could not. And there was no one else around.

"I realized I had to get help for her and that I wouldn't last too
long the way blood was flowing," Olsen testified.

He stumbled across Wilshire, barely avoiding an oncoming car, and
made his way into the Broken Drum restaurant, where a waitress called for help.

Caroline Olsen, 27, a teacher at Stoner Avenue Elementary School,
died later from her wounds.
The thugs who murdered her netted about $18.

Santa Monica police made little headway in their investigation of the
coldblooded assault on the Olsens. But events within the Black
Panther Party and efforts by a secret FBI counterintelligence program
called COINTELPRO intersected in 1969 to change that. Pratt was
convicted in what his defenders still call one of the most overtly
political trials in Los Angeles' history.

A month after Caroline Olsen's murder, Panthers in Los Angeles
themselves were left reeling by violence. Their charismatic leader,
Alprentice "Bunchy" Carter, and his close aide, John Huggins, were
killed Jan. 17, 1969 in a shootout on the UCLA campus.

Carter's death left a void, and Julius C. "Julio" Butler, a
35-year-old former Los Angeles County sheriff's deputy turned
Panther, saw himself as Carter's logical successor. But party leaders
in Oakland tapped Pratt, 20, a decorated Vietnam veteran, who had
been a Panther for only about four months.

A bitter rivalry developed between Pratt and Butler. Pratt and other
Panthers accused Butler of being a police informant, while Butler
accused them of threatening his life.

By May 1969, Butler had begun talking to the FBI. On Aug. 5, he was
expelled from the party, according to former Panthers and FBI
documents obtained after Pratt's conviction. He says he quit.

Five days later, he gave a letter to Los Angeles Police Sgt. DuWayne
Rice, naming Pratt as Caroline Olsen's killer.

Butler had written on the outside of the sealed envelope that it
should only be opened in the event of his death. He called it his
"insurance letter," and prosecutors at Pratt's trial argued that
Butler never intended for it to be made public, likening the
envelope's contents to a deathbed declaration.

Information disclosed after Pratt's conviction, however, revealed
that Butler's insurance letter was anything but a secret. FBI agents
approached Rice on the street immediately after Butler gave him the
sealed envelope. They demanded that the sergeant turn it over and
referred to it as "evidence."

Rice refused, but later recalled that he wondered how the agents knew
the envelope contained a letter since it was sealed, and how could
they have known it was evidence.
More than a year later, in October 1970, Butler gave Rice permission
to give the letter to his LAPD superiors. Butler explained to Rice
that the FBI was "jamming" him and that he had told agents about the letter.

Butler's letter said Pratt had told him of a "mission" he was about
to undertake on the night the Olsens were shot. The next day, Butler
said, he pointed to a front-page story in The Times about the robbery
and shooting. Pratt, Butler said, indicated that was the mission he
had spoken of. Pratt's defenders have always dismissed as ludicrous
Butler's contention that Pratt, who was extremely suspicious of
Butler, would have confessed to him.

Butler's letter became the tool prosecutors needed in December 1970
to convince a grand jury to indict Pratt for Caroline Olsen's murder.
The LAPD's Criminal Conspiracy Section had taken over the
investigation from Santa Monica police. Pratt, who was being held on
other charges, would be tried in June 1972.

Butler's letter also implicated a "Tyrone," and police arrested
William Tyrone Hutchinson in 1970. In a sworn statement given in 1991
to investigators working on Pratt's behalf, Hutchinson said he told
police in 1970 that two men, Larry Hatter and Herbert Swilley, had
bragged at a Panther office about being present at the tennis court
when the Olsens were attacked.

Hutchinson said he had known Swilley and Hatter since childhood and
knew them to be Butler's friends. Officers told him not to discuss
what he heard Swilley and Hatter say, if he knew what was good for
him, Hutchinson said.

Explaining why he had not come forward with the information earlier,
Hutchinson said he took the officers' comments "to be a threat on my
life, and I still do."

Pratt's defenders maintain that LAPD investigators did not pursue
evidence pointing to other suspects because their primary objective
was to "neutralize" Pratt and cripple the Panthers.
Friends of Swilley and Hatter have described both as heroin addicts
who committed robberies to pay for drugs. Swilley was also known as a
particularly violent killer. He was shot to death in 1972 during an argument.

Hatter was found dead in 1978 on the Pacific Tennis Court grounds in
Santa Monica. He apparently fell while attempting to enter or leave a
building during a burglary, impaling his skull on a fence.

The key evidence against Pratt consisted of Butler's testimony that
he had obliquely confessed the crime, Kenneth Olsen's eyewitness
testimony, ballistics tests from a .45-caliber pistol and the car
allegedly used in the robbery/murder.

Although Butler denied on the witness stand that he had ever been a
police informant, FBI files released after Pratt's conviction showed
that Butler had been providing information on the Panthers to the
bureau for three years before the trial.

Kenneth Olsen identified Pratt as one of the men who committed the
murder. He told the Pratt jury that "one of the most distinguishing
things about Mr. Pratt is his intensive eyes," calling them "very
piercing and very penetrating."

Neither the jury nor Pratt's lawyers knew at the time that Olsen
earlier had identified another suspect as his wife's killer. The
public defender who had represented that suspect recalled after
Pratt's conviction that Olsen had said after that earlier
identification: "The voice did it."
In fact, the first man Olsen identified as the assailant had been in
jail the night the couple was attacked.

Had the jury known about Olsen's earlier identification, "I think
that alone would have changed our mind," said Jeanne Hamilton, a
juror at Pratt's 1972 trial.

LAPD criminalist DeWayne Wolfer testified at Pratt's trial that
firing pin marks on shell casings found on the tennis court matched
those on shells fired from a .45-caliber pistol seized from a Panther
house. In an earlier trial, a California appellate court ruled that
Wolfer had "negligently presented false demonstrative evidence in
support of his ballistics testimony." Another forensic scientist has
characterized Wolfer's testimony as lacking "credibility in the minds
of most forensic scientists."

The only other person to tie Pratt to the .45 was Butler.

The presence of Pratt's car at the murder scene is a point even some
of his defenders acknowledge. A witness saw the gunmen flee in a red
and white Pontiac GTO convertible with out-of-state plates--a
description matching Pratt's 1967 car.

Several witnesses, however, testified that Pratt's car was used not
only by other Panthers, but by any number of people associated with
the party--including Butler on several occasions. Pratt, his
defenders said, had no idea who used his car on the day of the murder
because he was in Oakland, where he had gone earlier in the week.

Pratt always has insisted that he was in Oakland attending Black
Panther Party meetings when the Olsens were attacked. Years later,
retired FBI agent M. Wesley Swearingen said the bureau knew Pratt was
in the Bay Area then because the Panthers were under surveillance and
phones at their party headquarters were tapped.

Pratt's defense presented several witnesses who placed him in Oakland
during the party meetings. But they could not--3 1/2 years
later--specifically place Pratt in the Bay Area on Dec. 18, the day
of the crime.

What turned out to be one of the most damaging pieces of evidence
against Pratt was introduced by the defense. Olsen had described his
assailants as clean shaven, but several other witnesses--including
Butler--said they always had seen Pratt with facial hair.
Pratt's lawyers introduced a Polaroid photograph, supposedly taken
around Christmas 1968, showing Pratt with a goatee, which they argued
he could not have grown in the week after the murder.

"We took the word of Pratt's brother, Chuck Pratt, about this
picture," Johnnie L. Cochran Jr., one of Pratt's attorneys at his
original trial, said. "We didn't consider it really important. We
thought it was clear to everybody that Pratt had a goatee, that he
was not clean shaven as Mr. Olsen said."

But that photo was more important than Pratt's defense team could
have imagined. Prosecutors called a Polaroid representative who
testified that the picture could not have been taken in December
1968, because the film used in the photo was not manufactured until May 1969.
That testimony was devastating. One juror said it made him begin to
question other parts of the defense case. Another said jurors argued
during deliberations that if Pratt had lied about the photo, he could
have lied about other events.

The jury deliberated for 10 days before it returned its guilty verdict.

Pratt, who now uses the name Geronimo ji Jaga, served two years in
Los Angeles County Jail and 25 years in prison--the first eight in
solitary confinement--before Orange County Superior Court Judge
Everett W. Dickey overturned his conviction in 1997 and released him on bail.

The case was moved to Orange County after the entire Los Angeles
Superior Court bench was recused because one of its members, Judge
Richard P. Kalustian, who as a deputy district attorney prosecuted
Pratt, was to be called as a witness.

Dickey, by all accounts a conservative, law enforcement-oriented
judge, publicly branded Butler, the prosecution's key witness, a liar
and ruled that Los Angeles County prosecutors had suppressed evidence
favorable to Pratt's defense.

"The importance of Butler to the prosecution cannot be denied,"
Dickey later wrote in his decision. He noted that Pratt was never a
suspect until police learned the content of Butler's letter, and that
Kalustian "emphasized Butler's importance in argument both to the
trial judge and to the jury."

At Pratt's trial in 1972, Kalustian had summed up just how important
a witness Butler was: "Julio Butler has testified in this court under
oath and to the jury to a confession that Mr. Pratt made to him that
admits all of the elements of the offense. If the jury believes Julio
Butler, Mr. Pratt is guilty. The case is over if they believe that."

Butler had denied under oath that he had ever been an informant for
law enforcement, saying "the connotation (of) informant means a
snitch, and I have never been in the world a snitch."
But in the hearing before Dickey, prosecutors revealed that Butler's
name had turned up in a confidential informant file kept by the Los
Angeles County district attorney's office.

San Francisco attorney Stuart Hanlon, one of Pratt's lawyers, called
the informant card on Butler a "smoking gun," saying the district
attorney's office knew during Pratt's trial that Butler was an informant.

"The fact is that he was an actual informant, and no one said
anything about it in court," Hanlon said. "The informant status of a
main prosecution witness is always reversible error."

Three jurors, including Hamilton, told Jim McCloskey, whose Centurion
Ministries independently investigated Pratt's case, they would never
have convicted Pratt had they known Butler­who went on to become a
lawyer and chairman of the board at Los Angeles' First African
Methodist Episcopal Church--was an informant.

In overturning Pratt's conviction, Dickey ruled that despite Butler's
denials, he had been an FBI informant for at least three years before
the trial. Dickey also ruled that Butler had been an informant for
the LAPD and for the very agency that prosecuted Pratt--the Los
Angeles County district attorney's office.

A detective in the district attorney's office gave Butler $200 to buy
a gun several months before Pratt's trial, Dickey noted, even though
Butler was a convicted felon who could not legally possess a firearm.

Several law enforcement officers knew Butler carried the gun, even
though doing so was a felony punishable by up to 15 years in prison,
Dickey said.

Pratt's defense lawyers, Dickey said, were not given information
needed to show Butler's motive for naming Pratt as Caroline Olsen's
killer. Had Pratt's lawyers known of Butler's activities, they could
have devastated his credibility on cross-examination, the judge said.

After Pratt's release, then-Los Angeles Dist. Atty. Gil Garcetti
appealed Dickey's decision. But one veteran prosecutor said parts of
Garcetti's appeal were difficult for experienced trial attorneys to fathom.

"There appears to be a whole bunch of stuff out there that was not
turned over to the defense that should have been--like guys buying a
guy a gun," he said. "Had this been turned over, would it have
affected the outcome? That question doesn't pass the straight-face test."

Garcetti lost his appeal and Pratt settled a false imprisonment and
civil rights lawsuit against the city of Los Angeles and the FBI for
$4.5 million. Pratt now splits his time between Morgan City, La., his
home town, and east Africa. He has used part of his settlement to
support projects for young people in Morgan City and a community
founded by former Panthers in Tanzania.

.

Witnesses to History

Witnesses to History

http://www.kitsapsun.com/news/2008/dec/27/witnesses-to-history/

By Steven Gardner
Saturday, December 27, 2008
BREMERTON

Barely a teen, Beth Sanders went with friends to a Woolworth's diner,
just to order and eat.

She understood that such a basic request was unlikely to be
fulfilled. She and her friends were black, it was the 1950s, and they
were in Birmingham, Ala.

"They never took our order," she said. Instead they called the
police, who asked the youths to leave. Those youth, trained
extensively to be non-violent, held hands and obliged.

At the time, she said, the goal of those kids didn't extend much
beyond being able to order food from that counter.

'At the time, the most I could hope for was equal rights, period,"
said the former Beth Sanders, now Beth Fay of Bremerton. "It was
important to make the choice to go to a movie. It was important to
make the choice to go to whatever school I wanted to go to. It was
important to be able to ride public transportation and not be told
you had to sit at the back of the bus."

"Those were great motivators," Fay said.

As a teenager launching herself into a burgeoning civil rights
struggle, she certainly wasn't thinking one day she would personally
witness a black man taking the oath of office as President of the
United States.

On Jan. 20 she will.

Fay will join her three sisters, veterans of the Birmingham
children's marches of 1963, in Washington, D.C. for the inauguration
of Barack Obama.

Cherry Rachal of East Bremerton, who joined the civil rights movement
as a child in Oklahoma City, will also be there, witnessing history again.

In 1963 Rachal joined other kids in climbing the Abraham Lincoln
statue inside the Lincoln Memorial to try to get a glimpse of Dr.
Martin Luther King, who was delivering his now iconic "I Have a Dream" speech.

She saw that speech through the eyes of a teen, marveling more at the
size of the crowd than at the message.

Both women look at what will happen on Jan. 20 in Washington, D.C.
with gratitude and with wonder.

Both lived during the Jim Crow era, when "separate but equal" was
clearly separate but hardly equal. Both saw the separation of white
and black in schools, neighborhoods, bathrooms, public
transportation, businesses and water fountains.

Fay's education on racism came gradually.

Not all white southerners were believers in the standards of the
time. Fay knew and played with some white children. Once she got in
school, though, she noticed the books her classes were using were
hand-me-downs from the white schools and that white kids her age were
being taught more advanced studies.

When Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat on the bus in Montgomery
and move to the back it launched the civil rights movement in
earnest, she said.

Pastors and parents began organizing the movement quietly. Fay said
the organization efforts were lengthy, because the leaders wanted to
make sure that anything they did was within the law and that everyone
involved was committed to remaining non-violent.

She participated in the sit-ins and was in a march when onlookers
were throwing rocks and bottles at the marchers. Shortly after, she
moved to Atlanta to go to school at Clark College. Two years later
she was married and moved to Chicago, where she finished school.

She was watching television in Chicago one evening and saw footage of
her sister Deborah being beaten by counterdemonstrators at an event
in St. Augustine, Fla. She called her mother to find out how her
sister was, but her mother didn't know anything had happened.

Deborah was hospitalized from the beating. Fay said it appears
someone saved her by pulling her away from the fight.

Fay's sisters were among the hordes of black youth who in 1963 filled
the jails of Birmingham, becoming known as "foot soldiers" in the
civil rights movement.

The children led much of the demonstrations, Fay said, because many
of the parents had jobs they didn't feel they could afford to lose.

In the Oscar-winning documentary, "Mighty Times: The Children's
March," Dr. King tells a Birmingham audience that change would happen
when they filled the jails. But when he asked for volunteers, it was
the kids who stood up.

King didn't want to put the kids at risk, but those youths already
had experience in nonviolent protest, and local leaders believed any
counter-efforts would be gentler with the children. That was true, to
a point, but Birmingham fire and police officials were ordered to
bring out the fire hoses and dogs to hold back the groups.

Fay and Rachal said every demonstration was preceded by many prayers
said and repeated admonitions to remain nonviolent. The protests were
scary, but worth it, they said, even if it did just seem to be for a
seat at the lunch counter, a drink from a fountain or an opportunity to learn.

Rachal's commitment to the movement happened after she learned to be
proud to be black.

"As a child growing up I wished that I was white," Rachal said. "I
really felt that all white people were rich, that they were smart.
This was the image I had in my head growing up as a little girl in
Oklahoma. To think of a black man ever being a John F. Kennedy? No."

That changed over time. Her commitment to the movement strengthened.
She defended her father when he was pushed out of a grocery-store
line and told by a white man to go to the back. She had her hand
stepped on by a woman wearing a spiked heel at a restaurant entrance
and heard the woman tell the business's owners to get the "(N-words)"
out of there.

She sees divinity in the fact that she didn't become more militant.
"It's only the grace of God that I didn't turn out to be Angela
Davis," a radical civil rights leader who was long affiliated with
the Communist Party in the U.S. "I could have easily been one. That
was not my path to follow," she said.

As a young girl she would shop in downtown Oklahoma City with her
family. They could buy what they wanted. If one of them needed to go
the bathroom, it would involve a walk to outskirts to find the only
store that would let blacks use those facilities.

As a college student at Wylie College in Marshall, Texas, she had to
sit in the balcony at the town's only movie theater. It was a new
experience. She had enjoyed sitting wherever she wanted as a younger
child at the theater in her predominantly black neighborhood.

Despite all she saw and despite being an eyewitness, what King meant
about judging someone by character rather than color didn't hit home
until she moved to Bremerton. She was recruited here as one of five
black teachers at the end of the '60s. After living life mostly in
segregation, the racism she found here was subtle, institutionalized, she said.

She went to Central Washington University to get a master's degree in
education administration, with a goal of starting out as an assistant
vice-principal somewhere. She was turned down three times for not
having any experience, while her white classmates walked out of the
masters programs into principals' offices. "No one may come out and
call you an 'N' word, but it's (racism) built into the system. It's
very hard to put your finger on it sometimes," she said.

Now, Fay said, black kids have every reason to believe they can
aspire to more.

One boy she knows "looked in the book at all the presidents that had
been named there and he didn't see one face that looked like his,"
she said. With Obama's election, the boy understood: "If he wants to
be president, it's possible. That became extremely important for
these young children."

Rachal exercised faith eight days before the election, buying tickets
to Washington, D.C. for Jan. 20, because she felt at peace that Obama
was going to be elected.

Rachal, wife of a retired pastor and self-described "woman of faith,"
said she believes Obama's election was an "act of God."

"He's been chosen by God to be exactly where he is today," she said.

Rachal also believes that King, speaking the night before he was
assassinated, may have seen this day coming when he said, "And I've
seen the promised land. I may not get there with you. But I want you
to know tonight, that we, as a people will get to the promised land."

For Fay the history is confirmation that "The struggle was not for
nothing. Because this was a struggle for civil rights, for equal
rights," she said. "This is probably the beginning of the change."

.

Larry's: 'Center of the universe' closing

COUNTERCULTURE WATERING HOLE

Larry's: 'Center of the universe' closing

http://dispatch.com/live/content/local_news/stories/2008/12/27/1A_LARRYS_BAR.ART_ART_12-27-08_B1_1VCBQDE.html?sid=101

Bar has catered to an eclectic crowd on N. High Street since before
Prohibition

Saturday, December 27, 2008
By Kevin Joy
THE COLUMBUS DISPATCH

Larry's is the stuff of legend, a weathered bohemian watering hole
where Bob Dylan supposedly once spent the night in an upstairs
apartment, a bowling alley used to draw patrons to the basement, and
finger-snapping poetry nights attracted Monday crowds for a quarter-century.

"It used to be the center of the universe," said Mike Hummel, a
Columbus rock musician who has frequented the Ohio State
University-area bar since the 1970s and was once known as "the mayor
of Larry's."

No longer.

Time has caught up with Larry's: At the close of business tonight,
the family-owned establishment -- one of the first High Street
outposts to serve suds after Prohibition -- will shut its doors for good.

Fewer customers and greater costs for everything from property taxes
to alcohol forced the owners' hands.

"What I always liked about this bar was not changing it," said Jon
Paoletti, 53, who with his wife, Linda, has operated Larry's since 1998.

"But we've run out of money to continue doing this."

A Mexican restaurant, Paoletti said, will lease the space from them,
adding to the area's fast-casual options of the same ilk (including
Cazuela's Grill, Jimmy Guaco's, La Bamba, Taco Bell and Chipotle).

Word of the bar's closing caught some regular patrons off-guard yesterday.

Canaan Faulkner, a Columbus rock bassist who used to perform at the
bar, was planning to attend a poetry slam at Larry's on Monday.

He'll look elsewhere now, he said, but no place will be quite the same.

"It was great to be able to fall into a booth and have a drink and a
conversation there," Faulkner said.

"Every city's got to have that bar. Where is that bar in Columbus now?"

Area merchants and others, though, said they'd sensed in recent years
that the 85-year-old establishment -- a countercultural beacon in a
sea of new campus-area development -- was in trouble.

Rick Ohanian said he designed a patio for Larry's -- an amenity the
Paolettis wanted to add to attract new patrons as well as regulars
put off by the 2006 city-imposed smoking ban.

The city approved a zoning permit for the patio last summer, but the
Paolettis didn't begin construction within the one-year time limit,
Ohanian said, and they didn't return his calls about the project.

Jimmy Barouxis, manager of nearby Buckeye Donuts and a longtime
neighbor of Larry's, said he offered the Paolettis $1.3 million last
summer to purchase the bar. He planned to keep the original name and
aesthetics, he said, but add a food menu and make minor cosmetic improvements.

The couple accepted, Barouxis said, but several weeks later refused
to sign legal papers. When they asked for $1.75 million, the deal
fell through, he said.

In its heyday, Larry's was a haven for savvy graduate students and
intellectuals (who were known to keep unruly undergrads away by
spreading rumors that the place was a gay bar).

It originated as the Lawrence Grill, which moved from Downtown to
2040 N. High St. in 1923. Owned by Lawrence and Mary Paoletti,
grandparents of Jon, the fancy Italian restaurant featured white
tablecloths and ornate latticework.

When Prohibition ended in 1933, alcohol entered the equation.
Lawrence Paoletti's son Larry, as a college student, began working in
the kitchen several years later.

As World War II ended and soldiers, including Larry, flooded back to
campus, the fancy decor was removed and the place, wearing its
current name, became more bar than bistro.

For a brief period in the 1950s, Larry's was a fraternity bar,
although the clientele didn't always agree with the Paolettis'
open-minded views on their patronage -- long before societal norms
began to shift, crowds of various races and sexual orientations
mingled there regularly.

Later, it attracted Vietnam War protesters and artistic types, an
eclectic gathering place where noted folk singer Phil Ochs is rumored
to have played his first gig and Louis Armstrong once visited.

"You could go table to table and at one table there'd be a table of
architects next to a table of journalists next to a table of poets,"
said Ron House, a local musician and former co-owner of Used Kids
Records, on N. High Street. "After about six beers, I could converse
with all of them on equal terms."

The dusky interior is known for its wooden tables with hand-carved
graffiti, a corkboard peppered with a rainbow of fliers and a
well-known jukebox whose selections (hand-picked by Paoletti) ranged
from the Velvet Underground to Modest Mouse.

Larry died in 1999 at age 77.

Despite the bar's rich history, the Larry's spirit had faded
somewhat, said Eddie Pfau, a Columbus lawyer who rented a room above
the bar in the 1990s while attending law school at Capital University.

The Paolettis, he said, were like family to him -- which is why he
helped the couple clean up their 14 apartment units so they could
raise rents to generate extra income.

With the couple continuing to struggle to make ends meet, though, the
bar's demise didn't surprise him.

"It's so sad," Pfau said. "It was a wonderful institution. I knew the
day would come."
--

Dispatch reporters Aaron Beck and Nick Chordas contributed to this story

kjoy@dispatch.com

.

Musician, record store owner longs for rock’s glory days

Musician, record store owner longs for rock's glory days

http://www.toledofreepress.com/2008/12/26/musician-record-store-owner-longs-for-rock%E2%80%99s-glory-days/

12/26/08
by Katherine Timpf | | ktimpf@toledofreepress.com

Some knew him as the owner of Joey's Record Mart. Others knew him for
his hit song, "Pretty Little Girl." But from the late '50s and
through the '60s, everybody knew Joey Leal.

Leal, who lives in Sylvania Township, said he prided himself upon
providing the rock 'n' roll and Motown records Downtown department
stores didn't sell.

"It wasn't a very big place, but what it was was I didn't do
classical things and I didn't do too much country because country
wasn't really big back then," Leal said. "I used to cater to kids,
teenagers and African-American people and I always had what they wanted."

Leal said a lot of big-time musicians, like Bobby Darin and Sammy
Davis Jr., used to wander into his store during the day before
playing their shows at night.

Leal got into the music-making side of the record business after
sending a sample tape to a Detroit record salesman. His song, 'Pretty
Little Girl,' became No. 1 in Toledo and went national on the MGM Cub
label. Leal said he also had the opportunity to play with greats like
Stevie Wonder and Marvin Gaye.

As much as he loved working in music, Leal said his popularity often
caused problems at home, particularly with a young female lawyer who
used to bring him lunch.

"There was a lot of girls [around the record store] at the time, and
women are usually attracted to people in music and stuff, and I had
that to fight, and my wife was getting kind of ticked off with this
whole thing," Leal said.

The final straw came when Leal returned home from a
music-business-related trip to Detroit only to find his house was
dark and his family gone.

"The guy next door turns on his porch light … and said, 'I just took
your wife to the hospital, you have a baby daughter.'"

That was the end of Joey's Record Mart.

Apart from family issues, Leal said he didn't like much of the
"psychedelic rock" of the '70s, and had no motivation to sell the
music in his store.

"It was a good 10 years; it was a solid 10 years, those '60s were,"
Leal said, nostalgically. "Then in the '70s, they got more into the
acid rock, and I was really kind of bitter about that, because it was
… weird psychedelic music and it was different. It went from one
extreme to the other."

Leal said he now works as a disc jockey, mostly for weddings.
However, once in a while, he gets to do a class reunion from the
'60s, and sometimes gets reconnected with people from his past.

"I'll go in, and people remember me from the record store and they'll
say, 'Hey, are you Joey from the record store?' They'd say, 'Oh my
gosh, I was wondering what happened to you,'" Leal said.

Leal said he used to have a hard time driving past the building where
his store used to be.

"They have a little business in there or something. When I used to
come there, I almost just used to want to cry. I know what it was
like back then, and I know what it's like now," Leal said. … "It's
like a ghost."

However, Leal also said he feels lucky he got to be a part of
Toledo's musical glory days.

"I've seen the good days of rock 'n' roll, man," Leal said. "The best days."

.

Marvel’s anti-hippie agenda

Marvel's anti-hippie agenda

http://blog.newsarama.com/2008/12/26/marvels-anti-hippie-agenda/

December 26th, 2008
by J. Caleb Mozzocco

I often wonder about what's going through the heads of the everyday
average non-superpowered crowd member in Marvel's New York City,
particularly the ones with very strong political beliefs.

Wait, that's not quite right. I do wonder about that, but Marvel has
published series dedicated at least in part to providing a
bystander's-eye-view of things like superhero wars and alien
invasions. I guess I'm more interested in what Marvel's editors and
creators think of what's going through these characters' heads, and
what they're trying to say about the world we live in when depicting
crowds on Marvel main street, holding signs and shouting about this or that.

I think I know the answer already, and it's that the comics-makers
aren't actually ruminating on how depicting a crowd of people doing
and saying this or that about a Marvel plot event reflects on our world.

The crowds are either just window-dressing, details to either simply
add a touch of realism, or employed as a storytelling shortcut to
symbolize the political mood in the Marvel version of the city or
country during a particular story. Take the angry crowds in Civil
War, calling Johnny Storm a baby-killer after the Stamford incident:
Mechanically, it was simply a way to make clear that public opinion
had shifted against the superheroes.

But given that the event that that crowd (and those that other
crowds) was demonstrating about was based on a real-world event, than
it's hardly unreasonable to wonder what Marvel is saying­consciously
or unconsciously­about those events and our reactions to them.

Examples, conjecture and swear words, after the jump…

I've always had a hard time trying to wrap my head around the precise
politics of Marvel, especially as expressed through Civil War, which
offered an extremely dismal view of the American people. Were writer
Mark Millar and Marvel holding up a funhouse mirror and saying, "Look
how you've all overreacted to 9/11 and swallowed this 'War on Terror'
nonsense, you fools!"…?

Because, you know, that's pretty ballsy.

It wasn't until I read one of Abhay Khosla's indispensable Secret
Invasion essays that I started groping toward a solid answer though.

In his review of Secret Invasion #6, Khosla took some time to
ridicule a scene in which some New Yorkers are marching around with
signs chanting "Embrace Change," having evidently been won over by
those creepy Marvel house ads showing Skrulls Photoshopped into stock photos.

Wrote Khosla:

Finally! Finally, we get page after page attacking the true enemy:
LIBERAL PROTESTERS.

[See URL for graphic.]

Where the fuck did that shit come from??

Page after page, not of the first or second or even third issue, page
after page of the SIXTH ISSUE– it wasn't spent escalating the stakes
of the comic, it wasn't spent dealing with characters we care about,
it wasn't spent paying off earlier scenes. The fucking SIXTH ISSUE
was spent introducing an entirely new cast of straw-men liberal
characters, and then attacking them for being naive about the nature of evil.

First, let me just say, on a political level, this comic can go fuck
itself. You know– one pretty easy way a person could read this comic
if they were so inclined is that it equates protesting wars with
supporting terrorism. I don't think the people who made the comic
think that. I don't think they were thinking at all. I don't think
they made a big priority of thinking.

And that's why I guess it's best to let Millar, Marvel, Bendis and
everyone else that goes to these summits and kicks these ideas around
off the hook when it comes to the politics being expressed in these things.

Even when there's a very, very clear one-to-one relationship between
a Marvel Universe element and a real world issue­Civil War's Stamford
as our 9/11, World War Hulk's Hulk invasion as military hubris coming
back to bite you in the ass Iraq War-style, Secret Invasion's holy
warrior Skrulls on suicide missions as Muslim jihadists­the story
gets so diluted as it gets bigger and bigger that the symbolism is
essentially more of a suggested-by-the-headlines kind of flavoring
than a coherent statement.

And, of course, since these things never really end-end, just stop so
the build-up for the next one can begin, whatever Marvel might have
been trying to say about these events never reaches a conclusion; if
there's a political statement to be made, it always ends in an
ellipsis rather than a period.

Maybe Mark Millar, in his heart of hearts, started pitching Civil War
as a broad criticism of post-9/11 America, and Marvel didn't want to
spend the time, money and goodwill on a political polemic, but
thought the security vs. freedom idea was great, and would set-up a
bold, new playground for future stories.

Maybe World War Hulk was simply intended to be about the Hulk
smashing the Marvel heroes, and it was simply a fluke of the
publishing schedule that it didn't actually happen until after Marvel
had transformed Iron Man and his allies into symbols of the Bush
Administration worldview.

Maybe Brian Michael Bendis did set up Secret Invasion as a bit of
jingoistic War On Terror super-comic catharsis cleverly disguised as
your typical aliens invade story itself disguised as a game-changing,
status quo realigning Event Comic, but his execution was too poor to
realize it. (Or maybe it's just an alien invasion comic that
coincidentally has parallels to current global conflicts and I'm
reading too much into it).

One political ideal of Marvel Comics at the moment is perfectly
clear, however: They hate hippies.

It was the bottle-throwing, "baby-killer"-shouting demonstrators that
attacked Johnny Storm and put the momentum of Marvel America behind
Superhero Registration Act, and it was a Cindy Sheehan-like grieving
mother who acted as Tony Stark's conscience, as he embraced his
emerging fascism (The trappings of these characters are those of the
anti-war left, from the Vietnam war and the Iraq War, but, oddly,
they were pushing rightward rather than to the left).

The crowds in World War Hulk who refused to abandon New York City and
instead embraced the Hulk's position that Tony Stark and his fellow
heroes really oughta have their asses kicked were presented as your
typical mass demonstrators: They had a myriad of causes and points of
view, they seemed more of an irritation to the powers that be than a
force of change, and they were rather easily dismissed. These folks
seemed to run the gamut between people with axes to grind (Tony Stark
built a cyborg that killed my uncle, The Hulk saved me and Stark shot
him into space, etc.) and loons who thought it would be kinda cool to
be ruled over by aliens. Most were presented in a negative light;
they were just getting in the way and constantly needed saved from
the danger they were putting themselves in by the heroes.

And then there are the "Embrace Changers" of Secret Invasion that
Khosla pointed out in the passage I quoted above; rather than
rallying behind the superheroes that want to fight off the alien
invaders, they want to embrace them and welcome them. Do they want to
roll over and let the Skrulls rule us as benevolent masters, or maybe
just join us?

These peaceniks are rewarded by being slaughtered by the Skrulls.
See, they thought you could live peacefully alongside religious
zealots from beyond, but it's just not so: The only good religious
zealot from beyond is a dead one, I guess (This was one of the things
I found hardest to understand about SI, just how bloodthirsty all the
heroes were. I understand it may be more realistic to kill enemies
than arrest and capture them in a war-like situation, but is a Marvel
Universe Event Comic any place for realism?)

Those damn hippies were again causing problems for the Marvel heroes
in Avengers: The Initiative #19, a story entitled "V-S Day," dealing
with the end of the Skrull threat. A Washington mob was swarming
Jocasta and a partially surviving member of the Skrull Kill Krew,
stopping them from taking down the Skrulls in their midst.

Peace signs, beads, braids, beards, John Lennon glasses, "Make Love
Not War"…there's nothing subtle about the depiction of the Embrace
Changers in the scene. (Two pages later is an angry, apparently
conservative anti-Skrull mob, with funny signs like "Embrace This!"
and, my personal favorite, "Get 'Em!" I think those are the same guys
who are always throwing bricks at the poor old X-Men).

Why does Marvel Comics have such a blatantly anti-hippie agenda?

I don't know.

But as strong as their hatred of al things hippie may be, it still
pales in comparison to Golden-Age Sentry's distaste for beatniks:

[See URL for graphic.]

.

Eartha Kitt, CIA Target

Eartha Kitt, CIA Target

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/danny-miller/eartha-kitt-cia-target_b_153684.html

by Danny Miller
Posted December 27, 2008

Eartha Kitt, self-described "sex kitten" and singer of the yuletide
classic "Santa Baby" died this week on Christmas Day. My wife and I
had one memorable encounter with Kitt last year at LAX. We were
waiting for my sister and her family to arrive from Chicago on an
American Airlines flight. In the terminal, we were standing next to a
limo driver holding a sign that said "Kitt." I wondered if he could
possibly be waiting for the star who I was first was introduced to as
a child on the TV show "Batman." Kitt was the controversial
replacement for Julie Newmar's Catwoman character, and while my heart
always belonged to Julie, I had to admit that the feline Kitt was a
sexy-as-hell, delightfully evil villain--one of the first black women
on television who was allowed to exude such sex appeal in the 1960s.

Suddenly, descending down the airport escalator, we saw a
breathtaking vision of old school glamour: gorgeous Eartha Kitt,
already 80, decked out in a glittery turban and false eyelashes, and
holding a floor-length mink coat. My family members were right behind
her, but we ignored them completely since our eyes were riveted to
the incandescent Star. As she walked toward us, the driver stuck out
his hand to introduce himself. "How do you do, Miss Kitt," he said
politely. Without missing a beat or even glancing in his direction,
Eartha dropped her heavy mink coat onto the driver's outstretched
hand and continued walking, looking like a queen who could not be
bothered to make eye contact with her subjects. Wow.

Let's take a look at one of Kitt's trademark numbers, " I Want to Be
Evil." She loved playing the mischievous, sexy vixen, and though
she's not the best lip-syncher in the world, this 1962 clip shows
Eartha at her sultry best: [See URL for video.]

To listen to Eartha Kitt's unique speaking voice and to hear her
strangely accented singing, an uninitiated fan might think she hailed
from the West Indies or perhaps some exotic European principality.
But Eartha Kitt was a product of the American Deep South, born in the
tiny town of North, South Carolina, in 1927. Her mother was a poor
African-American woman and her father was the white son of a
plantation owner. When Kitt's mother later married another white man,
he wanted nothing to do with his wife's mixed-race child, so Eartha
was shipped off to poor relations in Harlem.

Kitt's difficult early life in the ghettos of New York and then in
London and Paris are well documented in her obituaries, as is her
early rise to fame--as a dancer in Katherine Dunham's company,
playing opposite Orson Welles in a European production of "Dr.
Faustas," and finally her breakthrough role on Broadway in "New Faces
of 1952." She was nominated for a Tony Award for her portrayal of a
15-year-old girl living in the ghetto in "Mrs. Patterson," starred in
films opposite Nat King Cole and Sidney Poitier, and became
world-famous for her sexy nightclub performances. There's much to say
about Kitt's amazing career, but instead I want to focus on a pivotal
episode in her life that I vividly remember from childhood: when
Eartha Kitt went to the White House in 1968 and was condemned for
making First Lady Lady Bird Johnson cry.

In January 1968, Kitt was invited to a luncheon the First Lady was
giving that featured a discussion on crime and juvenile delinquency.
Always known for speaking her mind, Kitt caused a sensation when she
challenged Mrs. Johnson about the effects of the war on young people
in America. As the New York Times reported:

Singer Eartha Kitt stunned fellow guests at a White House luncheon
and left Mrs. Lyndon B. Johnson in tears Thursday when she declared
angrily that the Vietnam War was causing American youth to rebel in the cities.

About 50 white and Negro women invited to the White House to discuss
President Johnson's proposals to combat crime in the streets sat at
their tables in embarrassed silence as Miss Kitt delivered an
emotional tirade against the war.

"You send the best of this country off to be shot and maimed," she
told her fellow guests. "They rebel in the street. They will take
pot...and they will get high. They don't want to go to school because
they're going to be snatched off from their mothers to be shot in Vietnam."

Mrs. Johnson rose afterward and looked directly at the singer, who
leaned against a podium in the yellow-walled family dining room.
"Because there is a war on--and I pray that there will be a just and
honest peace--that still doesn't give us a free ticket not to try to
work for better things such as against crime in the streets, better
education, and better health for our people," Mrs. Johnson said, her
voice trembling and tears welling in her eyes.

The President had dropped in on the luncheon briefly, and answered a
pointed question from Miss Kitt, but left before her outburst.

Miss Kitt, her eyes flashing in defiance while she puffed on a
cigarette and jabbed a finger at her startled audience, said American
youth are "angry because their parents are angry...because there is a
war going on that they don't understand." She told Mrs. Johnson that
youngsters feel alienated because "they can't get to you and they
can't get to the President, and so they rebel in the streets."

Many in the crowd sat in stunned silence and then cheered the wife of
the governor of New Jersey who rose next to defend the war. Kitt
probably had no idea that a media frenzy would erupt over her words
and that her career would be severely affected. To her credit, the
First Lady never accused Kitt of doing anything wrong. Realizing that
she may have offended people, Eartha tried to explain herself toward
the end of the luncheon.

Miss Kitt rose during a question-and-answer period afterward and
apologized for speaking up if she had offended the President and his
wife. But, she said, turning to the other well-dressed guests. "I
have to say what is in my heart." She said she had not walked the
streets of ghettos as a crusader as some of the other guests had, but
"I have lived in the gutters."

"I'm sorry," Mrs. Johnson replied. "I cannot understand the things
that you do. I have not lived with the background that you have. I
cannot speak as passionately or as well as you. But I think we have
made advances in these things and we will do more."

Still, the irrepressible Kitt couldn't stop herself. She continued:

"We have to realize where the truth really is," she said, pointing
her finger at the guests who sat transfixed. "The children of America
are not rebelling for no reason. They are not hippies for no reason
at all. We don't have what we have on Sunset Blvd. For no reason.
They are rebelling against something. There are so many things
burning the people of this country, particularly mothers. They feel
they are going to raise sons--and I know what it's like, and you have
children of your own, Mrs. Johnson--we raise children and send them to war."

She said that today's youth feels there is no reason to be a "good
guy." He would rather go to jail as a "bad guy" and avoid the draft,
she said. "They feel that if they have any life, it's best to live
because they may not be here tomorrow."

Was anybody ever that honest to a President or First Lady? The
reporters couldn't get out of that room fast enough to file their
stories, some of them in support of Eartha's right to speak up, but
many highly critical. Editorials condemning the singer appeared
around the country, as well as many angry letters. Everyone got into
the act, from actress Martha Raye and former child star Shirley
Temple Black, who criticized Eartha, to writer Gore Vidal who praised
her. President Johnson's pastor felt it his duty to apologize for
Miss Kitt in a publicized telegram sent to the President the next day:

"I commend you for all the work you have been doing to urge more
justice and opportunity, especially for Negroes, and because all the
Americans are in a sense a family, I apologize for any member of that
family including Negroes who are ill-mannered, stupid, and arrogant."

Shocked by the negative response to her comments, Kitt was accosted
at the airport when she returned to Los Angeles.

Arriving from Washington, Miss Kitt explained that she had said "only
what was in my heart and head. People thought I was rude, but there's
nothing rude about telling the truth. All those very nice people kept
saying very nice things about putting flowers in Harlem and making
bigger street lights to keep the cities safe," she said. "I thought
they were avoiding talking about the reasons we have problems with
crime and problems with our children."

Letters sent to the New York Times about the matter ran the gamut.
Many took Kitt to task:

Once again bad taste has been flaunted in the guise of "Freedom."
Eartha Kitt's "performance" at the White House was unforgiveable. The
legitimate cause of civil rights and the image of our Negro
population is damaged by irresponsible acts like this. Why must the
Negro be subjected to and exploited by Communists and
publicity-seeking egotists who will espouse any current cause without
knowledge or research or soul-searching. Eartha Kitt could not afford
to buy the front-page publicity that her affrontery reaped.

And this:

Eartha Kitt said she spoke for millions when she behaved in a rude
and stupid manner towards Mrs. Johnson. She did not speak for anyone
except hate-filled gutless fools. She did not speak for my son in the
army; for my daughter who is working hard so her husband can finish
college; for me, or my husband or our three younger children. We were
all shocked at her unnecessary behavior. She had a tough
childhood...so did I and I'm not crying...that meeting wasn't for her
to air her crude adjectives and gripes of life.

But others supported the star:

Three cheers for Eartha Kitt! In a few words she expressed what is in
my heart, and Im sure many other mothers'. Hers must have been the
first honest words the White House walls have heard in a long
time--words that were not first edited, programmed, pre-digested, and
homogenized before the President heard them. And fie on those who
feel they must apologize for her. No apologies necessary.

As well as this articulate response from a doctor in Philadelphia:

Eartha Kitt is to be commended for her courageous direct speaking to
Mrs. Lyndon Johnson. The Vietnam War is alienating our youth--whether
in the streets or on the college campuses. Our young people see our
society expending the major portion of its economic resources and
many thousands of lives (their lives) to achieve, by morally dubious
means, questionable political ends. The Vietnam war is preventing
desperately needed efforts to solve our grave domestic problems that
include the needs for improved education, better housing, urban
renewal, more jobs for the underprivileged--problems which lie at the
root of racial tensions.

The Johnson Administration needs to know that there are many, many
people in this country who understand this, who are gravely
concerned, and who are--yes--angry because they feel utterly
frustrated in their attempts to transmit their concern to their
President and to the Congress For this reason I applaud Miss Kitt's
plain speaking.

The real issue about this incident is not whether Miss Kitt was
discourteous or unpatriotic or publicity-seeking; it is whether she
was speaking the truth. I believe that she was.

As the furor deepened, Kitt got more defensive about her actions:

"People have the feeling that I yelled and was impolite; that's not
true at all. I raised my hand and Mrs. Johnson asked me my opinion. I
said, as unemotionally as possible under the circumstances, that we
had been hiding our heads in the sand, that we hadn't got to the core
of the problem of juvenile delinquency. Reality was being overlooked.
As a citizen of my country--thank heavens there is a country left
that has the guts to let its people say what they thing--as an
actress, a Negro, whoever, I am entitled to my opinion, particularly
when it is asked of me."

Following the incident, nervous nightclub owners and producers
cancelled Kitt's contracts and, according to the New York Times,
"recoiled at the mention of her name." Eartha was not contrite. "For
years I went along with the idea that entertainers should not get
involved with politics. Today, I realize that because of our contact
with the public, we have to speak out, to make those who are
responsible more aware of what is happening where they perhaps cannot
see. Particularly someone like myself, who has lived the life of poverty."

Kitt began a lengthy tour of Europe but eventually was able to get
gigs in the United States. Although the "activist" label she never
sought stayed with her, she returned to entertaining with her
ultra-sexy stage persona. It wasn't until 1975 that she learned, via
a front-page story in the New York Times, how she had been closely
watched by the CIA:

The Central Intelligence Agency compiled a dossier of secondhand
gossip about entertainer Eartha Kitt's social life at the request of
the Secret Service in 1968 but produced no evidence of foreign
intelligence connections. The CIA's report was prompted by Miss
Kitt's criticism of the Vietnam war to Lady Bird Johnson during a
White House luncheon on January 18, 1968.

Miss Kitt was depicted in the report as having a "very nasty
disposition" and as being a "spoiled child, very crude, and having a
vile tongue." Miss Kitt, who is black, was said in the report not to
associate with other black persons and to have "bragged" that she had
"very little Negro blood."

The CIA document noted that Miss Kitt signed an advertisement in
support of the late Dr. Martin Luther King's civil rights drive in
the South, and then observed that "a number of persons identified in
the past with the Communist Party" had also endorsed the ad.

Eartha was horrified by the allegations which included charges from
the CIA that she was a "sadistic nymphomaniac." She spoke out:

This is too much. This is more than I can or will take. I am
determined to do my part in stopping the gradual erosion of American
freedom. If this is not done, the day when the enemies of freedom--be
they Communist, Fascist, or what have you--walk right in and take
over our country will come sooner than most of us are inclined to think.

As for reports of the CIA's invasion of my right to privacy, I am
insulted, disappointed, and annoyed, but I don't find it particularly
surprising. This is only one of a number of hardships that I have had
to endure since making those remarks in 1968.

Following my little talk at the White House, most of my nightclub and
hotel engagements in this country were canceled--even though
contracts had been entered into. That I should be singled out
appears, at first glance, to be puzzling. Scores of Hollywood,
television, and music personalities, both American and foreign-born,
have been far more critical of America's foreign and domestic
policies than I have. The difference, of course, is that I am not
Barbara Howar or Jane Fonda or Candice Bergen. I am a black woman.

I have always known that racism was widespread in America; after all,
I spent most of my childhood in South Carolina on a cotton plantation
and in the streets of Harlem. But it took the aftermath of the 1968
incident to prove to me just how deeply racial prejudice is rooted in
the American national character.

Because I am black, I had to be taught a lesson, and put back into my
place as a singing, dancing, mindless automaton who saw no evil, did
no evil, and most important, publicly spoke no evil.

In my case, the CIA apparently didn't even have accurate information.
For example, the news stories said the agency had learned I did "not
associate with other black persons." That's nonsense. I have always
taken an interest in the black community, even before it became
fashionable to do so. I taught dancing at the Harlem YWCA as early as
1952, and have been teaching a dance class in Watts for almost 10 years.

I don't regret anything that I've said or done. I have suffered a lot
financially, but I have survived. I only have pity and sympathy for
those who tucked their moral tails in between their legs and cuddled
up to the Johnson and Nixon administrations' immoral and unjust policies.

How can you not admire a woman with such guts? She didn't step foot
in the White House again until Jimmy Carter invited her there in
1978. In 2006, she even returned there to light the Christmas tree
with George W. Bush.

Kitt's personal life was never a happy one, at least not in terms of
men. She used to sum up her love life in six words: rejected,
ejected, dejected, used, accused, abused.. But her brief marriage to
William McDonald produced her beloved daughter Kitt, and she was very
close to her grandchildren before she died.

There are so many other fascinating details about Eartha Kitt's
life--triumphs and challenges, scandals and tragedies, her support of
Israel and Jewish causes, but I'll end with a quote from the first of
her three autobiographies. This is from her 1956 book called
"Thursday's Child."

"I think I am an example of what can happen to someone who tries. I
am a Negress out of the cotton fields. I had enough ambition within
myself to try to create a better world--in spite of the depressions
and the suppressions, and I had my share. I hope that I can encourage
others to try, and that you don't have to crush anybody to get there,
you don't have to push through too harshly."

.

'Hair' restoration: Musical's vibe fits with '00s

'Hair' restoration

http://www.azcentral.com/arizonarepublic/ae/articles/2008/12/28/20081228hair1228.html

Musical's vibe fits with '00s

by Kerry Lengel
Dec. 28, 2008
The Arizona Republic

If you tune in an oldies station and hear Good Morning Starshine -
"Sabba sibby sabba, nooby abba nabba" - it might be hard to remember
just how big, how revolutionary Hair was when it hit Broadway in 1968.

Especially if, you know, you hadn't been born yet.

But even though none of the actors in Arizona Theatre Company's new
revival was around during the '60s, they don't see the show as just
an exercise in Baby Boomer nostalgia. To them, America in 2008 looks
much like it did 40 years ago. The nation is divided by war, both
real and cultural, but also buoyed by a new hope for change.

"We don't have to invent any of that," says Morgan James, the New
York actress playing Sheila, chief political activist in the "tribe"
of hash-smoking free-loving draft-dodging hippies.

Raised by a pair of hippies herself, James says she inherited the
peacenik values embodied by Hair.

"When I go into those protest scenes, it's not a stretch," she says.
"It's very much a part of my heart."

Arizona Theatre Company is pulling out all the stops for a production
they expect to be one of their biggest hits in years. Artistic
director David Ira Goldstein flew to New York to cast the show and
made sure to hire top talent behind the scenes, including Abe Jacob,
the "godfather of sound design" - who worked on the original Broadway
show 40 years ago.

In the beginning . . .

Hair: The American Tribal Love-Rock Musical was created by James Rado
and Gerome Ragni, two actors with one foot in the counterculture and
one in the mainstream. Rado had originated the role of Richard
Lionheart in The Lion in Winter on Broadway, but he knew Ragni from
the experimental-theater scene, where they starred together in an
off-Broadway musical protesting capital punishment.

Although they cast themselves in the starring roles of Claude and
Berger - two points in the bisexual love triangle at the heart of the
play - they weren't genuine hippies, already being (gasp!) older than
30. But they believed in the hippie message of peace and love, a
message that they thought was being distorted by the establishment media.

"We were writing about the moment, we were writing about the war,"
says Rado, who has had a hand in several Hair revivals over the
years. "We were putting onstage what was so emotional and powerful
out on the streets. We wanted to extend that message and that feeling
to audiences."

Ragni (who died of cancer in 1991) and Rado wrote the book and the
lyrics and brought in Canadian composer Galt MacDermot to write the
tunes that would become an indelible part of the late-'60s
soundtrack. Among the recording artists to score hits with the Hair
songbook were Three Dog Night (Easy to Be Hard), the Fifth Dimension
(Aquarius/Let the Sunshine In) and, of course, the baritone Oliver,
who sang that saccharine version of Good Morning Starshine in 1969.

1st rock musical

In the era of Jimi Hendrix, Janis Joplin and the Doors, those songs
may have sounded more pop than rock to some. But they weren't just on
the radio, they were on Broadway, which had its own musical tradition
and conventions. Just as an invasion of contemporary pop culture,
Hair was a shock to the system.

"It was the first rock musical," says Joey Calveri, who will play
Berger in Phoenix. "Without Hair, we wouldn't have Rent, we wouldn't
have Tommy, we wouldn't have Jesus Christ Superstar."

Iconoclastic message

Of course, the music wasn't nearly as iconoclastic as the message.
Here was a piece of mainstream entertainment that not only protested
the Vietnam War but paraded the sexual revolution - from a song
called Sodomy to the famous all-cast nude scene - in front of the
buttoned-down middle class.

Goldstein, who's directing the local revival, first saw Hair in
Toronto in 1970.

"It was very much about the shock value of people saying and doing
things onstage they they'd never done before," he says. "It was a
huge cultural event. Issues surrounding Hair went to the Supreme
Court. It was relevant, it was controversial. It was a huge deal."

Controversy inevitably fades, however, and Hair is no exception,
especially after the entire flower-power era was relegated to the
status of nostalgia.

"As with a lot of things that are very steeped in period details,
there's a period of 20 or 25 years where it just seems dated,"
Goldstein says. "Then, after that, you start to feel that those
details are what make it authentically of its time. It feels like
Hair has come around to its moment again, 40 years on."

It's not that the current cultural moment is a rerun of 1968. Free
love and acid trips are more of a "fantasyland kind of thing," says
Kyle Harris, 22, the University of Arizona alumnus who plays Claude for ATC.

And although the nation is once again embroiled in an unpopular war,
there is no draft to dodge.

"That has been the hardest thing to relate to," Harris says.

To help his actors imagine just that during rehearsals, Goldstein
brought in a draft lottery from 1968 and had each male cast member
call out his birthday, to find out whether he would have been called.
Even in the hypothetical, it was an emotional moment.

"That was such a scary experience," Harris says. "What would I have
done back then?"

Relevance evident

Other issues feel much more present for the artists in the show (who,
predictably enough, tend to fall on the liberal side of the political
divide). Gay rights is a particular example, given the passage of
constitutional bans on same-sex marriage in Arizona and California.

"The things Hair talks about - racism, the environment, war - are
still with us," Goldstein says. "We had a moment in time (in the
'60s), and perhaps we didn't achieve all that we could with what we
had. There's a sense of regret and that the message is even more
powerful now than it was then."

Just as important, the actors say, the hopeful side of the hippie era
also continues to resonate.

"Our first rehearsal was Election Day, and it really decided which
direction our show would take," Calveri says. "Would we do a show
that's celebrating, or a show that's still protesting and angry?"

You can guess the answer.

"We have a lot of Obama supporters in our cast," he says.

Rado, who has carried the Hair torch of peace and love for 40 years,
feels the same.

"Other presidents have used that cry for change, but with Obama
there's this wonderful feeling of hope in the air. . . . Maybe this
is the dawning of a new age."
--

Reach the reporter at kerry.lengel@arizonarepublic.com or 602-444-4896.

.

Rainbows came, camped, prayed, left

Rainbows came, camped, prayed, left

http://www.jacksonholestartrib.com/articles/2008/12/29/news/wyoming/159142c9b11edeab8725752d00267c33.txt

By TOM MORTON
December 29, 2008

They came, they prayed -- some say preyed -- and left.

For about four weeks this summer, about 7,000 of the free-spirited
Rainbow Family -- "the largest non-organization of non-members in the
world" -- converged on the Bridger-Teton National Forest.

The gathering caused several ruckuses in Pinedale and Sublette
County, and faded as fast as it arrived.

"I don't think I've heard any conversations about the Rainbows
since," said Bob Rule, owner of KPIN radio. "Once they left, it was a
dead topic."

The Rainbow Family gathers during the first week of July to live in
alternative communities with their own camps and kitchens, learn
different cultures, and primarily pray for peace and harmony with the Earth.

But the rapid creation of a community nearly four times the size of
nearby Pinedale didn't necessarily lend itself to peaceable relations
among townsfolk, the U.S. Forest Service and its LEOs (Rainbow
parlance for law enforcement officers), "drain-bows" (Rainbow
parlance for slackers) who panhandled and shoplifted, Wyomingites
unhappy with hippies, Sublette County residents concerned about the
gathering's effects on the land, and Boy Scouts who had planned a
conservation project near the gathering.

The critics didn't like some Rainbows' alternative lifestyles
including illegal drug use.

Rainbows make their decisions by consensus, and the decision to hold
the gathering in the Big Sandy area came became final in early June.

That set in motion advance Rainbow teams to set up the site with
water lines, latrines, fire pits and other infrastructure.

It also included meetings with Pinedale residents and a visit from
U.S. Department of Agriculture Undersecretary Mark Rey, who oversees
the U.S. Forest Service.

The clash of cultures didn't help as the Rainbows, Forest Service and
local law enforcement officials met, Rule said. "You're trying to
have a business-type meeting when their form of government is anarchy."

The Forest Service's allowance of the Rainbow gathering irked
Sublette County Commissioner Joel Bousman. It let the Rainbows camp
without a permit, which in turn displaced the Boy Scouts who followed
the rules to obtain permits, Bousman said. "If the rules are good
enough for anybody, they're good enough for everybody."

The bad vibes were enhanced by the tragic disappearance and suicide
of Sublette County Sheriff Wayne Bardin's son Garrett, whose body was
found in an area near the Rainbow Gathering.

"Here in town, we were focused more on the sheriff's son than the
Rainbows," Rule said.

The Rainbows' sometimes unhygienic personal care, and wearing their
hair in dreadlocks, also astonished the townsfolk, he said.

But "Woodstock II," as it was known, didn't cause many problems
beyond that, Rule said.

Not many townspeople went to the gathering itself, consisting of
several large campsites spread over several miles of the
Bridger-Teton Forest, he said.

But that's where the main action happened.

Garrick Beck, 59, has attended all but two of the annual gatherings
since 1972, when the first event was held in Colorado.

This year, Beck camped with a group of artists from the East Village
in the camp called New York Purple, which hosts a comedy club and a
brunch the day after the major meditation event on July 4.

This year, Beck said he was encouraged to see the large number of
young Rainbows -- sometimes with their parents and grandparents --
who are gaining an appreciation of nature, the responsibilities of
caring for it, and taking seriously their work to make the gathering a success.

"These young people have got the values that the community is all
about," he said. "This is not about aging hippies."

Trouble ahead

While Beck and other Rainbows appreciate the assistance of the local
Forest Service employees, he sharply criticized the behavior of the
special law enforcement group used to police the gathering.

Law enforcement, he and other Rainbows said, often stopped and
searched vehicles without probable cause, issued warnings and
citations from drug possession to driving infractions, such as
failure to signal. Some of those charges were dismissed at the
temporary federal court set up in Farson.

"The LEOs attempted to create an incident to sabotage the
[gathering]," Beck said. "They were looking for trouble."

They got it on the evening of July 3, when several officers arrested
a man for marijuana possession near the Kid Village.

A Forest Service press release said about 400 Rainbows surrounded the
officers and began throwing sticks and rocks.

Officers arrested five people, one officer sustained minor injuries,
and one Forest Service vehicle was damaged, according to the press release.

"This lawless behavior is unacceptable and we will not tolerate it,"
said John Twiss, Forest Service director of law enforcement said in
the news release.

But the Rainbows at the scene told a much different story, saying the
officers pointed weapons at children and fired rubber bullets and
pepper spray balls.

Since then, the American Civil Liberties Union published a report
contending the Forest Service law enforcement has engaged in
systematic harassment of those who attend the Rainbow gatherings.

Twiss denounced the report. He has since resigned.

Meanwhile, some Web sites affiliated with the Rainbow Family are
urging those who witnessed the July 3 incident to send statements,
pictures and videos to the Office of Inspector General of the U.S.
Department of Agriculture, which may be conducting an investigation
of the incident.

The Office of the Inspector General in Kansas City, Mo., was closed on Friday.

Trouble behind?

Critics of the Rainbow Gathering said 7,000 people in the forest
would cause serious damage to the land.

Rainbows have taken pride in cleaning up after their events, and said
they would do the same this year.

Forest Service District Ranger Tom Peters said in late July the
southwestern slope of the Wind River Mountains would sustain some
lasting scars from the gathering.

The cleanup efforts were cosmetic and not a rehabilitation of the
land, he said then.

This week, Peters said he visited the site in late August and still
has concerns for the land.

"They did clean up, but it wasn't rehabilitation," he said. "It was
very obvious thousands of people were there."

However, there might not be the longterm damage he initially feared, he said.

The land will need to go through at least one growing season for him
to determine whether any invasive species took hold and to manifest
any major problems, Peters said.

The Pinedale Roundup reported on the cleanup in late August with
pictures of the sites. Some litter is evident in some pictures, while
other pictures show sites of former kitchens and parking areas that
have had nearly all traces of human activity removed.

That's the way Rainbows try to do it, Beck said.

Beck, who runs a gemstone supply business in Santa Fe, N.M., said the
Rainbows probably will meet somewhere in New Mexico in 2009.

A loose-knit council has been meeting with Forest Service officials,
and the system of bypassing the formal written permit system to get
to crafting an operational plan is going well, Beck said. "We're
looking at the best pregathering in maybe a dozen years," he said.
--

Reach Tom Morton at (307) 266-0592 or Tom.Morton@trib.com
--

Year Tracker

What happened in 2008: About 7,000 people trekked to the Big Sandy
Area of the Bridger-Teton National Forest for the Rainbow Family of
Living Light's annual Gathering of the Tribes.

Where things stand: Pinedale and Sublette County have returned to
normal, and the campsites are recovering. The American Civil
Liberties Union issued a report claiming the law enforcement agency
of the U.S. Forest Service used excessive force at the gathering.

Coming in 2009: The Rainbow Family probably will gather somewhere in
New Mexico.

.

Right place, time for Tricksters lead

Right place, time for Tricksters lead

http://www.edmontonjournal.com/Entertainment/Right+place+time+Tricksters+lead/1116928/story.html

Singer Donna Jean Godchaux-MacKay backed icons Elvis, Grateful Dead

By Peter North
December 27, 2008

Donna Jean Godchaux-MacKay has made a habit of being in the right
place at the right time since she started singing into studio
microphones in the '60s.

Born and raised in Alabama, Godchaux-MacKay may not be a household
name, but she is a member of the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame, inducted
with the Grateful Dead in 1994.

At 61, she has been involved in making some of the greatest music of
the last 50 years -- and she hasn't stopped yet.

Three years ago, she began crossing paths with The Zen Tricksters,
and after a few guest performances with the New Jersey group,
everyone involved agreed that there was something about the
combination that was worth investigating.

"We added another female singer in Wendy Lanter, and keyboard player
Mookie Siegel, who is part of the extended Grateful Dead family... .
So now we're Donna Jean and the Tricksters."

A self-titled debut disc, released this year, exudes confidence and a
sense of "all for one," as everyone on board contributes to the
songwriting and launching of the instrumental thrust.

Donna Jean and the Tricksters incorporate R&B, jazz, folk and Dead
influences into the overall sound. Godchaux-MacKay says the energy
level is a reflection of a band who take good care of themselves.

The DJ and the Tricksters disc boasts a number of well-executed and
inspired pieces, including No Better Way, Shelter, Farewell Jack, and
Me and Kettle Joe. One of the payoffs has been a string of positive
reviews, including a rave from Rolling Stone music editor David Fricke.

"It's fun, and we are a band in every sense of the term. I think
we've got a lot to look forward to," says Godchaux-MacKay.

As a young and soulful singer, the willowy lass with a sultry voice
was hired to sing backup and harmony vocals at the Muscle Shoals
Studio, founded in the town of the same name in rural Alabama.

"Who would have thought this kind of music, that would take the
country by storm, would come out of a little place like this? But it
happened, and it was an important time in American music," she recalls.

In fact, the female vocal squad at the Muscle Shoals studio so
impressed Elvis Presley, the King had Godchaux and her friends join
him in Memphis for the recordings of In the Ghetto and Suspicious Minds.

At the age of 22, the vocalist had an impressive resume and it
travelled well as she left Alabama for San Francisco. Not long after
arriving in 'Frisco, she was introduced to her soon-to-be-husband, a
brilliant young pianist named Keith Godchaux. Not long afterward, she
would engineer a meeting with Jerry Garcia of The Grateful Dead.

"Keith and I listened to the Dead's music all the time and one day
Keith expressed that he wanted to play with the band. We went down to
a club where Jerry was fronting his own band and at a break I tapped
him on the shoulder, and said that I needed to talk with him."

Within a matter of days, Keith Godchaux was knee-deep in the popular
group's vast repertoire. Asked to join the band as well, Donna Jean
felt her husband should go through the initiation first. She
officially accepted the invitation a year later, in the spring of '72.

The Godchauxs ended up contributing to what many aficionados consider
the meat of the Dead catalogue. Starting with the quintessential live
effort Europe '72, the two also put their mark on studio efforts Mars
Hotel, Blues For Allah, Terrapin Station, and Shakedown Street.

By the end of the '70s, substance abuse and musical stagnation led to
the couple exiting The Grateful Dead. Not long afterward Keith
Godchaux was killed in a car accident.

Eventually moving back to Alabama with her new husband, a musician
named David MacKay, the vocalist worked under the mainstream radar
for most of the next 10 years.

After the 1994 Rock and Roll Hall of Fame induction and the death of
Garcia in 1995, she accepted a few invitations to sing with some of
her former Grateful Dead bandmates. Plugging herself back into the
Dead songbook was not a problem.

"I was flying to San Francisco to do a show with Phil (Lesh) and
listening to Ripple through my headset, when I just started sobbing.
The music still touched me deeply."

.

Rock Songwriter Delaney Bramlett Dies in LA at 69

Rock Songwriter Delaney Bramlett Dies in LA at 69

http://abcnews.go.com/US/wireStory?id=6537992

Songwriter Delaney Bramlett, who worked with rock legends, dies in
Los Angeles at 69

LOS ANGELES
December 28, 2008

Singer-songwriter-producer Delaney Bramlett, who penned such classic
rock songs as "Let it Rain" and worked with musicians George Harrison
and Eric Clapton, has died. He was 69.

Bramlett died Saturday shortly before 5 a.m. at UCLA Ronald Reagan
Medical Center in Los Angeles as a result of complications from
gallbladder surgery, his wife Susan Lanier-Bramlett said.

Born in Mississippi, Bramlett enjoyed a career in the music business
that spanned 50 years. With his then-wife Bonnie Lynn, he created the
Southern blues-rock band Delaney & Bonnie & Friends. The group opened
for Blind Faith, which featured British guitarist Clapton, in 1969.

He is perhaps best known for standards such as "Superstar,"
co-written with Leon Russell, which was recorded by Usher, Luther
Vandross, Bette Midler, The Carpenters and most recently, Sonic
Youth, in a version featured on the Grammy-nominated soundtrack of
the movie "Juno."

He co-wrote "Let it Rain" with Clapton, who also recorded it, and
"Never Ending Song of Love," which was recorded by more than 100
artists including Ray Charles, George Jones, Tammy Wynette, Patty
Loveless and Dwight Yoakam.

During his career, he performed, co-wrote or recorded with stars such
as Jimi Hendrix, Janis Joplin, John Lennon, Dave Mason, Billy
Preston, the Everly Brothers and Mac Davis. He also produced artists
including Etta James and Elvin Bishop.

He recently released an album, "A New Kind of Blues," on independent
label Magnolia Gold Records.

.

The Fort Dix Five

The Fort Dix Five

http://pajamasmedia.com/ronradosh/2008/12/23/the-fort-dix-five/

by Ron Radosh
December 23rd, 2008

What is the difference between the five Muslim immigrants convicted
in a Federal court in Camden, New Jersey on Monday, and Bill Ayers
and his comrades in the Weather Underground?

The answer: not much, except for the outcome. The men were convicted
for conspiring to kill American soldiers in Fort Dix. They had taken
concrete steps to train and arm themselves. The government had taped
conversations about their plans between them and FBI informants;
propaganda videos, and proof of the purchase of machine guns. The
jury was evidently not impressed with the defendants' arguments that
they were not serious, and had been coaxed into making incendiary
arguments by the informants. If that was so, any sane juror realized,
it would not explain why they actually purchased the weapons for the
planned attack.

In the case of the Weather Underground, as Bob Owens recounts on his
blog today, the FBI had only one inside informant- Larry Grothwol.
Like today's informants, Grothwol had first hand knowledge of
terrorist plans of the communist cell, and of actual attacks they
carried out. But the Bureau didn't need this to find evidence- the
Weathermen group did it themselves when their home made bomb went off
prematurely, killing only themselves.

Despite this, the U.S. Government never tried Ayers and others for
their plans and their conspiracy, of which Ayers famously bragged to
David Horowitz and later in his book, that he was "guilty as hell"
but "free as a bird," adding sarcastically that "America is a great
country." Yet everyone knew years later, due to confession from
members of the group like Mark Rudd, that the anti-personnel bomb
they were building was meant for soldiers and their dates at a dance
in the very same Fort Dix.

Today's would-be terrorists are Islamic radical fundamentalists,
organized into the same kind of conspiratorial cells as the Weather
Underground was in the1960's and 70's. Yet, to this very day, Ayers
brags in his memoir that each year he and his wife, Bernardine Dohrn,
go to the site of the Greenwich Village townhouse on the anniversary
of the bombing, to lay flowers on the street. He even writes that
the time should come when like US soldiers who lost their lives are
remembered and honored, so should his comrades like his former
girlfriend Diana Oughton, who was killed in the blast, be honored as well.

At least we should be grateful that our government today is on top of
the actions of conspirators, and stops and convicts them before they
act on their beliefs. That, however, is small consolation for our
just anger at how Ayers and company got away with their conspiracies.

.

Harry Shearer [by Paul Krassner]

Harry Shearer: The voices of a generation

http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/la-et-shearer24-2008dec24,0,4547350.story

Whether hosting KCRW-FM's 'Le Show,' handling multiple characters on
'The Simpsons' or appearing on the big screen, the 64-year-old
performer always has something to say.

By Paul Krassner
December 24, 2008

Harry Shearer became an actor at age 7, at the urging of his piano
teacher. As a kid on "The Jack Benny Program," when the cast was
doing a read-through, there was one line in the script where, he told
me, "I just got it in my mind to do it with a slight Brooklyn accent,
and when I did that, Benny just started howling, banging the table
and laughing." That moment was an auspicious omen.

Foremost among Shearer's talents is an ability to mimic with
satirical precision the voices, mannerisms and points of view of
countless public figures -- entertainers, politicians, news anchors
-- on his radio program, "Le Show," which has just completed its 25th
year. It is broadcast every Sunday morning at 10 on KCRW-FM (89.9) in
Santa Monica ("From the edge of America, from the home of the
homeless") and syndicated to around 100 stations in this country,
plus one in Berlin, NPR in Europe, an audio feed on Japan's cable
system and American Forces Radio.

For all these years, Shearer, who turned 65 Tuesday, has never been
paid for doing "Le Show." But what about the perks?

"Well, one advantage of doing weekly radio shows is that you tend to
forget them as soon as they're done," he said. "The great part, since
gaining Internet coverage, is hearing feedback from listeners in
places like Japan and Africa, where this broadcast would never be
heard on terrestrial radio.

"But the real highlight from a life standpoint has to be when I had a
chance meeting on the street near the newsstand just off Melrose with
somebody who was a fan of the radio show, and whose then column in
the then LA Reader I was a fan of. It was Matt Groening, and that
meeting led to a little remunerative gig in the Murdochian vineyards."

Shearer was referring, of course, to "The Simpsons," on which he
performs the voices of several cartoon personalities. Since he does
both Mr. Burns and his assistant, Smithers, I asked, "When you're
taping 'The Simpsons,' do you sometimes just stand there and talk to
yourself?"

"Yes, and that happens a lot," he said. "When Hank [Azaria] plays Apu
and Chief Wiggum, he'll talk to himself, and when Dan [Castellaneta]
plays Homer and his dad, he'll talk to himself."

One voice he does on "Le Show" is Dan Rather. When the Museum of
Television & Radio (now the Paley Center for Media) honored Rather,
he invited Shearer to attend. Shearer wanted to discuss issues, but
Rather preferred to talk "Spinal Tap," the rock 'n' roll mockumentary
in which Shearer played bassist Derek Smalls.

Ironically, the band was put together and existed only for the sake
of the movie, yet it ended up going on tour. During a London
appearance, Shearer entered the brunch place at the hotel where they
were staying -- still dressed as his character, with fake hair
extensions but a real beard -- and was awe-struck by a gifted
vocalist, Judith Owen. They eventually got married and now divide
their time between Santa Monica and New Orleans. Sometimes when she
performs at a club, Shearer accompanies her on electric bass. And in
keeping with his eclectic taste and his keen sense of nepotism, he
often plays songs from her albums on "Le Show."

Shearer always presents a few "copyrighted" features on his program.
I won a bet with my wife that they're not really copyrighted, and
perhaps as a result of that bet, he introduced "Tales of Airport
Security," in which he reads listeners' accounts of such
misadventures, as "a copyrighted feature of this broadcast, and when
I say that, of course I am lying. That's full disclosure, ladies and
gentlemen."

Another "copyrighted feature" -- "If it ain't copyrighted," Shearer
admits, "who knows the difference?" -- is "Apologies of the Week,"
such as Brazil's government apologizing to the country's senior
citizens for forcing them to show up at Social Security offices to
prove they're not dead and Burger King apologizing to a woman ordered
by a franchise employee to stop breast-feeding her baby or leave
because it made a customer uncomfortable.

In the tradition of Lenny Bruce, he plays all the characters in
mini-theatrical sketches that serve as vehicles for his incisive
humor. He has frequently presented phone conversations between George
W. Bush and his father, taking the part of both and capturing the
nuances of each. In his own voice, alluding to the younger Bush's
crusade to stamp out global terrorism, Shearer has observed, "It's
like the war on drugs. It's a totally metaphorical war in which some
people get killed. I expect the Partnership for a Terrorist-Free
America to start soon."

But how will Shearer handle Barack Obama?

"I think there's going to be something sadly funny about the
collision/intersection between the sky-high hopes and expectations of
his supporters with the sky-high mountain of crap left on his desk by
his predecessors," he says. "I'm still learning his speech pattern,
but there's something about the way he emphasizes certain words,
especially the ones at the ends of sentences, that gives the aura of
decisiveness whether there's anything decisive being said or not."

In any case, as a dedicated news junkie, Shearer will continue to
share bizarre reports on "Le Show," remaining true to his philosophy:
"Comedy is good, reality is better."
--

Paul Krassner's latest book is "One Hand Jerking: Reports From an
Investigative Satirist."

.

Sometimes Love Lives Alongside Loneliness

Sometimes Love Lives Alongside Loneliness

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/24/books/24garn.html

By DWIGHT GARNER
Published: December 23, 2008

MY VOCABULARY DID THIS TO ME
The Collected Poetry of Jack Spicer
Edited by Peter Gizzi and Kevin Killian
465 pages. Wesleyan University Press. $35.

The poem that says "I love you," James Fenton has observed, "is the
little black cocktail dress," the classic thing that everyone would
like to have written one of.

Less sexy, by far, are the types of poems left behind by the West
Coast poet Jack Spicer, who died in 1965. Mr. Spicer's love poems
curdle around the edges. He was one of America's great, complicated,
noisy and unjustly forgotten poets of heartbreak and abject loneliness.

The editors of "My Vocabulary Did This to Me," a new collected
edition of Mr. Spicer's work, speak touchingly of his "status as an
unattractive gay man." But Mr. Spicer was an outsider in many ways.
While he was a central figure, along with Kenneth Rexroth, in the
so-called Berkeley Renaissance of the late 1940s, for most of his
life he never quite fit in anywhere. He never blended, in literary or
social terms, with the two groups in which he might have later found
affinities, the Beats or the New York School of poets.

"Loneliness," Mr. Spicer declared, "is necessary for pure poetry." He
drank himself to death at 40.

Mr. Spicer could be, at times, among the irritable race of poets
Horace called the genus irritabile vatum. Yet his work was often
improbably humane and lovely. Here is a bit of one of his "Imaginary
Elegies," from the late 1940s:

When I praise the sun or any bronze god derived from it

Don't think I wouldn't rather praise the very tall blond boy

Who ate all of my potato-chips at the Red Lizard.

It's just that I won't see him when I open my eyes

And I will see the sun.

This collection's provocative title, "My Vocabulary Did This to Me,"
is taken from Mr. Spicer's final words, spoken in a San Francisco
hospital. The other details of his life are almost as tantalizing.

He was born in 1925 in Los Angeles and befriended the future
Secretary of State Warren Christopher while at the University of
Redlands. After college, Mr. Spicer worked in Los Angeles as a movie
extra and a private eye, and then roomed in the same Berkeley
boarding house with a young Philip K. Dick. In 1949 he hosted a folk
music radio show in Berkeley and connected with the archivist Harry
Smith. He assisted Mr. Smith in the compilation of his classic
Anthology of American Folk Music (1952).

A political anarchist, Mr. Spicer left the Ph.D. program at the
University of California, Berkeley, after refusing to sign a loyalty
oath, and he was a member of early gay liberation groups. He made
recordings of his poetry (now lost) with the Dave Brubeck Quartet.
With five visual artists, he opened the Six Gallery, where Allen
Ginsberg first performed "Howl." (Some of Mr. Spicer's own work was
read that night.)

He had other contacts with Ginsberg. The editors write, in an
unintentionally hilarious biographical entry for 1959: "At a drunken
party in Berkeley, Allen Ginsberg attempts to fellate Spicer in
public in the name of love, peace, and understanding; gets rejected."

Mr. Spicer also presided over a popular event called Blabbermouth
Night, at which, the editors write, "poets were encouraged to speak
in tongues and to babble and were judged on the duration and
invention of their noises."

Mr. Spicer was as much in love with sound as with sense, agreeing
with Archibald MacLeish that "A poem should not mean/But be." Mr.
Spicer's poetic notions could be wackier than MacLeish's, however.
Mr. Spicer viewed poets as radio transmitters of a sort, broadcasting
the words of other disembodied voices. He claimed he merely took
dictation, from voices he sometimes called Martians. He was opposed
to what he called "the big lie of the personal." He refused to
copyright his work.

The flavor of Mr. Spicer's more sound-driven work is suggested by
this snippet from a 1959 poem: "He will learn words as we did/I tell
you, Jay, clams baked in honey/Would never taste as strange."

His occasional high spirits were on display at the start of "Billy
the Kid," a poem from 1958 that includes bits of prose like this one:
"Let us fake out a frontier ­ a poem somebody could hide in with a
sheriff's posse after him ­ a thousand miles of it if it is necessary
for him to go a thousand miles ­ a poem with no hard corners, no
houses to get lost in, no underwebbing of customary magic ... only a
place where Billy the Kid can hide when he shoots people."

To read Mr. Spicer in bulk, however, is to become intimate with the
poet who wrote the lines "I am going north looking for the source of
the chill in my bones" and "We are all alone and we do not need
poetry to tell us how alone we are." As he wrote in 1957:

No one

Has lots of them

Lays or friends or anything

That can make a little light in all that darkness.

There is a cigarette you can hold for a minute

In your weak mouth

And then the light goes out,

Rival, honey, friend,

And then you stub it out.

You finish "My Vocabulary Did This to Me" feeling you've come in
contact with an original artist and a genuine one, a writer who is,
to borrow from Wordsworth, "fierce, moody, patient, venturous, modest, shy."

You also finish the book thinking that these poems are ready to find
a new audience. As Mr. Spicer elliptically put it toward the end of
his life: "Death is not final. Only parking lots."

.

Day Tripper [Albert Hofmann]

Albert Hofmann | b. 1906

Day Tripper

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/28/magazine/28hofmann-t.html

By ROBERT STONE
Published: December 24, 2008

In the circles where LSD eventually thrived, the moment of its
discovery was more cherished than even the famous intersection of a
fine English apple with Isaac Newton's inquiring mind, the comic
cosmic instant that gave us gravity. According to legend, Dr. Albert
Hofmann, a research chemist at the Sandoz pharmaceutical company,
fell from his bicycle in April 1943 on his way home through the
streets of Basel, Switzerland, after accidently dosing himself with
LSD at the laboratory. The story presented another example of
enlightenment as trickster. As a narrative it was very fondly
regarded because so many of us imagined a clueless botanist pedaling
over the cobblestones with the clockwork Helvetian order dissolving under him.

At Sandoz, Hofmann specialized in the investigation of naturally
occurring compounds that might make useful medicines. Among these was
a rye fungus called ergot, known principally as the cause of a grim
disease called St. Anthony's Fire, which resulted in gangrene and
convulsions. Ergot had one positive effect: in appropriate doses it
facilitated childbirth. Hofmann set out to find whether there might
be further therapeutic applications for ergot derivatives. Indeed, he
discovered some for Sandoz, including Hydergine, a medication that,
among other things, enhances memory function in the elderly. Most
famously, of course, Hofmann's ergot experiments synthesized
D-lysergic acid diethylamide tartrate, LSD. On April 16, 1943, he
apparently absorbed a minuscule amount of the lysergic acid he was
synthesizing through his fingertips. He went home (he doesn't say
how) and subsequently submitted a report to Sandoz. This reads in part:

"At home I lay down and sank into a not unpleasant intoxicatedlike
condition, characterized by an extremely stimulated imagination."

A few days later at work, Hofmann decided to adopt the Romantic
methods of Stevenson's celebrated Dr. Jekyll. His experimental notes
commence: '4/19/43 16:20 0.5 cc of 1/2 promil aqueous solution of
diethylamide tartrate orally = .25 mg tartrate." By 1700 hours he was
reporting other symptoms along with a "desire to laugh."

The laughter was Mr. Hyde's, not Dr. Jekyll's, because for most of
this occasion Hofmann was in the grip of what less cultivated
experimenters would later call a bummer.

"A demon had invaded me, had taken possession of my body, mind and
soul. . . . It was the demon that scornfully triumphed over my will."

Hofmann did make the journey home by bicycle, with the help of an
assistant. Contrary to legend, there is no record of his falling. As
the hours of Hofmann's investigation passed, he felt progressively
better. In the morning "everything glistened and sparkled."

On the basis of Hofmann's report, three other officials of Sandoz
sampled LSD. A psychiatric researcher at the University of Zurich,
Dr. Werner Stoll, repeated the experiment, and Sandoz came to the
conclusion that modified LSD-25 was a psychotropic compound that was
nontoxic and could have enormous use as a psychiatric aid. A decision
was made to make LSD available after the war to research institutes
and physicians as an experimental drug.

Hofmann was by no means a technocratic philistine. The amazing
mystical elements activated by this strange fungoid compound were of
particular interest to him, though he says he never imagined mere
recreational inebriation as a goal for users. He did, however,
anticipate self-experimentation by "writers, painters, musicians and
other intellectuals." By people, in other words, as respectably
educated folk used to say, "who possessed the background."

How could Hofmann, swathed in the cultural Gemütlichkeit of
Switzerland, understand that shortly ­ in America in the '60s ­ we
were all, all of us, going to be writers, painters, musicians and
other intellectuals?

Actually Hofmann soon had his eye on America and its discontents. He
associated "abuse" of LSD with what he called "materialism,
alienation from nature through industrialization and increasing
urbanization, lack of satisfaction . . . a mechanized, lifeless
working world, ennui and purposelessness in a wealthy, saturated society."

Hofmann was a wise man, however, and no more judgmental than any
scientist should be, and in his writings on the subject he treats the
hippie acid culture with grandfatherly moderation. Meeting Timothy
Leary, a figure who arguably turned his magic medicine into a social
threat, he remonstrated firmly with him, tried hard to see Leary's
ineffable good points and afterward called him "a charming personage."

As a highly valued executive researcher at Sandoz (now part of
Novartis), he traveled the world to study psychotropic compounds.
With his wife he went to Mexico to sample psychedelics at their
practical source, as administered by the curanderos and curanderas of
the Sierra Mazateca. It was Hofmann who succeeded in synthesizing
psilocybin from the "magic mushroom" of the Mazatecas. He also
isolated a compound similar to LSD from another Native American
botanic sacramental, the ololiuhqui vine. As a scientist he was
fascinated by the ritual practiced by the ancient Greeks at Eleusis
each fall. These rites, honoring the grain goddess Demeter,
celebrated antiquity's most profound mystery cult. Initiates
described an intense life-changing experience in the course of the
nighttime ceremonies. Hofmann believed that one of the components of
the sacred kykeon, the potion distributed to adepts, was a barley
extract containing ergot.

Hofmann was close to many of the artists and thinkers who shared his
fascination with varieties of perception. He corresponded with Aldous
Huxley and was also a friend of the German mystic and novelist Ernst
Jünger. He came to know prominent members of the American Beat
generation, including Allen Ginsberg, whom he met in California in
1977. Hofmann never approved of mass intoxication or drug use in
adolescence. Contrary to assertions, however, he did not regret his
discovery. No great scientist known to history can have been less
fanatical or more serene. He was always a humanist committed to the spirit.

Over his long life, Hofmann took LSD many times. He developed a
personal mysticism involving nature, for which he had a lifelong
passion. One thing this very tolerant man decried in the Western
drive for facile satisfaction was an alienation from the outdoors.
The use of LSD made him more and more conscious of it. In nature he
saw "a miraculous, powerful, unfathomable reality."

.

Snyder on his correspondence with Ginsberg

Snyder on his correspondence with Ginsberg

http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2008/12/25/DDVM14QP7L.DTL

Heidi Benson, Chronicle Staff Writer
Friday, December 26, 2008

In North Beach on a recent night, three raggedy young troubadours sat
abreast on a step just outside Tosca. One played a guitar, one smoked
a cigarette, one wrote his thoughts in a notebook.

Little did they know that inside the bar, standing in dim amber light
before a smoke-darkened painting of Venice, Pulitzer Prize-winning
poet Gary Snyder was reading to a crowd of friends from a new and
unusual book, "The Selected Letters of Allen Ginsberg and Gary
Snyder," just out from Berkeley's Counterpoint Press.

Had they entered Tosca's old-timey brass-and-glass double doors and
slipped through the narrow chute of the bar to the womb of a room
beyond, they would have seen Snyder delivering an opening apologia.
The poet wore a butternut-squash-toned shirt under a dark suit and a
necklace of tiny skulls ("reminders of impermanence"). He cradled a
glass of wine.

"I have a naturally skeptical attitude," Snyder said. "So when this
book was suggested, I thought, 'Who'd want to read that?' " In some
of the letters, he said, "I come off like some kind of old Buddhist
schoolteacher." But before long, he warmed to the project.

"The book covers 35 years," he marveled. "It's a testament to a
friendship, a prickly, mutually respectful and totally asexual
relationship." Titters erupted. "Allen never bugged me about that,"
Snyder added, with a ready laugh. "He said I was a hopeless case."

The correspondence began soon after they met in 1956 and continued
until Ginsberg's death in 1997. To read their letters - which began
soon after the famous Gallery Six reading that sparked their future
fame - is to overhear the evolution of a remarkable friendship and
the birth of a literary flowering we know as the Beat movement.

They write about artistic and spiritual breakthroughs and their
political, environmental and community activism, all the while
seeking advice and affectionately critiquing each other's work. They
plan trips to India, readings in Oregon, upgrades on the Sierra
Nevada land they bought together, where Snyder still lives. Changes
of address are constant; they are forever on the road.

An early letter from Snyder, written when he was studying Zen in
Japan, is a vivid sketch of the moment:

"Listen man if you feel up to it will you write me a concise
statement of your theory of beatness and its relation to vision,
poetry, and America? and to sex? I'm seeing new angles to this rough
Zen-discipline shot; perhaps by reducing one's life to essentials of
eating (barely enough) and sleeping (barely enough) and working
(hard) .... making you thoroughly beat and aware of what is samsara
[the cycle of birth, suffering, death, rebirth] and what one's
body-self really craves, like food sex and sleep - and then makes
that beatness flower into real insight - because in America all
that's really sweet and creative now is coming out of the beat ones,
i.e. you have nothing and become nothing and you create!"

Ginsberg and Snyder first met in 1956 at the suggestion of Kenneth
Rexroth, the poet and great man of San Francisco letters. Ginsberg
was new to town, having left Columbia University (where he had
befriended Jack Kerouac) for graduate school at Berkeley. Snyder grew
up in the Northwest, where he'd worked as a seaman, logger and forest
lookout, studied anthropology at Oregon's Reed College and was now
deep into graduate work in classical Chinese at Berkeley.

"I was actually working on my bicycle, as I recall," Snyder said,
during a chat after the Tosca reading. Wearing a dark fedora, he had
strolled that morning into the Counterpoint Press offices in the
Berkeley flats, where trains periodically whistle by.

"I had the bicycle upside down and was doing some work on it," he
said. "This cat comes in, I serve him some tea and we start talking.
We talked till late at night, bonded right away because we had a lot
of ideas in common."

What did they talk about? Politics and poetics.

"It was just after the McCarthy era," he explained. "We talked about
left-wing politics and about the world disillusionment with
Stalinism, and with world disillusionment with totalitarian
Soviet-style communism."

And they mused on distinctions between East and West Coast intellectuals.

"The East Coast literati were mired in the necessity to reject their
left-wing politics of the 1930s. And, unable to think of
alternatives, they were flocking to conservatism of various sorts, or
joining the Catholic Church or becoming Zionists," he said.

By contrast, "the West Coast had an alternative left-wing movement
that was still growing. Not everybody on the West Coast had ever
joined the Communist Party. There were a lot of non-Party left-wing
thinkers, including union members, who were still around. And Kenneth
Rexroth was kind of the spokesperson for that alternative-left tradition.

"We were drawn to that, trying to figure out how that connected with
Whitman and Thoreau, for example, or with Buddhism."

In 1962, Snyder and Joanne Kyger, an award-winning poet and his
second wife (she has lived for many years in Bolinas), traveled
extensively through India, visiting holy Buddhist sites. They aimed
to hook up with Ginsberg and his companion, Peter Orlovsky. The new
book contains many letters, left at stops along the way, that helped
them connect.

"That's the way people always used to travel," Snyder said. "You
could write a letter and say, 'Hold it for so-and-so.' Western Union
had an office in every town, every city in the world, where you could
always pick up letters. They may not have known you from anybody, but
they would hold that letter until somebody came in to pick it up."

There were a lot of changing plans to keep track of. At one stage,
Ginsberg and Orlovsky spent a few extra weeks in Israel because they
couldn't book passage from there to India, for geopolitical reasons.
"As it ended up, Allen came from East Africa," Snyder recalled,
"crossing in a little African ship all the way to Bombay." Finally
united, they traveled together for six months before Snyder returned
to Japan; Ginsberg stayed on for a year in India.

"Today, you'd do it all with cell phones and e-mail and you'd
constantly be in touch with each other," Snyder said. Still, he
doesn't mourn the loss of handwritten letters.

"Hard-copy files of e-mail are certainly pulled up by the thousands
of pages when somebody's going to court, especially in Washington,
D.C.," he said.

Writers simply write, no matter the medium.

"E-mail does speed you up, and you'll answer with a quick, hasty
note. But we used to do that with postcards. When people e-mail me -
and they do - the first thing I ask is 'Where are you?' " He is loath
to enter what he calls "a placeless void." "I want to know where they
are and what they do there. If they'll answer that, then we can go on."

Texting, he allowed, is different. Still, "I would never write off
what people do," he said. "Every generation, people say, 'We're
losing this, we're losing that.' But the important stuff continues.
It goes out of fashion and comes back into fashion within a blink of an eye.

"Your grandchildren may be fantastically into writing letters to each
other - with quill pens! You just don't know."
--

Politics and poetics at Tosca

A roomful of luminaries packed Tosca's signature red booths recently
to celebrate publication of "The Selected Letters of Allen Ginsberg
and Gary Snyder."

Among them were poet Michael McClure, actor Peter Coyote, Davia
Nelson of the Kitchen Sisters, Counterpoint Press CEO Charlie Winton
and Snyder's longtime editor Jack Shoemaker, sassy Tosca proprietor
Jeannette Etheredge, as well as Will Hearst III and California
Attorney General Jerry Brown. (Snyder chaired the California Arts
Council when Brown was governor.)

After the reading, Brown had an announcement:

"I'd like to correct the record," he said as he stood,
mock-seriously. "In one of these letters, Allen says I visited
Timothy Leary in prison."

He paused before delivering a brief but definitive account of what
really happened.

"I was in Fresno, and Leary's wife jumped in my blue Plymouth." ("Ah,
the famous blue Plymouth," a voice chimed in.)

"She asked me to get him out," Brown conceded. "BUT I never visited
Leary in jail."
--

E-mail Heidi Benson at hbenson@sfchronicle.com.

.

For 2 Beats, a beginning

For 2 Beats, a beginning

http://www.philly.com/philly/entertainment/literature/20081228_For_2_Beats__a_beginning.html

Kerouac and Burroughs showed their talents in an unpublished 1940s novel.

And the Hippos Were
Boiled in Their Tanks
By Jack Kerouac and William S. Burroughs
Afterword by James W. Grauerholz
Grove Press. 214 pp. $24.

Reviewed by Michael Harrington
Dec. 28, 2008
--

It all started with football.

Jack Kerouac was a high school gridiron and track star in Lowell,
Mass., though he also was a daydreamy artist who hung with a group of
self-styled literati.

Kerouac's football skills got him into Columbia University in 1940.
But he broke his leg in practice, argued with the coach, and eventually left.

He served in the wartime merchant marine while writing and living on
the fringes of the university scene with his girlfriend Edie Parker,
a free-living society girl. Through Edie, he met a teenager from St.
Louis named Lucien Carr, a sullen and charismatic Columbia student
obsessed with Rimbaud.

Carr introduced Kerouac to his teenaged classmate Allen Ginsberg, and
also to two friends from St. Louis, both in their 30s. The first was
David Kammerer, who had become infatuated with Carr as a Boy Scout
troop master and had followed him to New York. Carr was reluctantly
inseparable from Kammerer, but they were prone to Dadaist stunts such
as chewing up drinking glasses.

The other man was William S. Burroughs, a scion of the Burroughs
Adding Machine family who was living off a monthly stipend from his
parents. He masked insecurities over past mental difficulties and a
closeted homosexuality with a laconic pose of hard-boiled
hyper-intellectualism and a devout interest in the Times Square
demimonde of drug fiends and petty thieves.

Kerouac was friendly with Kammerer, but he was fascinated by
Burroughs, who introduced him to Oswald Spengler and psychoanalysis.
They shared an interest in Raymond Chandler's detective fiction and
would act out scenes from his stories.

In the summer of 1944, a drunken Carr stabbed Kammerer to death,
supposedly after one pass too many. He sought help from Kerouac (who
helped him dispose of the knife) and Burroughs (who told him to get a
good lawyer).

Carr was soon arrested. Kerouac and Burroughs were questioned and
briefly jailed, but they avoided serious legal problems over the
incident. After a sensational trial, Carr was sent to a reformatory,
where he served a few years. After his release, he became a
journalist and had a long and distinguished career at UPI.

Kerouac and Burroughs decided to collaborate on a novel about the
murder, And the Hippos Were Boiled in Their Tanks, in which they told
the story in alternating chapters. They titled the work after a
hurried radio news report of a zoo fire. After they became famous as
Beat writers, the unpublished work was often cited in the various
biographies of the two, but it is only now being published.

It's not bad as a novel, but it's mostly a literary curiosity by two
authors who went on to better things. The events leading up to the
murder are slightly disguised, but for those familiar with the Beats,
the real people careening around Manhattan are easy to see behind the
faux details.

This is a practice work, overstuffed with characters and dwelling on
what would have then been sensational and shocking: marijuana,
lesbians, small-time criminals, loose college girls, bar fights. It's
too slow-moving to be true noir, too stilted to be an existential
exploration. The murder is almost incidental to the recitation of
bohemian doings leading up to the killing (both writers had recently
given police statements, after all, and perhaps seen the literary
value in the genre).

Burroughs' sections are written in the detached voice made familiar
by his later work, presenting the city as an elemental place full of
violent events and lost people. His character, Dennison, is urbane
and shady, a Clifton Webb type who gladly lends a pal a sap to make
some money rolling drunks and sets up an arson in the same tone he
uses to make dinner reservations. A sample of his voice: "When I got
back to my apartment it was too early to go to bed. I . . . played a
few games of solitaire and decided to take morphine, which I hadn't
done in several weeks."

Kerouac's sections are given to romantic descriptions of the city and
people (a merchant seaman has "a big red beard and Christ-like eyes")
and spiritual philosophy. People say things such as "The ultimate
society has to be the completely artistic society. Each of these
artist-citizens must, during the course of his lifetime, complete his
own spiritual circle."

His alter-ego Mike Ryko would be played by John Garfield, perhaps -
sensitive but tough:

". . . a short stocky waiter came up to me and said, 'Are you a wise guy?'

" 'Sure,' I said. It looked like there would be a fight."

All of this was later refined by Kerouac in his seminal work On the
Road and others, and by Burroughs in Naked Lunch.

But what's apparent here in this portrait of the nascent Beat scene
is that they knew they were onto something.

As such, it's a fascinating look at two important writers working out
their early style.
--

Contact Inquirer staff writer Michael Harrington at 215-854-2816 or
mharrington@phillynews.com.

.

End Comes for Outpost of East Village Counterculture

End Comes for Outpost of East Village Counterculture

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/25/nyregion/25love.html

By LILY KOPPEL
Published: December 24, 2008

It opened 42 years ago, in a time known by some as the Age of
Aquarius, in a Manhattan neighborhood that was a hippie haven. It
endured as a psychedelic oasis even as the hippies disappeared and
the neighborhood, the East Village, was transformed into a pricier
and less scruffy place by the real estate boom that washed across
many parts of New York City.

But now the end is near for Love Saves the Day, a vintage clothing
and bric-a-brac shop at the corner of Second Avenue and Seventh
Street, where the Grateful Dead plays on the speakers and Madonna
picked up a pair of studded boots in "Desperately Seeking Susan."

A handwritten sign announcing that the store will close in the middle
of January is taped to the window next to a pink neon heart shot with
an arrow.

"People come by and it jolts their memory back to their childhood,"
said the store's owner, Richard Herson, 62. "Customers are so
distraught it makes it harder to close."

To say the store is cluttered would be an understatement. Even the
ceiling has merchandise hanging from it: prom dresses, "Star Wars"
figures, Barbie dolls, Transformers and characters from Pee-wee's Playhouse.

The store displays retro toys and objects evoking nostalgia across
generations. There are bellbottoms and platform shoes from the '60s,
Fraggle Rock toys and Smurfs that came free with McDonald's
children's meals, old Playboy magazines, metal lunch boxes and copies
of Life magazine.

Figures of the My Little Pony variety graze in a glass case below
still-fragrant Strawberry Shortcake dolls. Cabbage Patch dolls, Care
Bears and Charlie's Angels figurines convene nearby. Next to the cash
register is a Fisher-Price toy register.

Store closings often are tied to rising rents in Manhattan. But that
is only one reason Love Saves the Day is shutting its doors. Mr.
Herson said the death in August of his wife, Leslie Herson, 65, who
started the store, left it without its soul. "It's hard to carry on
without her," said Mr. Herson, who will continue running a second
store with the same name in New Hope, Pa.

The Hersons met in 1977, when Richard responded to an ad in The
Village Voice for an apartment Leslie was subletting. "We met and hit
it off," Mr. Herson said. "She was an artist and her canvas was the
store. Love Saves the Day really came true for both of us."

Ms. Herson, who grew up in Brooklyn and attended New York University,
shopped at flea markets, designed her own clothes and wore Victorian
pieces that defined her eccentric style.

Her store was a destination before vintage clothing became a staple
of the hipster wardrobe. The rent on the original store was $95 a
month; today it is $11,000.

In an article in 2005 in The Villager, a neighborhood newspaper, Ms.
Herson said the store's quirky name had been chosen deliberately.
"L.S.D.," she said. "Absolutely. You have to understand, everyone was
on something back then. And the Beatles had just come out with 'Lucy
in the Sky With Diamonds.' "

A wall of fame in the store has been autographed by Marc Jacobs,
Debbie Harry, Joey Ramone, Quentin Tarantino, Björk, and Tim Burton.
Mark Hamill, who played Luke Skywalker in "Star Wars," signed,
"Forcefully Yours."

Throughout the shop, signs warn against taking photos or using
cellphones. A sign at the door alerts, "unattended children will be
sold into slavery."

"I can't believe it, I'm so sad," said Lauren Levine, a television
producer who lives above the shop. "It's like love is leaving the corner."

.

Unspooked [Philip Agee]

Philip Agee | b. 1935

Unspooked

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/28/magazine/28Agee-t.html

By RICK PERLSTEIN
Published: December 23, 2008

Philip Agee's inaugural appearance in a major newspaper was on March
7, 1968. The article was datelined Mexico City, and Agee, identified
as a U.S. Embassy official attached to the Olympic Games section, was
describing a cultural program "of art treasures, performing artists
and folklore and scientific exhibits." The next time Agee showed up
in the papers, it was 1974, and he was about to publish "Inside the
Company: C.I.A. Diary," very much against the wishes of his actual
former employer ­ which was not the Olympics section. "I did not
write this book for the K.G.B.," Agee, who worked for a decade as a
spook, announced. "I wrote it as a contribution to socialist revolution."

The saga of Philip Burnett Franklin Agee, who died this year in exile
in Havana, was one of the signal melodramas of what pundits called
the "Year of Intelligence." Americans were reeling from the
resignation of Richard Nixon. The Watergate story was itself thick
with C.I.A. shenanigans; then, in December 1974, Seymour Hersh
published a blockbuster Times exposé revealing that the agency spied
on American antiwar activists. Senate and House committees were
impaneled to investigate C.I.A. abuses, including attempts at
assassination of foreign leaders. Agee's book became available in the
middle of the mess.

The C.I.A., Agee explained to interviewers abroad (he would never
return to live in the United States), was "promoting fascism around
the world." His chronicle frequently justified the hyperbole ­ he
told of being ordered to fabricate a report "establishing" Communist
infiltration of the Uruguayan government. The document was shown to a
police chief; while the chief was reading the report, Agee heard the
agonized screams of a torture victim in the next room ­ apparently
someone Agee had named to the police, not necessarily a Communist.
"All I wanted to do was to get away from the voice and away from
police headquarters," he wrote of the dawn of his apostasy.

The idealistic former altar boy joined the C.I.A. because he wanted
to be part of the solution. It was 1957. Agee had tried law school
and considered entering the family business ­ but blanched at the
prospect of finding himself as one more drone in a gray flannel suit.
He thrilled, as a young C.I.A. trainee, to explanations of the
underlying purpose of the adventure he was about to embark upon: to
secure democratic governments in order to help them "effect the
reforms that will eliminate the injustices on which communism
thrives." He soon found himself in a vicious circle: "the more we
work to build up the security forces like the police and military,
particularly the intelligence services, the less urgency, it seems,
attaches to the reforms." The years went by; the Marxisant
revelations unfolded inexorably. He started to wonder whether
protecting oligarchs, while keeping their states in peonage to U.S.
investors under cover of "development," wasn't in fact the purpose of
U.S. policy. He was, Agee now reckoned, part of the problem.

In his book, he arrived at a typically New Left solution: the
institution must not be reformed, for "reform" is the very myth by
which the Leviathan nourishes itself. It must be destroyed. This
root-and-branch determination turned what might have been a noble, if
controversial, vehicle for intelligence reform into something
destructive. Amid its overwhelming welter of details ("It almost
takes the stamina and interest of a Soviet spy to get through,"
Walter Pincus wrote in the Times review), the book included the real
names of every C.I.A. officer, agent and asset Agee could recollect.
Shortly after its publication, Richard Welch, a C.I.A. officer not
named by Agee but whose name was published by a Greek newspaper in
the worldwide fad for agent-outing that followed "Inside the
Company," was murdered by anti-American militants. The year began
with strong momentum for intelligence reform; the C.I.A. took
advantage of Welch's martyrdom to defend the status quo.

"The Company" had long exploited the imperative of operational
secrecy to avoid accountability for its failures (like neglecting, in
1973, to anticipate Egypt's invasion of Israel). True to form, the
C.I.A.'s allies argued that the excesses of those demanding
accountability were responsible for Welch's death. The murder and the
entire fad for "naming names" were also turned into ammunition for
defenders of presidential autonomy like Richard Cheney, Ford's chief
of staff, to use against their enemies in Congress.

Socialist revolution never followed from Agee's exposé, and the Year
of Intelligence produced only modest reforms. Meanwhile, a law was
passed against naming undercover officers, under which Lewis Libby
was investigated for outing Valerie Plame ­ supposedly at Vice
President Cheney's behest. Philip Agee was never part of any
solution, just another facet of the shadow world's ever proliferating
strangeness.

.

Sunday, December 28, 2008

The “Wait ‘Til He Gets In” Delusion: The President Elect is Not a Latent Lefty

The "Wait 'Til He Gets In" Delusion:
The President Elect is Not a Latent Lefty

http://www.blackagendareport.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=938&Itemid=34

17 December 2008
by Paul Street

Despite all the evidence to the contrary, there are still those who
think that Barack Obama "is a 'true progressive' whose left and
democratic orientation has been 'squandered' or carefully hidden
thanks to his national political ambitions and/or the influence of
his political handlers." In reality, "Obama came to the political
game with an already advanced and highly cultivated bourgeois taste
for incremental change and compromise with concentrated power." Obama
is tricky. "He posed for the liberal base as an 'antiwar candidate'
even while he signaled clearly to the foreign policy establishment
that he would continue the Iraq occupation for an indefinite period."
--

One of the more recurrent refrains I heard from many of Barack
Obama's progressive supporters in late 2007 and through the recent
election went like this: "Oh, he has to say and do that stuff to get
elected. The corporate and military powers that be will sink him if
he acts as left as he really is. Just wait until he gets in: then
you'll see the real progressive deal."

"That stuff" included Obama declaring his readiness to bomb Iran,
saying that black Americans had come "90 percent" of the way to
equality, treating Jeremiah Wright's anger over American racism as
inappropriate for the current era, proclaiming that the U.S. invaded
Iraq with noble intentions, and saying that "the Surge" was
"succeeding beyond our wildest imagination." Other parts of the Obama
campaign package: advancing nuclear power and Ethanol, claiming that
leading Wall Street firms and other large corporations were as
interested as anyone else in "American renewal" (they "just hadn't
been asked" to help the country, Obama said last year), supporting
the unilateral use of military power even in "situations beyond
self-defense" (in a 2007 Foreign Affairs essay), and calling for an
expansion of U.S.-imperial armed forces.

Neoliberal from the Start

There were four key problems with this alternatively naïve and
cynical defense of candidate Obama's centrism. First, it neglected
Obama's history as a deeply conciliatory and conservative,
privilege-friendly politician. From his Harvard Law School days
through his state legislative career and his brief stint in the U.S.
Senate, Obama has exhibited what liberal journalist Ryan Lizza
rightly calls "an eagerness to accommodate himself to existing institutions."

Those who think Obama is a "true progressive" whose left and
democratic orientation has been "squandered" or carefully hidden
thanks to his national political ambitions and/or the influence of
his political handlers might want to consider an interesting
description of the young phenomenon penned by the veteran black
political scientist Adolph Reed Jr. just as Obama's political career
began. By Reed's account, Obama came to the political game with an
already advanced and highly cultivated bourgeois taste for
incremental change and compromise with concentrated power.
Alternately praised (by moderates) as "pragmatism" and "realism" and
reviled (by left progressives and radicals) as "selling out" and
"cooptation," his finely honed centrism was a habit of thought that
flowed naturally from his elite socialization in a
corporate-neoliberal post-Civil Rights era at privileged private
institutions like Columbia, Harvard, and the metropolitan foundations
(including the Woods Fund of Chicago and the Joyce Foundation) on
whose boards he sat and in whose circles he moved (a rarely noted
aspect of Obama's biography) while he worked as a Chicago lawyer.

This is how Reed described the 30-something Obama in early 1996,
shortly after the latter won his first election to the Illinois
legislature and more than eight years before the world beyond
Springfield and the Chicago and Washington money-politics elite
discovered the "Obama phenomenon":

"In Chicago, for instance, we've gotten a foretaste of the new breed
of foundation-hatched black communitarian voices: one of them, a
smooth Harvard lawyer with impeccable credentials and
vacuous-to-repressive neoliberal politics, has won a state senate
seat on a base mainly in the liberal foundation and development
worlds. His fundamentally bootstrap line was softened by a patina of
the rhetoric of authentic community, talk about meeting in kitchens,
small-scale solutions to social problems, and the predictable
elevation of process over program - the point where identity politics
converges with old-fashioned middle class reform in favoring form
over substances. I suspect that his ilk is the wave of the future in
U.S. black politics here, as in Haiti and wherever the International
Monetary Fund has sway." [1]

There's little basis for many progressives' desire to share some
right-wingers' picture of Obama as a closeted true-progressive
waiting for the White House ascendancy to unveil his left agenda.

Path Confusion

Second, to quote a Buddhist maxim, "the path is the goal." The point
can be exaggerated, but it is hard to end up on the left turn ramp
while driving in the center and right lanes. It is difficult (thought
not impossible) to rally the troops for progressive change while
steering again and again - however stealthily (see my next point) -
to the corporate and imperial right.

Third, the bigger truth is that candidate Obama tended to run to the
rhetorical left of his actual policy agenda. Especially during the
primary campaign, he sounded far more progressive than he actually
was. He posed for the liberal base as an "antiwar candidate" even
while he signaled clearly to the foreign policy establishment that he
would continue the Iraq occupation for an indefinite period. He ran
as an advocate of universal heath insurance even while he advanced a
plan that left critical cost-driving power in the hands of the big
insurance and pharmaceutical corporations.

Things He Didn't "Have" to Say and Do

Last but not least, U.S. Senator and presidential candidate Obama
repeatedly said and did things more reactionary than actually
required to make a viable presidential run and still pass muster with
concentrated power. The imperial plutocracy didn't require Obama to
vote for the expansion of federal domestic wiretapping powers with
retroactive immunity to the big telecommunications corporations last spring.

Harsh political power realities did not mean that Obama "had" to tell
CNN's Candy Crowley last summer that the U.S. should never apologize
for any of its actions abroad. A supposedly great and benevolent
empire can and probably should occasionally apologize for such
"occasional" "mistakes" as the recurrent indiscriminate bombing of
Afghan wedding parties.

Obama did not "have" (to stay viable in the presidential race) to
tell the Chicago Council on Global Affairs that the American people
were "resolved" in support of the Iraq War since "they have seen
their sons and daughters killed in the streets of Fallujah" (a city
that suffered massive U.S. imperial assaults, with a giant civilian
death toll, in April and November of 2004).

Obama didn't "have" to blow up the public presidential election
financing system once and for all, though he would have been crazy
(from an "in it to win it" perspective) not to given his remarkable
private funding advantage over John McCain.

In the process of torpedoing federal election funding, moreover,
Obama didn't "have "to create the dark deception that his fundraising
operation constituted "a parallel system of public financing." The
truth of the matter, reported on ABC's evening news last week, is
that Obama got just a quarter off his campaign finance haul from
small donors. That was the same share small donors contributed to
George W. Bush's funding take in 2004 - a telling little detail that
gets lost in Obama' recurrent trumpeting of the fact that he received
91 percent of his contributions from small givers. Too bad those
small givers comprised just a fourth of his total money.

And Obama hasn't "had" to go to the remarkable lengths he has gone to
deny the depth and degree of U.S. racial disparities and continuing
relevance of racism in explaining those inequalities.

I could go on.

"Honeymoans" and Violins

Five weeks away from Obama's inauguration, some progressives are
disturbed to learn that his corporate-imperial cabinet picks
epitomize what former Clinton administration official and Kissinger
Associates Managing Director David J. Rothkopf calls "the violin
model: Hold power with the left hand, and play the music with your
right" (NYT, November 22, 2008, A1). It bothers a growing number of
Obama's liberal backers to learn that, as Wall Street Journal
editorial board member Matthew Kaminski notes, "the Obama camp says
the future president, who won running from the left, intends to
govern from the center" (WSJ, December 6/7, 2008, A8).

"This Wasn't Quite the Change We Pictured," whines the title of a
recent Washington Post editorial by leading left-liberal writer David
Corn [2].

It's long past time for Corn and other "concerned" and "disappointed"
Obama liberals to trade in their rose-colored campaign glasses for
the demystifying shades donned by the ideology-decoding rebels in
John Carpenter's classic left science fiction movie "They Live." The
balmy feel-good people's rhetoric of the electoral contest has faded
as always before the big chill of corporate-imperial governance.

A little more due diligence research on their candidate's
longstanding centrist history and how well it matches the narrow
parameters imposed by the American political tradition and party
system might have prevented some of the current left and liberal
"honeymoaning" (Alexander Cockburn's useful term [3]) about Obama.
For all his claims to be a noble and "pragmatic" reformer "above the
fray" of America's imperial plutocracy and "ideological" politics,
Obama is no special exception to - and is in many ways an epitome of
- what Christopher Hitchens called (in his 1999 study of the Bill and
Hillary Clinton phenomenon) "the essence of American politics. This
essence, when distilled," Hitchens explained, "consists of the
manipulation of populism by elitism." [4]

It's nothing new. Relying heavily on candidates' repeated promise to
restore "hope" to a populace disillusioned by corporate control,
corruption, and inequality - a standard claim of non-incumbent
Democratic presidential candidates - this dark essence of United
States political culture goes back further than the
corporate-neoliberal era into which Obama came of political age. It
is arguably as old the Republic itself, always torn by the rift
between democratic promise and authoritarian realities of
concentrated wealth and power.

Underlying systemic contradictions related to the deepening economic
crisis may well drive Obama to introduce measures that will seem
comparatively progressive in relation to the last thirty-five years
of U.S. economic policy. For real and genuinely progressive recovery
to occur, however, popular agency on the model of the recent factory
occupation at Chicago's Republic Door and Window plant [5] will be
required, as in previous periods of reform. Today as in the 1930s and
1960s, rank and file citizens' agency will be a critical element
forcing progressive change that can be reasonably believed in [6].
Obama may be left-handed but its' time to stop waiting for a mythical
White House lefty and to get to the work of actual left organizing
and vision from the bottom up.
--

Paul Street <paulstreet99@yahoo.com> is the author of Empire and
Inequality: America and the World Since 9/11 ( Boulder, CO: Paradigm,
2004) and Racial Oppression in the Global Metropolis (New York:
Rowman & Littlefield, 2007). Hid latest book is Barack Obama and the
Future of American Politics
(http://www.paradigmpublishers.com/books/BookDetail.aspx?productID=186987)
--

NOTES

1. Adolph Reed, Jr., "The Curse of Community," Village Voice (January
16, 1996), reproduced in Reed, Class Notes: Posing as Politics and
Other Thoughts on the American Scene ( New York , 2000). For an (I
hope) useful summary of Obama's relatively tepid and centrist career
as a state legislator, please see Paul Street , "Statehouse Days: The
Myth of Barack Obama's 'True Progressive' Past," ZNet (July 20,
2008), read at http://www.zmag.org/znet/viewArticle/18224

2. David Corn, "This Wasn't Quite the Change We Pictured,"
Washington Post (December 5, 2008), read at
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/12/05/AR2008120502602.html


3. Alexander Cockburn, "Honeymoans From the Left," CounterPunch
(December 5/7, 2008), read at
http://www.counterpunch.org/cockburn12052008.html

4. Christopher Hitchens, No One Left to Lie To: The Values of the
Worst Family (New York : Verso, 2000), pp. 17-18.

5. Lee Sustar, "Chicago Factory Occupied," Socialist Worker (December
6, 2008), read at
http://socialistworker.org/2008/12/06/republic-window-occupation

6. Howard Zinn, "Election Madness," The Progressive (March 2008).

.

Saturday, December 27, 2008

What Next for P4O? [Progressives for Obama]

Discussion on Our Future

What Next for P4O?

http://progressivesforobama.net/discussion-on-our-future/

An Organizing Proposal for a Left-Progressive National Network and
Clearinghouse

By Carl Davidson and Bill Fletcher, Jr.
[Demember 2008]

[Introductory Note: We're using some metaphors from the language of
IT and the internet here because our old organizing models-hubs and
spokes on a wheel, pyramids of blocks in organization charts-don't
help that much these days, given how people actually relate. Better
to use the metaphor of a large fisherman's net, with the knots at the
intersections of the strings being groups of people, and the strings
being the relations between and among them. There's two ways of
looking at a net-seeing mainly the knots first or seeing mainly the
strings first. At the risk of sounding sexist, men usually see the
knots first; women usually see the interconnecting strings first. Nor
is the net completely flat and even. It's rumpled and tattered, with
little peaks and valleys, and some parts in dire need of repair.
Having said all that, the IT and internet part is still merely a
tool. What's most important are the real world face-to-face, and
group-to-group meetings, discussions and joint efforts that need to
take place in the period ahead, as it always has been.]

How can the people brought together by the 'Progressives for Obama'
project make a transition into a broader and ongoing post-election
nationwide network? How can that network continue to serve as a
left-progressive pole within the broader alliance of Obama activists
and voters, while contributing to the organization of the instruments
for popular political power? What follows is an outline of the
organizing tasks and components of such an effort, with an invitation
to wider discussion among our community of supporters and activists.

Starting Points

The most important node on the new network is the base community.
This is a grassroots group of left-progressive voter-activists
situated where people live, work or go to school.

1. Where people live can be a neighborhood, a township,
precinct, church parish, temple or mosque, a ward, town or city,
state legislative districts or congressional districts. It can be any
combination or variation of these, but the main point is that they
have a set of elected officials or governmental body as a target.
2. Where people work is important because of the potential power
of organized labor, whether their workplace is currently organized or
not. That power is multiplied by the direct engagement of the
rank-and-file in base organizations, committees and such.
3. Where people go to school is important because of the
powerful role of youth as a critical force, often serving to awaken
the wider society to injustices, local and global. School is the most
common place they come together, but faith, culture and sports venues
are also important here.

Left-progressive defines the political orientation, essentially broad
agreement with the principles of the initial call to 'Progressives
for Obama', groups like the Aurora Project, Progressive Democrats of
America and others. The main themes to focus on: Healthcare not
Warfare via HR676, Green Jobs Not War Jobs via recession-busting
infrastructure spending, Alternative Energy Investments dealing with
climate change, College for All who want to learn for the work and
study required by the 21st Century, wider democracy through EFCA for
unions and other anti-discrimination measures, and stopping the wars
now and cutting defense to help pay for it

The voter-activists we seek are the kind of people who hold these
politics and either already belong to mass democratic organizations
working on the above, or they want to join them. They can be ad-hoc
single issue groups, 501C4 nonprofit groups, faith-based and
community based groups, union locals or even clubs of political
parties or the campaign organizations of local candidates and elected
officials. But it's best if they have individual members, and see
themselves growing by getting more of them. During election cycles,
they are people who vote and work in campaigns. Between election
cycles, however, they are also active in a variety of other mass
campaigns. They have little problem shifting from one to the other as
the situation demands.

Without these base communities, we can talk about politics and
change, but we can't DO anything about politics and change with much impact.

Second in importance is the local cluster of similar nodes. This
means student groups getting together across a city, a local labor
council, or a citywide meeting of peace and justice groups, and so on.

Third in importance is the local wider horizontal network of a
variety of local clusters of nodes. This means a citywide or CD-wide
alliance of labor unions, community organization, student coalitions,
peace and justice activists, as well as others.

Fourth in importance are the broader networks of these networked
clusters reaching both upward and outward. These are statewide or
regional alliances or federations aimed at mobilizations or
longer-term lobbying and pressure campaigns.

What Links the Networks?

First, already mentioned, is a common political orientation mentioned
above. These can be developed and improved over time as more forces
become involved and new tasks are demanded of us.
Second, and perhaps just as important, and in some way more so, are
common platforms-packages of immediate and transitional demands for
political reform and economic development. Immediate demands widen
democracy and redistribute wealth and resources downward. Easier
voting, anti-discrimination laws and the living wage are examples
Transitional demands alter the structure of power in favor of those
at the base-seats for unions on development authorities, worker
buyouts of failed but still profitable firms, wider community
participation in schools.

The platforms, even though they share a common depression-busting,
popular empowerment theme, have to be custom-designed for their
localities-city, state or bioregional. Wind farms make no sense in
places with little wind; lock and dam modernization means little to
places without major rivers. But the process of defining and shaping
the platforms of the various levels of the network are an excellent
venue in bringing people together for an exercise in participatory
democracy. Some of these platform-templates have already been shaped
to some degree by DC-based groups like the Institute for Policy
Studies, the Blue-Green Alliance, the Apollo Alliance, the Green Jobs
Project and others. But others will have to be done from scratch.

Third is shared new media. The networks and clusters need public
faces. Naturally, we work to get in the regular mass media, but one
way of doing it is using the new interactive media of the
blogosphere, but locally. The linked interactivity not only helps
people get organized, but their degree of success using it also helps
them gain entrance to the mainstream media, locally and nationally.
Luckily, the new media doesn't cost anywhere near as much to put in
operation, only the time and talent of those setting them up and running them.

Putting it all together

We should acknowledge two things here. First, many of these
organizations and networks already exist, have recently emerged in
the Obama campaign, or exist in embryo to various degrees. There are
many areas where things have to be done from scratch, but many more
do not. What's needed now is for more interconnections to be formed,
and more of these components to become aware of each other, sharing
ideas, resources and mobilizing efforts. To borrow from the old
Hegelian dialectic, the wider national network exists in itself, but
is not yet fully conscious and for itself. Second, we should
acknowledge that what we are advocating here, the organization of a
new national network and information clearinghouse is an interim
project. We can't say for certain yet what the longer-range
organizational outcome will be or even if there will be a single
outcome-a realigned and fully progressive Democratic Party, a new
third party or labor party, or a new Grassroots Nonpartisan High-Road
Alliance of candidates from many parties.

'Progressives for Obama' is in a position to play a catalytic role in
moving forward in a major way. But it should not be alone. Why? Most
important is an allied effort understanding the necessary
intersection of race, class and gender for a lasting left-progressive
alliance. It must also have a grasp on the role and potential power
of organized labor and the working class more generally. The
combination of these two strengths is what counts.

What is required

First, 'Progressives for Obama' needs some close partners, especially
those with base communities of mass democratic organizations with
individual members. Not a lot, but those are really willing to work
right away. PDA is an obvious choice, but there are more. Jobs with
Justice and The Right to the City groups are another. It also needs
partners with resources to share-progressive think tanks and several
of the new media projects. Some of the existing socialist
organizations that backed Obama may also be helpful where they have a
degree of strength and influence.

Second, we need some startup money. We probably should approach
individuals first, since we need to start quickly. Then we need a
development director to work the institutional sources for funding,
which take a lot longer.

Third, we need to deploy a designated team of field organizers,
people who can move about various regions or the entire country, to
meet with groups and people, speak publicly and find the best local
area coordinators for the project. These field organizers will have
to be paid, or at least have their expenses covered.

Fourth, we need a designated team of new media workers, and the funds
to retain a webmaster-manager of our web site and web-centric
infoshop clearinghouse. The webmaster should be working for the
allied project, but the others can be recruited as allies in the
media projects they are already working for. As a team, their first
task is to develop our 'brand' and make a big splash in the
blogosphere, drawing the people and groups we want to participate in
the overall joint effort.

Fifth, we need a designated governance body. Most likely, it can be a
coordinating committee with monthly conference calls, together with a
smaller and more nimble executive that can write checks. Then main
thing is for everyone who has a stake to have a voice and seat at the
table. That will get us started, but more formal structures are
needed to receive grants.

This needs to be seen as a major new expansion of 'Progressives for
Obama' and its allies–and time-urgent as well. The crisis is
unfolding and deepening rapidly, as are the opportunities and
problems related to the new Obama administration. If we do this well,
it will make a big difference.

.

Our current fix looks similar to 1968

Our current fix looks similar to 1968

http://www.adn.com/opinion/comment/story/634182.html

Steve Haycox
December 26th, 2008

It seems it would be difficult to top this year in Alaska politics.
The surprise of Sarah Palin's emergence as a political media star
competes with the trial and election defeat of Sen. Stevens as
principal elements in what has been described as a great Alaskan
political earthquake. Without those twin tremors, passage of the gas
line bill by the Legislature and the awarding of the incentive
contract to Trans Canada, together with the extraordinary upheaval in
oil prices, would rightly have been the primary focus public
attention, along with the lesser importance of the 50th anniversary
of Alaska statehood. Any attempt to evaluate the significance of
these events, each itself dramatic enough, has been complicated by
the deepening global recession, an evolving, distorting backdrop.
Achieving perspective on any of them will take more time than an end
of year pause.

In an eerie, if incomplete, symmetry, 2008 is reminiscent of another
traumatic year in the history of the state, and the nation: 1968.
That year began, proceeded, and ended with disorienting shocks of
equal, perhaps even greater, impact than those of this year. In
February 1968 the success of the Tet offensive by the North
Vietnamese shook American complacency regarding assumptions of
military superiority and political wisdom. Following Eugene
McCarthy's unprecedented March 12 win in the New Hampshire
presidential primary election, President Johnson's announcement that
he would not seek and would not accept renomination underscored the
suddenly rudderless nature of American leadership. These developments
promised an energized election campaign and generated enormous growth
of the anti-war opposition movement.

Though most Alaskans did not know it at the time, these events would
soon become marginal, for on March 12, Richfield Oil Co. brought in
the confirmation well at Prudhoe Bay that demonstrated the vast size
of North America's largest crude oil deposit. Release of official
data in May confirmed the magnitude of the find.

In April, however, the nation had been thrown into trauma by the
assassination of Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., in Memphis. Despite the
pleas of Robert Kennedy, who had announced his own candidacy for
president, rioting broke out in numerous American cities as the hope
of the civil rights triumphs of the mid-sixties seemed challenged,
and to some, dashed. There was little time for reflection, for in
early June, Kennedy himself was assassinated on the night of his
victory in the California primary.

Further riots followed throughout the summer in more than 100 cities
as despair overtook many black communities and neighborhoods; at
least 46 people died. America felt deeply riven, pro- and anti-war
groups increasingly committed to forcing their convictions on the
nation's people and the government. The rift mirrored imperfectly
what was called a "generation gap," young people sensing their
position on the cusp of broad cultural change, their elders skeptical
and, often enough, frightened.

Then in August came the Democratic national convention in Chicago.

Determined that his city would not be taken hostage by youthful
protestors, Mayor Richard Daley ordered his police to move
aggressively and with initiative against planned rallies and marches.
Thousands of young people were arrested, some beaten, many
temporarily jailed in a media circus that both alarmed and mesmerized
the nation. America seemed to be coming apart. The election of
Richard Nixon in November felt like an anti-climax.

But there was no anti-climax in Alaska, where residents learned on
the same day, Dec. 11, that the new president had selected their
governor, Walter Hickel, to be Secretary of the Interior, and that
Democrat "Bob" Bartlett, beloved senior U.S. senator and before that
16 years as Alaska's Congressional Delegate, had died following
complications from open-heart surgery. Before leaving for Washington,
D.C., Hickel appointed Ted Stevens to fill Bartlett's Senate seat.
Still trying to understand the implications of the extraordinary find
at Prudhoe Bay, now Alaskans grappled with the impact of Bartlett's
death, and his replacement.

1968 was a chaotic year, in America, and in Alaska.

Both nation and state survived, found a new equilibrium and
prospered. As time permits, and perspective gained, Alaskans will
view 2008 as an extraordinary year, as well, punctuated by the
election of Barack Obama. Only with insight will we discern its place
in the historical landscape.
--

Steve Haycox is a professor of history at the University of Alaska Anchorage.

.

40 Years After Paris: Can Mass Protests Still Make a Difference?

40 Years After Paris: Can Mass Protests Still Make a Difference?

http://www.beyondchron.org/news/index.php?itemid=6422

by Randy Shaw
Dec. 26‚ 2008

First published on May 13, 2008.

Forty years ago today, students, workers, and activists marched
through the streets of Paris to challenge the nation's social,
economic, and political structures. The marches were a prelude to
what became a two-week general strike, the impact of which remains
hotly debated to this day. The events of May 13, 1968 were not the
world's first mass protests, but their role in the subsequent
alteration of French society was widely hailed as proving the power
of political action outside the electoral process. The United States
also saw mass protests in 1968, but their failure to end the Vietnam
War and the election of Richard Nixon that November left many
activists frustrated. The successful WTO protests in Seattle
reasserted the power of mass protest, but this appears to have
dissipated as the Bush Administration invaded Iraq despite millions
taking to the streets and the federal government failed to legalize
undocumented immigrants despite the mass protests of the Spring of
2006. Can mass protest still make a difference in the United States,
or is the electoral process -- embodied in the mass involvement of
those in the Obama campaign -- now seen as the leading if not
exclusive route to progressive change?

For forty years, the phrase "May 1968" has connoted a unique mass
outpouring in Paris that many saw as the germination of a new social
order. The Paris events were distinguished from mass protests in the
United States by the mass involvement of workers, who occupied
factories and engaged in a two-week general strike in one of the
world's most advanced industrial nations.

There are enough books about May 1968 to fill entire libraries, and
the UC Berkeley Art Museum currently has an exhibit of stirring
photos taken by Serge Hambourg. Seeing the sense of hope and
excitement on the faces of protesters, it is clear that participants
believed that taking to the streets was a profoundly meaningful
act--something that cannot often be said about today's mass events.

Critics of the impact of May 1968 have focused on the transitory
aspect to the French protests, the lack of a concrete agenda, and the
fact that a major target of the protests--French leader Charles De
Gaulle--was easily re-elected in June. But less frequently noted is
De Gaulle's leaving office after losing a vote of confidence a year
later, and that Parisian, if not French, society was visibly changed.

For many, May 1968 showed the continued power of mass protest, and of
the primacy of political engagement outside the electoral process.
Even as the protests are commodified--a candy store is selling $75
chocolate bars in the shape of the pavers that protesters dislodged
from cobblestone streets--their power continues to resonate.

U.S. Protests in 1968

In the United States in 1968, student and anti-war protesters saw the
year end with Richard Nixon winning the presidency, and the Vietnam
War's escalation. Less obvious at the time was the increasing
backlash to the civil rights movement that has moved American
politics largely rightward for nearly forty years.

Many young activists responded to Nixon's victory by moving from
protests to voter registration and the electoral process. This effort
culminated in anti-war progressive George McGovern winning the
Democratic presidential nomination in 1972, but his landslide defeat
resurrected activist doubts about the potential of national elections
to bring progressive change.

During the 1970's and 1980's, the successful mass protests against
nuclear power, as well as against U.S. funding of military assistance
to anti-democratic forces in Nicaragua and El Salvador, led to
renewed respect for non-electoral strategies. Until at least 1992,
progressive activists prioritized local and state elections over
national political campaigns.

The Battle in Seattle

It looked for a time that the 1999 mass protests against the meeting
of the World Trade Organization (WTO) would be the U.S. equivalent of
May 1968. The marches resembled its Paris predecessor by
incorporating a broad cultural critique of contemporary capitalism,
and achieved virtually complete success by shutting down the WTO meeting.

But anti-globalization forces never expanded their base, or had a
domestic agenda that facilitated its mass expansion. Future trade
organization meetings became armed police encampments preventing even
peaceful protest, while activists had less need to protest after
getting most of the Democratic Party to back fair trade, rather than
free trade. 9/11 also changed the terms of the globalization debate,
as combating "terror" replaced fighting sweatshops as the chief focus.

But in the big picture, mass protests outside the political process
irrevocably altered the landscape for trade deals in the United
States. Those marching in Seattle no doubt smiled to hear Hillary
Clinton become a born-again anti­free trader during the Ohio primary,
as it represented a near total capitulation of the Democratic Party's
free-trade, pro-NAFTA base to the forces of fair trade.

Mass Protests Against Iraq War

The successful impact of mass anti-globalization protests may have
helped fuel the massive turnouts in the United States against the
proposed invasion of Iraq. But after President Bush signaled that he
was impervious to protests (and would rather accept a 27% approval
rating than defer to the popular will), many who marched in the 2002
and 2003 Iraq protests figured that future involvement was pointless.

Seeing Bush as the chief obstacle to peace, even activists skeptical
of electoral politics volunteered for the Kerry campaign in the fall
of 2004. Although the massive outpouring of volunteers into swing
states came too late to defeat Bush, the Republican's victory in 2004
did not alter the progressive community's primary focus on winning elections.

Obama and Mass Election Activism

When Barack Obama announced his presidential candidacy in 2007, he
recognized America's fervent desire for change. But Obama also
realized that Kerry had tapped into a mass activist yearning to be
part of a larger cause, and that this cause could become his campaign.

This desire to be part of a large, broad-based social movement fueled
the May 1968 Paris protests, but has seldom found expression in the
United States. The Seattle WTO protests included workers but
relatively few activists of color, while the spring 2006 immigration
marches were more representative but included relatively few African-Americans.

Despite the ongoing insanity of the Iraq war, activists remained
focused on electoral solutions. Obama's ability to harness this mass
desire for participation in a social movement focused on winning the
2008 presidential election is the central story of his success, and
reflects activists continued shift from protest to electoral politics.

Obama realizes that elections are simply a means to an end, and that
the real test is whether, after taking office, his progressive
campaign agenda is implemented. This will likely require the type of
mass gatherings in the streets that proved so galvanizing in Paris in
1968, and that could represent the ideal fusion of mass protest and
electoral politics that activists in the U.S. have sought in vain for decades.

.

Eartha Kitt dies at 81

[4 articles]

Eartha Kitt: An Anti-War Patriot

http://www.thenation.com/blogs/thebeat/391930/eartha_kitt_an_anti_war_patriot?rel=hp_blogs_box

by John Nichols
12/26/2008

Forty years ago, America's cultural icons expressed the frustratation
of the American people with the failure of then-President Lyndon
Johnson to end this country's undeclared war in Vietnam by boldly
demanding peace.

The most respected newsman in the nation, CBS anchorman Walter
Cronkite, explained to a national television audience after the Tet
Offensive that the war had gone horribly awry.

Singer Johnny Cash, whose music and style had made him a hero of
blue-collar Americans, described himself as "a dove with claws" and
began singing the anti-war song "Last Night I Had the Strangest Dream."

The Smothers Brothers variety show was censored when it attempted to
air a segment featuring Harry Belafonte singing in front of images of
student protesters clashing with the police. CBS executives
reportedly feared that the implicit anti-war message would offend
President Johnson and his aides.

But the most direct and powerful anti-war statement of the period was
delived by singer Eartha Kitt, then at the height of her celebrity.

Kitt, the sultry singer of hits such as "Santa Baby" who died at age
81 on Christmas Day, was in 1968 an internationally-acclaimed music
star who had begun making major stage and screen appearances. So it
came as no great surprise when she was invited to a White House
luncheon hosted by Lady Bird Johnson.

But the First Lady was surprised when she asked Kitt about the Vietnam War.

"You send the best of this country off to be shot and maimed," the
singer told the First Lady and the 50 other women at the luncheon.
"They rebel in the street. They don't want to go to school because
they're going to be snatched off from their mothers to be shot in Vietnam."

The First Lady reportedly burst into tears.

The president was furious.

Kitt was blacklisted. She was investigated by the FBI and CIA, and
ended up on the "Enemies List" of Johnson's successor, Richard Nixon.

Kitt spent the next decade performing mostly in Europe until, in 1978
-- after a triumphal return to Broadway to perform in the musical
"Timbuktu!" -- she was invited back to the White House by the great
healing executive of the post-war era, Jimmy Carter.

Years later, Kitt would recall her White House visit in an interview
with Esquire magazine, saying "The thing that hurts, that became
anger, was when I realized that if you tell the truth -- in a country
that says you're entitled to tell the truth -- you get your face
slapped and you get put out of work."

It was a painful lesson.

But we remember Kitt today as one of those remarkable Americans who
was patriotic enough to speak truth to power. And she spoke in such a
remarkable voice that it will linger far longer in our memory than
those of the foolish politicians and misguided media moguls who were
wrong about Vietnam -- and wrong about Eartha Kitt.

--------

US singer Eartha Kitt dies at 81

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/7799852.stm

American singer, dancer and actress Eartha Kitt has died at the age
81, her friend and publicist has said.

Kitt died of colon cancer on Thursday, Andrew Freedman said.

She was one of the few artists to be nominated in the Tony, Grammy
and Emmy award categories and was a stalwart of the Manhattan cabaret scene.

She famously played Catwoman in the Batman television series in the
1960s and was known for her distinctive, feline drawl.

She also had a number of hit songs, including Old Fashioned Girl,
C'est Si Bon and Santa Baby.

Kitt was blacklisted in the US in the late 1960s after speaking out
against the Vietnam War at a White House function.

She also caused controversy when she toured apartheid South Africa in
1974, arguing that she had helped wean the regime by raising
awareness of racism.

However, she returned triumphantly to New York's Broadway in a 1978
production, Timbuktu!, and continued to perform regularly in theatre
shows and concert halls.

From the 1980s onwards she appeared in numerous films, and her 1984
hit Where Is My Man found her another generation of night club fans.

Big break

Kitt rose to the top of the entertainment world from humble origins.

Her mother worked on a cotton plantation in South Carolina and was
just 14 when she gave birth.

Kitt was then given away at the age of eight and sent to live with an
aunt in New York.

Her break came at 16 when she got a job as a dancer with a
professional troupe touring Europe. She later sang in Paris
nightclubs and appeared in several films in the 1950s.

Kitt, who had one daughter from a brief marriage in the 1960s, lived
in the US state of Connecticut.

--------

Eartha Kitt, 17.01.1927 - 25.12.2008

http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/kitt261208.html

RE/Search: When you were invited to a White House luncheon, didn't
you cause a scandal?

Eartha Kitt: In 1968, during the Vietnam War, I was invited by Lady
Bird Johnson to give my opinion about the problems in the United
States, specifically, "Why is there so much juvenile delinquency in
the streets of America?" The First Lady seemed to be more interested
in decorating the windows of the ghettos with flowerboxes. I mean --
it's fine to put flowers in the ghettos, but let's take care of the
necessities first: give people jobs, and find a way to get us out of poverty.

When it came my turn to speak, I said to the president's wife,
"Vietnam is the main reason we are having trouble with the youth of
America. It is a war without explanation or reason." I said that
the young ghetto boys thought it better to have a legal stigma
against them -- then they would be considered "undesirable" and would
not be sent to the war. In their opinion, in this society the good
guys lost and the bad guys won.

I didn't say this ranting and raving, but we were in a large room, we
didn't have microphones, and we had to speak loudly enough to be
heard. That incident, reported in such a way as to deface me in the
eyes of the American people, obviously had to have been given by
someone from the White House -- probably the press secretary: "Earth
Kitt makes the First Lady cry. . ." There were no reporters
present! So this was a manufactured furor.

R/S: Didn't you suffer because of this?

EK: Of course -- within two hours I was out of work in America.
--

The interview with Eartha Kitt above is from RE/Search #14:
Incredibly Strange Music, Vol. I (1993), and it is reproduced here
for educational purposes.

--------

Harold Pinter and Eartha Kitt, artists and opponents of imperialist war

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2008/dec2008/pers-d27.shtml

27 December 2008
David Walsh

British playwright Harold Pinter died Wednesday at the age of 78, and
American singer and actress Eartha Kitt died Thursday, Christmas day, at 81.

Both were known for the seriousness with which they pursued their
respective artistic activities, and both will be remembered as well
for speaking out against imperialist war­in Kitt's case, the war in
Vietnam, in Pinter's, the US-British invasion of Iraq in particular.

It would be rtificial to find many obvious commonalities. Pinter
worked primarily in the theater, carving out a space for himself as a
playwright conveying the menace and tension beneath the complacent
surface of everyday life. Kitt was a dancer, an actress, a singer,
one of the first African-American "sex symbols." Orson Welles cast
her as Helen of Troy in his adaptation of the Faust legend in 1950,
calling her "the most exciting woman in the world."

However, at critical moments, each stuck his or her neck out,
enraging the authorities and speaking for millions who had no voice.
Their artistic achievements will always be associated with their
commitment to the truth.

Kitt was born into poverty in South Carolina in 1927, the daughter of
a black-Indian mother and a white father she never knew. Passed about
between different and unsympathetic families, she eventually went to
live with an aunt in Harlem, who also abused her. After working in
factories and occasionally sleeping on rooftops and in doorways, Kitt
became a dancer and found fame in the postwar period, when the
stereotypes of blacks in American popular culture began to break down.

Famed for her renditions of songs such as C'est si bon, Love for
Sale, Monotonous and Santa Baby and appearances in cabaret, films and
television (including a slinky Catwoman in the Batman series), Eartha
Kitt burst into the headlines for her courageous criticism of
American policy in Vietnam during a visit to the White House in January 1968.

Kitt once explained: "I was sent an invitation by Lady Bird Johnson
[the president's wife] that said, 'What Citizens Can Do to Help
Insure Safe Streets.' A car was sent for me and I walked into the
White House by myself. The ushers at the door were in white gloves,
and that made me feel like I was in the South again, which wasn't a
good feeling.... I remember the ladies at the table with me were more
curious about the china we were eating off of than what we were there
to talk about....

"After dessert the question was asked: what can be done about the
beautification of America? And they went around the room, calling on
people to give their opinion. It was mostly about planting trees and
flowers and such. I raised my hand several times and Lady Bird kept
saying, 'You'll get your turn, Eartha.' When I finally did I repeated
the question that was supposed to be the topic, and everything got
quiet.... When I got outside, suddenly I didn't have a car anymore. I
had to take a taxi back to the hotel. That about said it."

According to a UPI reporter present, this is what Kitt told Mrs.
Johnson at the luncheon: "You send the best of this country off to be
shot and maimed. They rebel in the street. They will take pot and
they will get high. They don't want to go to school because they're
going to be snatched off from their mothers to be shot in Vietnam."

Kitt told the media later that day: "I see nothing wrong with the way
I handled myself. I can only hope it will do some good."

Of the president's wife, she said: "I'm afraid she became a little
flustered." Kitt, "her eyes flashing while she puffed on a cigarette
and jabbed a finger at her startled audience," according to a
reporter, said that American youths were "angry because their parents
are angry, because there is a war going on that they don't
understand, that they don't know why."

As a result of her outspoken opposition to the Vietnam war, Kitt
suffered a virtual blacklisting in the US. Lyndon Johnson was furious
and reportedly asked the FBI to dig up dirt on her. Kitt's offers in
the US dried up and she was forced to work in Europe for nearly a
decade, before returning home in triumph.

It speaks volumes about the American media that Kitt's comment at the
White House is generally treated as something foolhardy and
self-destructive. Risking your career­perhaps even seeing your income
go down!­for a principle is hardly conceivable to the timid souls who
write for the US media. Back in 2001, George Wayne of Vanity Fair, in
an interview with the singer, referred to the January 1968 luncheon
at the White House as an event "you probably wish you had never gone to."

To her credit, Kitt replied, "I'm glad I did go to it."

Wayne continued, "You expressed your opposition to the war, which
upset the FBI and CIA and got you blacklisted for years. Where did
you gather the strength and courage to move on, knowing that you
didn't do anything wrong?"

The singer-actress replied, "That I didn't do anything wrong­that
gave me the strength. Parents still thank me for helping to stop the war."

Rob Hoerburger, in the New York Times obituary December 26 couldn't
help himself either. He writes: "But she [Kitt] took the steeliness
with her, in a willful, outspoken manner that mostly served her
career, except once," referring to the White House episode. This is
sheer philistinism.

Harold Pinter, who spent the last 15 or so years of his life in
particular as a conscious opponent of imperialist war and especially
US policy, was born in 1930 in modest circumstances also, the son of
a Jewish immigrant tailor in Hackney, northeast London. Pinter early
on experienced anti-Semitism and street fights with fascists. After
the war, he refused to do compulsory national service and was fined.

Pinter came to prominence in the theater in the late 1950s and early
1960s, for a series of concise, elliptical, sometimes frightening
plays, including The Birthday Party, The Dumb Waiter, The Caretaker
and The Homecoming. He also collaborated with Joseph Losey on The
Servant (1963) and Accident (1967). Something about the submerged
contradictions and stresses of postwar life, all the more malignant
because they were denied and submerged, comes out in the plays and screenplays.

Pinter spoke out publicly against the 1991 Gulf War and denounced the
US-NATO war against Serbia in 1999. But his outrage and eloquence in
response to the criminal US-British invasion of Iraq in March 2003
perhaps brought him the greatest notoriety and international admiration.

In March 2005, accepting the Wilfred Owen Award for his anti-war
poetry, Pinter described the attack on Iraq as "A bandit act, an act
of blatant state terrorism, demonstrating absolute contempt for the
concept of International Law. An arbitrary military action inspired
by a series of lies upon lies and gross manipulation of the media and
therefore of the public....

"We have brought torture, cluster bombs, depleted uranium,
innumerable acts of random murder, misery and degradation to the
Iraqi people and call it 'bringing freedom and democracy to the
Middle East.' But, as we all know, we have not been welcomed with the
predicted flowers. What we have unleashed is a ferocious and
unremitting resistance, mayhem and chaos."

Awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in October of the same year
(See "Harold Pinter's Nobel Prize speech: a brave artist speaks the
truth about US imperialism"), Pinter took the time in his acceptance
speech to explain something of his own approach to drama, insisting,
for example, that "Sermonising has to be avoided at all cost.
Objectivity is essential. The characters must be allowed to breathe
their own air," before turning to the political problems of the day.

Pinter delivered a short but devastating history of US foreign policy
since World War II, explaining at one point: "Direct invasion of a
sovereign state has never in fact been America's favoured method. In
the main, it has preferred what it has described as 'low intensity
conflict.' Low intensity conflict means that thousands of people die
but slower than if you dropped a bomb on them in one fell swoop. It
means that you infect the heart of the country, that you establish a
malignant growth and watch the gangrene bloom. When the populace has
been subdued­or beaten to death­the same thing­and your own friends,
the military and the great corporations, sit comfortably in power,
you go before the camera and say that democracy has prevailed."

After once again scathingly denouncing the Bush and Blair governments
for their savagery and mass murder in Iraq, Pinter took up the
responsibility of the writer and intellectual:

"A writer's life is a highly vulnerable, almost naked activity. We
don't have to weep about that. The writer makes his choice and is
stuck with it. But it is true to say that you are open to all the
winds, some of them icy indeed. You are out on your own, out on a
limb. You find no shelter, no protection­unless you lie­in which case
of course you have constructed your own protection and, it could be
argued, become a politician....

"When we look into a mirror we think the image that confronts us is
accurate. But move a millimetre and the image changes. We are
actually looking at a never-ending range of reflections. But
sometimes a writer has to smash the mirror­for it is on the other
side of that mirror that the truth stares at us.

"I believe that despite the enormous odds which exist, unflinching,
unswerving, fierce intellectual determination, as citizens, to define
the real truth of our lives and our societies is a crucial obligation
which devolves upon us all. It is in fact mandatory.

"If such a determination is not embodied in our political vision we
have no hope of restoring what is so nearly lost to us­the dignity of man."

A complex, but distinct connection exists between the artist's
position on the fundamental moral and political challenges of the day
and the quality of his or her work. The artists, as Trotsky once
noted, are not empty machines for creating form. They are living
people with psychologies that are the result of social circumstances.

Important impulses, including outrage at the crimes of the ruling
elite, propel important work. Nothing artistically serious in our day
will be accomplished without a commitment to intellectual and social truth.

.

Let's Avoid Neil Young's Next Record

Let's Avoid Neil Young's Next Record

http://www.villagevoice.com/2008-12-24/music/let-s-avoid-neil-young-s-next-record?src=newsletter

The old stuff enthralls, but the new stuff terrorizes at MSG

By Rob Harvilla
Tuesday, December 23rd 2008

What I like to do sometimes is go to Neil Young shows and start
betting pools on how long "Cortez the Killer" will last. As in, what
could conceivably transpire while the song is still going­an episode
of How I Met Your Mother? The Vivian Girls record? Your commute home?
Join us now at Madison Square Garden, late Tuesday lurching defiantly
into early Wednesday on the second of a righteous two-night
back-to-back assault, two and a half hours per, and Neil is clearly
feeling it, grimacing (more than usual) and slapping his head
theatrically as he moans: "I still can't remember where/Or how I lost
my way." We'd have settled comfortably in our seats by now if anyone
had thought to sit down; "Cortez" tonight might end up lasting longer
than some other rock stars' careers. But no, actually, in the end,
it's a mere 10-minute affair, a prim haiku by Neil's standards, which
bodes both good and ill. The former because, hey, now it's on to
"Cinnamon Girl." Less agreeably, though, such brevity only leaves
more time for one of his new songs­and his new songs, I regret to
inform you, are absolutely terrible.

Look, you don't need me to gas on about the restorative, stupendously
surly power of "Hey Hey, My My" or "Cowgirl in the Sand," grouchy and
brutal under the expert care of Neil and his pummeling electric band,
his wife Pegi's cooing backing vocals the only point of warming
light. His own guitar solos are luridly violent affairs­he staggers
crazily about like an enraged fisherman who doesn't realize he's
hooked the seat of his own pants, his spastic jerks and lurches
somehow not corresponding to any sound anyone is making, including
him. The effect is profoundly ugly and equally mesmerizing, and
initially, it enthralls even when the set list turns away from The
Beloved Neil Young Canon: "Spirit Road," off last year's Chrome
Dreams II, indulges in bald-tires open-road cliché ("There's a long
highway in your mind"), but plays up the horror rather than the
romance: The way an endless, inviting horizon dwarfs and overwhelms
all who gaze upon it can make you feel like "A speck of dust in a
giant world," as he snarls tonight. Somehow it's a fitting ode to the
impending death of the American auto industry. But, ah, Neil's made
this connection, too, and tonight, amid luscious dips into The
Beloved Neil Young Canon, we are also graced/terrorized with multiple
cuts from what would seem to be an impending concept album about
eco-friendly cars.

We're not dealing with a guy who bothers much with metaphor here. He
gets pissed at George W. Bush, so he writes a song called "Let's
Impeach the President." Nonetheless, these new tunes are disturbingly
beef-witted: Endless exhortations to "Fill 'er up!"; mindless
refrains of "Cough up the bucks!" (which I misheard the first 200 or
so times as "Cough up the bugs," which fits the imagery better,
actually); starry-eyed tributes to "the awesome power of
electricity"; lots of driver's-ed-instruction-as-societal-imperative
("I turn my signal on and look both ways"). The closest thing to a
clever line is "She looks so beautiful with her top down," which,
well . . . The music, too, chugs mindlessly along, the awkward
sloganeering weighing down the boilerplate top-down rock 'n' roll
highway bravado with 10 pounds of syllables in a five-pound bag. The
crowd's restlessness is painfully evident, particularly in the case
of two stupendously drunk older ladies in my row who start booing
loudly and shouting, "You suck!" into the bug-/buck-coughing din.

I am struggling to think of anyone who could possibly give less of a
fuck about what you think of his/her new album than Neil Young does.
But each song tonight creates an unpleasant binary effect: Love it if
we immediately recognize it; barely tolerate it if we don't. Neil
briefly switches to lovely, funereal organ for "Mother Earth (Natural
Anthem)," a nearly 20-year-old song that nonetheless feels of a piece
with his new stuff in terms of both sentiment and ham-fisted
application of sentiment: "Oh, Mother Earth, with your fields of
green/How long can you give and not receive?" From there, he leaps
immediately back to acoustic guitar for the far more familiar, and
far more elegant, "The Needle and the Damage Done," and we are
hilariously relieved to be rescued by this brutal lament: The line,
"Every junkie's like a setting sun," triggers a huge burst of applause.

So the new tonight only makes us better appreciate the old, and the
60-percent-of-the-original-capacity crowd still toughing it out well
after midnight is eventually rewarded with "Rockin' in the Free
World," then penalized during the encore with another new one ("You
gotta get behind the wheel/In the morning and drive"), then befuddled
by a sloppy, dissonant take on "A Day in the Life," which sounds like
they tore down Shea Stadium with the Beatles still playing inside it,
that dreamy ah-ah-ah-ah melody now buried in grit and grime and
gleeful discord. We love Neil Young because he does whatever the hell
he wants, even if half the time we'd rather not sit around and watch
him do it. There is only so much entertainment you can derive from
watching a genius lose his way.

.

Christmas Day in a Louisiana dungeon

Christmas Day in a Louisiana dungeon

http://www.sfbayview.com/2008/christmas-day-in-a-louisiana-dungeon/

by Ira Glasser
December 25, 2008

This is a story about a double crucifixion happening on the very day
that hundreds of millions of Christians celebrate the birth of Jesus.
It happened yesterday, too, and it will happen tomorrow, unless
people of good will and moral decency rise up and stand against it.

The story begins nearly 40 years ago. At that time, it was
unthinkable, literally, to imagine a day when a Black man might be
elected president. Indeed, in some parts of the country, it was still
dangerous for a Black man to vote or organize against the oppressive
system of racial subjugation that still prevailed despite the recent
legal victories of the civil rights movement. And in 1968, both
Martin Luther King Jr. and Bobby Kennedy were assassinated.

In the states of the Deep South, it was not uncommon for invented
criminal charges to be brought against civil rights advocates during
the civil rights movement as a way of suppressing their political
activities. And in the North, the emergence of the Black Panthers, an
organization of aggressive tactics and militant language, frightened
many whites. Brandishing guns and the rhetoric of violence, they
provided an easy excuse for law enforcement to go after them.

No civil rights advocates defended actual crimes that may have been
committed. But in many cases, evidence was manufactured and guns
planted by law enforcement officials anxious to break the back of
this increasingly militant movement. In Chicago, the FBI broke into a
Black Panther apartment and slaughtered its occupants. And in New
York, Black Panthers were brought to trial upon evidence that
ultimately could not survive scrutiny. In one case, a Black man was
shot down by cops and then, as he lay dying, charged with attempted
murder of the police who shot him, on the basis of a gun in his coat
pocket that later was proved to have been planted by the police officer.

In this context, Herman Wallace and Albert Woodfox were arrested in
Louisiana, convicted of separate crimes and sent to the Louisiana
State Penitentiary, an 18,000 acre former slave plantation known as
Angola. In those days, most Southern prisons were racially
segregated, and many were unspeakably brutal. During the early 1970s,
when Wallace and Woodfox first were sentenced to Angola, it was known
- even according to the Louisiana State Department of Corrections'
official history - as the "bloodiest prison in the South."

It is hard to imagine today what Angola was like then, but it is
important to understand the circumstances that led to what happened
to Wallace and Woodfox and to what I have called their crucifixion
unto this day.

Angola was awash in violence and over-run by inmate gangs, encouraged
and enabled by prison officials as a way of maintaining control. A
gruesome system of sexual slavery prevailed, where new prisoners were
openly bought and sold into submission; this system was sanctioned
and facilitated by guards, as Warden C. Murray Henderson admitted in his book.

Favored inmates were given state-issued weapons and ordered to
enforce this system of sexual slavery. Between 1972 and 1975 alone,
this armed inmate guard system claimed the lives of 40 prisoners and
seriously maimed 350 more. For those who survived, there was a
96-hour work week, harvesting crops of soybeans, cotton, corn and
wheat at a minimum wage of 2 cents an hour. This was the prison
Herman Wallace and Albert Woodfox came to in the early '70s.

Inspired by the civil rights movement, Wallace and Woodfox began a
Black Panther chapter in the prison. They couldn't do much except
talk, but talk they did, to as many of the inmates as they could,
about human dignity and self-respect and the need to work to protect
vulnerable inmates from being pressed into sexual servitude. This did
not endear them to the administration - free speech had not yet come
to prisons - nor to the guards and the inmates who functioned as
enforcers. But they persisted, and their talk became a thorn in the
side of the men who ran the prison.

Then, on April 17, 1972, a young prison guard, Brent Miller, was
found stabbed to death in a prison dormitory. He was 23, and his widow was 17.

Wallace and Woodfox were immediately put into solitary confinement,
little more than a 6 by 9 cage, despite no evidence connecting them
to the crime. They would remain there for the next 36 years, and they
are there now, as this is written - in an even smaller cell, 23 hours
a day, no yard time, no telephone calls (except to their lawyers) and
no contact visits.

No physical evidence ever connected them to the crime. A bloody
fingerprint found at the murder scene did not match either man, and
both men had multiple alibi witnesses, who were ignored. Moreover,
prison officials refused to check those fingerprints against the
fingerprint database, and they have continued to refuse to this day.
Somebody made that bloody fingerprint, but it wasn't Woodfox or
Wallace. Yet they were charged with the crime.

Other prisoners who testified against them later recanted and said
they were coerced by prison officials to lie under oath.

The only evidence left against them is the unreliable testimony of a
convicted serial rapist named Hezekiah Brown, who had previously been
on death row and who was subsequent to his testimony given a variety
of special privileges and later pardoned by the governor, after the
warden had personally lobbied for his release. Although this was not
revealed at the time, Warden Henderson years later testified, at
Woodfox's re-trial, that he had made an agreement with Brown: He
would help obtain a pardon if Brown would help "crack the case."

Before the pardon, Brown was granted special privileges: As Warden
Frank Blackburn wrote in a letter to the Secretary of Corrections,
"This, I feel, would partially fulfill commitments made to [Brown] in
the past with respect to his testimony in the state's behalf in the
Brent Miller murder case." The Secretary of Corrections replied: "I
concur. Warden Henderson made the original agreement with Brown … I
think we should honor the agreement."

It is pretty clear that, as often happened in those days to
vulnerable Black activists, Wallace and Woodfox were pilloried and
punished for their political activities in behalf of prison reform
and railroaded into a cage for the next 36 years.

About 10 years ago, a small group came together to try to overturn
this injustice. Their numbers have grown and progress has been made
as the facts have slowly but systematically been brought before
independent courts.

In 2006, a state magistrate, after an extensive review of Herman
Wallace's case, recommended that his conviction be overturned. But by
a 2-1 vote, the state appeals court decided to keep the conviction in
place. That decision is now pending appeal in the Louisiana State
Supreme Court.

In Albert Woodfox's case, a federal magistrate reviewed the evidence
thoroughly and recommended his release. A federal district court
judge, James Brady, upheld her recommendation, overturned the
conviction and granted bail pending the state's decision about
whether to appeal or re-try him. The state appealed to the Fifth
Circuit Court of Appeals, which reversed the grant of bail pending appeal.

So the court cases grind slowly, as court cases do.

But the brutality that long ago ignited this injustice continues in
Louisiana, to a nearly unimaginable degree. When Woodfox was
initially granted bail, a niece of his and her family agreed to take
him in. Louisiana Attorney General Buddy Caldwell then embarked upon
a public scare campaign reminiscent of the kind of inflammatory
hysteria that once was used to provoke lynch mobs. He called Woodfox
a dangerous rapist, even though he had never been charged, let alone
convicted, of rape; he sent emails to neighbors calling Woodfox a
convicted murderer and violent rapist; and neighbors were urged to
sign petitions opposing his release. In the end, his niece and family
were sufficiently frightened and threatened that Woodfox rejected the
plan to live with them while on bail. All of this took place while
the appeals court was considering the state's appeal of the grant of bail.

Angola Warden Burl Cain was even more revealing. During the bail
hearing, he testified as to why Woodfox should not be granted bail,
and why he needed to be kept in a cage and away from other inmates.
Here are a few excerpts:

"The thing about him is he wants to demonstrate. He wants to
organize. … A hunger strike is really, really bad, because you could
see he admitted that he was organizing a peaceful demonstration. … He
is still trying to practice Black Pantherism, and I still would not
want him walking around my prison because he would organize the young
new inmates."

For Attorney General Caldwell and Warden Cain, it is still 40 years
ago, and they can only respond to aspirations for justice by putting
its advocates in the hole. Evidence is irrelevant or to be
manufactured to achieve the ends of repression.

Perhaps more surprising, and for that reason even more reprehensible,
is the immorality of Gov. Bobby Jindal. Elected on a platform of
reform and widely touted as the kind of fresh face for the
Republicans nationally that Obama has been for the Democrats, Jindal
could stop these crude injustices. But he continues to back them,
staining himself and his state with his defense of the indefensible.

By now, anyone who has looked fairly and independently at the
evidence in this case has concluded that the convictions were
unsupportable. Even Brent Miller's widow now believes Wallace and
Woodfox were wrongly convicted, and she would like the state to find
out who killed her husband that April day in 1972.

But the habits of the old South die hard and the courts move slowly.
A Black man will be inaugurated on Jan. 20. But Albert Woodfox is 61
and Herman Wallace 67. They will not see that inauguration, nor
benefit from it. It is Christmas Day, and they are about to begin
their 37th year in the dungeon of the old slave plantation. A crucifixion.

Where is the public outrage that will resurrect them?
--

Until his retirement in 2001, Ira Glasser was executive director of
the ACLU, where he began working in 1967. This commentary first
appeared Christmas Day 2008 in his blog on Huffington Post.

.

Thursday, December 25, 2008

Their Peace and Ours

Their Peace and Ours

http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/rothermel241208.html

by Jay Rothermel
12/24/08

Eric Groves, Sr., ed., The Anti-War Quote Book, Philadelphia: Quirk
Books, 2008, $14.95.

Murray Polner and Thomas E. Woods, Jr., eds., We Who Dared to Say No
to War: American Anti-War Writing from 1812 to Now, New York: Basic
Books, 2008, $16.95.

Barry Miles, Peace: 50 Years of Protest, New York: Reader's Digest,
2008, $29.95.
--

Being anti-war makes for strange bedfellows. It unites all the
political caricatures in one picket line: the UCC minister, the
wan-looking vegan, the septuagenarian Trotskyist, the bearded
bicycling grad student, the AFSC pacifist, the militant union
staffer, a couple of high school kids with strange haircuts, the Ron
Paul mendicants, and (in times of a Republican president) a couple of
Democrats. This may sound like a flippant generalization, but on
December 10 I joined just these activists on Public Square in
Cleveland, Ohio to shine a light on U.N. human rights
resolutions. Most of the activists, for some reason thinking their
views are not shared by the majority of people in the U.S., only
talked to each other as they huddled against the cold. A few of us
picketed on the sidewalk and got a good response from homeward-bound
commuters. Most thought we were demonstrating for jobs. We thought
we should be, too. And for a lot of other things.

One of the problems with pushing forward anti-war work is that not a
few pro-war activists infest the anti-war milieu. They say things
like "The responsibility of the great state is to serve and not to
dominate the world" (Harry Truman) or "There is no evil in the atom,
only in men's souls" (Adlai Stevenson). They mislead themselves and
fresh forces attracted to opposing the Wall Street war barons, and
they muddy things up just when clarity is priceless.

The above two quotes from two of U.S. imperialism's most revered
Democratic statesmen are from The Anti-War Quote Book edited by Eric
Groves, Sr. Quotation books a typically historical cherry-picking or
log-rolling in defense of indefensible people. Groves' book has some
nice quotes from Carl Sagan, Martin Luther King, Gandhi, Cesar
Chavez, and Mother Teresa: the usual crowd of Acceptable Peace
Voices. Groves also tries to burnish the unburnishable C.S. Lewis
with the quote "Of all tyrannies, a tyranny exercised for the good of
the victims may be the most oppressive." In other words, don't let
the rabble climb to the seat of judgment; power is best left to those
who grew up punting on the Isis and mastering Middle English grammar.

Thomas Jefferson is another monster (not a sacred monster, just a
monster) who gets a quick once-over with the anti-war feather duster:
"If there be one principle more deeply rooted than any other in the
mind of every American, it is that we should have nothing to do with
conquest." Charming, isn't it? Our most seminally genocidal
presidents are always fated to be the smoothest Babbitts when
peddling this kind of hypocrisy.

Editor Groves tells us "The Anti-War Quote Book contains the
collected wisdom of men and women from diverse cultures and eras, all
preaching against war." But would Molly Ivins and Eric Alterman be
so anti-war if Albert Gore, Jr. had been U.S. president for the last
eight years? And is Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. really so anti-war for
writing "All wars are popular for the first thirty days"? War hawks
on Wall Street and in Washington repeat this hard-earned wisdom to
each other and have acted upon it many times when launching their
wars of conquest at home and abroad.

The heart of the middle class sentiment about war is summed up by the
incomparable Agatha Christie: "One is left with the horrible feeling
now that war settles nothing: that to win a war is as disastrous as
to lose one." What kind of war? Disastrous for whom? We aren't
told, because we don't need to know; war, whether on the picket line,
in Stalingrad, or in Flanders, is the problem. Causes and sides
matter not to the petty-bourgeois Chicken Littles. Until it is time
to turn the guns on the working class, they demand peace at any price.

The Anti-War Quote Book comforts the comfortable. It unites the
table talk of Plato and John Paul II and beseeches that silence and
acceptance is always better than fighting, much less war. Peace
when, and for whom? Aside from quotes by Eugene Debs and Cindy
Sheehan, most of the quotes let activists congratulate themselves for
being uniquely courageous, possessing the aristocratic luxury of
turning their backs on the by any means necessary militancy of the
kind of people Debs organized and inspired. It also sadly smacks of
super-individualistic moral witnessing that too often takes the place
of bringing our coworkers and neighbors with us into anti-war action:
It's enough for me to be for peace, such activists sniff. Most of
the quotes in The Anti-War Quote Book maintain that kind of moral
superiority. Nowhere do we find the simply-put class politics of
Mary E. Marcy ("You have no country!") or Karl Liebknecht ("The true
enemy is at home"). Being against "war" is the only price of admission here.

A caveat about this book: the binding cracked and fell apart after
one reading. Such spinelessness can only be a coincidence.
***

We Who Dared to Say No to War: American Anti-War Writing from 1812 to
Now is much in the same vein as The Anti-War Quote Book. It is
self-reverential of its contents and its narrow national
horizons. The writings form quite a narrow coalition of voices, just
like the Ron Paul or Patrick Buchanan political rally it
resembles. There are a few acceptable working-class socialist
militants included for the sake of propriety and left-cover: Helen
Keller and Eugene Debs are entombed with opportunists, misleaders,
and outright anti-worker ideologues they would throw a shoe at if
they were alive to realize the desecration that was taking
place. Can President Eisenhower ever be said to have "dared to say
no to war"? Or is he just here because the haters of the Federal
Reserve and other libertarian bugaboos find him useful?

What about Robert A. Taft? Taft and Patrick J. Buchanan are
outstanding and historic proponents of war: class war against the
native-born and immigrant workers living in the United States, their
unions, and their brothers and sisters around the world. Yet here
they are, counted among the daring anti-war voices. This political
line of editors Murray Polner and Thomas E. Woods, Jr. is reminiscent
of that Shakespearean misalliance of anti-war forces quaking with
admiration over Ron Paul in the spring 2008 presidential primaries,
thinking Paul offered them the royal road to supposedly anti-war
white men with blue collars. The depths of electoral opportunism
expressed were enough to astound even the most jaded.

Unprincipled, pragmatic liberal and libertarian politics that apes
the horse-trading clique-ridden approach of Wall Street's Congress is
one of the besetting handicaps our class is saddled with in any
struggle we initiate. Creating our own political party will be the
first step along the road to a workers republic and some real politics.

We Who Dared makes no mention of proletarian leaders who dared, other
than Debs and Keller. The definition of war the daring editors give
us is either the 1861-1865 Civil War or wars of foreign
"intervention." The spectrum of voices is severely policed. Paul
Robeson speaking out against Washington's war against the Korean
people is not here. Trotskyists like James P. Cannon, who went to
prison for helping to build a militant working-class movement against
U.S. entry into World War Two, is not here. The recently deceased
Peter Camejo, so pitch-perfect in mobilizing mass opposition to the
Vietnam War, is not here either.

In fact, most of the voices in We Who Dared to Say No to War may have
said No to a particular imperialist adventure they called an
"intervention" (in the lexicon of the Ron Paulists and Libertarians),
but did nothing more after that. Few mass workers, few builders of
coalitions and united fronts, have a voice in this
collection. Howard Zinn is given three pages, but Charles Sumner is
given four. The name A. J. Muste does not appear, even in the
index. Sargent Shriver appears as part of the America First honor
roll so beloved of right-wing culture warriors, but there is no room
for Rachel Corrie.

The best critics of Washington and Wall Street's war-making, the
anti-imperialists and internationalists of the world, have no place
in We Who Dared to Say No to War. What could the people of Southeast
Asia or Central America or the Arab East have to say about the
prerogatives of the Pentagon? Polner and Woods want only U.S.
voices, not those who know something about suffering under and
opposing military intervention.

Where are the Winter Soldiers and their brave testimony? Did they
not dare enough? Or perhaps too much?

I recommend to Polner and Woods that if they really want to put some
lipstick on their pro-U.S., pro-capitalist politics, they need to
work just a little harder. Let's have We Who Dared Defend Our Picket
Line or We Who Dared to Sit Down and Strike or We Who Dared to Defend
Abortion Clinics. You see, gentlemen, if you really want to ensnare
those seeking a genuine road to opposing Washington's wars, you'll
need to hit the books. No one said being a misleader was easy.
***

UK artist and activist Gerald Holton's anti-nuclear design, now known
as the "peace symbol", is the subject of Barry Miles' sumptuous
coffee-table book Peace: 50 Years of Protest from Reader's
Digest. Lacking the smugness and self-satisfaction of The Anti-War
Quote Book and the generally pro-U.S. political line of We Who Dared
to Say No to War, Miles' Peace identifies the enemy quickly via
full-page photographs: the U.S. Air Force, atomic bomb scientists,
the U.S. government and its allies around the world. After the
chauvinistic America-First Lucky Lindy values of We Who Dared, it is
a pleasure to see the words Aldermaston and Greenham Common restored to print.

One of the strengths of Peace is that it episodically celebrates the
builders of anti-war and ban-the-bomb actions that sought to include
the masses in action. There is no prettying-up of Pat Buchanan or
Thomas Jefferson here. Instead, an entire page is lavished on A. J.
Muste. All the pipe-smoking vicars and direct action Quakers are
given their turn. The Aldermaston marches, now nearly forgotten,
were objectively anti-imperialist, demanding an end to Washington's
military bases in the UK.

Miles presents us with fifty years in the life of the peace
symbol. Countless photos in the book show it on signs at the head of
marches around the world. Those marchers showed the true daring, and
it is too bad no one bothered to quote them at the time.

Peace presents some individuals with little or zero "peace"
credentials, like Elie Wiesel and John F. Kennedy, but it also
resurrects too-long-overlooked artists like Phil Ochs, whom no singer
covers today. Too bad; we are long-overdue for an update of "Here's
to the State of Mississippi."

The peace symbol wound up in some curious places, as illustrated in
the book. One photo depicts the symbol engraved on GI Zippo lighters
carried in Vietnam. Another is of a button printed with the symbol
and the salutary slogan "Let the people vote on war." That is one
quote that bears repeating.
***

All the strengths and weaknesses of these three books exist within
very narrow petty-bourgeois radical horizons. The most effective
anti-war movements in the last century, movements that actually
stopped wars (Russia 1917 and Germany 1918), are blacklisted. The
whole labor-communist anti-war strategy, the fact that one existed at
all and drew millions around the world to its banner, is also
blacklisted from these books. Marx, Lenin, Connolly, Trotsky,
Stalin, Mao, and Che are policed out of history by these editors and
writers as effectively as if the books had been prepared by the old
Dies Committee. This will not surprise socialists, labor militants,
latter-day Wobblies, and reds who have attended peace and anti-war
planning meetings and conferences. The level of red-baiting,
cliquing, and double-dealing in such venues is sometimes of grotesque
proportions and is always aimed at silencing and eliminating
rank-and-file voices against war.

On May 1, 2008 a very important anti-war event took place in the
U.S. It had nothing to do with supporting candidates for office or
knocking on a million doors. It was the ILWU Local 10-led
longshoremen's strike that shut down all West Coast docks. The
demand was clear: an end to Washington's wars in Iraq and
Afghanistan. Our ILWU brothers and sisters, like the recent UE
sit-down strikers in Chicago, are the great teachers of our class
today. Contempt for the warmakers, confidence in our class defending
its own interests at home and abroad: this is the only road to
peace. To stop the war machine, we must understand that wars are
waged by and against classes in history, and that war against our
brothers and sisters everywhere on the globe flows from the normal
workings of capitalism, not original sin or the machinations of
secret economic cabals.

The three books reviewed above do not advance our struggle one
iota. They overflow with pretty pictures, sentimentality, and class
confusion, and must be rejected.
--

Jay Rothermel lives in Cleveland, Ohio.

.

McGovern Beats Nixon

[2 items]

McGovern Beats Nixon

http://www.amconmag.com/article/2009/jan/12/00016/

How the South Dakota senator remade the Right

By Daniel McCarthy
January 12, 2009 Issue

George McGovern is enjoying a renaissance. The 86-year-old ex-senator
best known for losing the 1972 presidential election in an
avalanche­he carried only one state, Massachusetts­won new friends
among libertarians last spring with two startlingly laissez-faire
op-eds in the Wall Street Journal. He'll receive further attention in
January when Times Books publishes his Abraham Lincoln, the latest
installment in the Sean Wilentz-edited American Presidents series.
But sweetest of all for the senator from Mitchell, South Dakota, in
November he finally came back to win the White House­or so you might think.

Republicans had a hard time distinguishing Barack Obama from the
Democrat Nixon trounced 36 years earlier. Writing at National Review
Online, Victor Davis Hanson christened the Illinois senator, "the
Second Coming of McGovern." In Commentary, Joshua Muravchik warned
that Obama "comes to us from a background farther to the Left than
any presidential nominee since McGovern, or perhaps ever." His
associates certainly seemed to come straight out of the McGovern
bestiary: conservatives pounced on the opportunity to tie Obama to
the New Left (via Bill Ayers) and black radicalism (via Rev. Jeremiah
Wright). Among liberals, Hillary Clinton supporter Harold Ickes and
the New Republic's John Judis also ventured comparisons between the
1972 and 2008 Democratic nominees.

And not without reason: Obama's primary base of students, blacks, and
cultural leftists bore a striking resemblance to the McGovern
coalition of yesteryear. But for conservative Republicans, the
demographic parallels were merely lagniappe­since for them every
Democratic leader, no matter how Southern, how pro-war, how
middle-of-the-road, is really a McGovernite. Indeed, for nearly 40
years the conservative movement has defined itself in opposition to
the Democratic standard-bearer of 1972. Anti-McGovernism has come to
play for the Right the unifying role that anticommunism once played,
much to the detriment of older principles such as limited government,
fiscal continence, and prudence in foreign policy.

That Republicans prefer to run against McGovern no matter whom the
Democrats nominate is understandable enough. Nixon's victory against
the South Dakotan was a blowout of historic proportions. The Democrat
received just 37.5 percent of the popular vote to Nixon's 60.7
percent. The only electors McGovern won, besides those of
Massachusetts, came from Washington, D.C. Even Walter Mondale
performed better against Reagan in 1984. (Though not by much.) What's
more, McGovern's nomination confirmed, in fact and symbolically, the
hard Left's takeover of the Democratic Party and the shattering of
the New Deal coalition of Southern conservatives, blacks, and
working-class whites. The Republican playbook ever since has relied
on securing the South while making whatever inroads are possible
among blue-collar workers­the "hardhats" of the Nixon era, the Reagan
Democrats, and of course Joe the Plumber.

On the other side of the ledger are Democratic "elites" with a small
but radical base of "college-educated suburbanites, blacks, and
liberated women, in addition to young people," in the words of Why
the Democrats Are Blue author Mark Stricherz. McGovern, a minister's
son, a World War II combat veteran­he flew 35 B-24 missions over
enemy territory, earning the Distinguished Flying Cross­and
scandal-free family man might have seemed an unlikely paladin for
hippies and feminists, even if, as George Will notes, he is one of
only two major-party presidential nominees to hold a Ph.D. (The other
was Woodrow Wilson.) But what drove the countercultural Left to this
unprepossessing South Dakotan was his unflinching opposition to the
Vietnam War. He voted against sending U.S. troops to Indochina as
early as 1963. In 1970, he sponsored an amendment with Republican
Mark Hatfield to bring home all U.S. troops from Vietnam within a
year. Quoting Edmund Burke­"A conscientious man would be cautious how
he dealt in blood"­he told his colleagues the day of the vote:

Every Senator in this chamber is partly responsible for sending
50,000 young Americans to an early grave. This chamber reeks of
blood. Every Senator here is partly responsible for that human
wreckage at Walter Reed and Bethesda Naval and all across our
land­young men without legs, or arms, or genitals, or faces or hopes.
… [W]e are responsible for those young men and their lives and their
hopes. And if we do not end this damnable war those young men will
some day curse us for our pitiful willingness to let the Executive
carry the burden that the Constitution places on us.

Little more than a year later, he was running for president on a
platform of ending the war, slashing the military budget, reforming
the tax code, and offering Americans a federally guaranteed annual
income. (A bad idea, to be sure­but not so different from Milton
Friedman's "negative income tax," a notion favored by Nixon.) To
conservatives like National Review publisher Bill Rusher, "His
original foreign policy was essentially a global bug-out, belatedly
modified to provide for the all-out defense of Israel." As McGovern
explained, "I don't like communism, but I don't think we have any
great obligation to save the world from it."

This was sharp break with the Cold War liberalism of Harry Truman,
John F. Kennedy, and Lyndon Johnson. Yet the McGovern revolution­as
it seemed­never remade the Left as thoroughly as the reaction against
him reshaped the Right. Famously, the most ardent supporters of
Washington Sen. Scoop Jackson, one of McGovern's many rivals for the
1972 nomination, deserted the party to become the original
neoconservatives. McGovern's victory, Irving Kristol recalled, "sent
us … a message that we were now off the liberal spectrum and that the
Democratic party no longer had room for the likes of us." Kristol and
company were anti-Left and anti-peacenik, but they never embraced the
old Goldwaterite goals of curbing the welfare state. They supplied
the Right with a new intelligentsia, in the process transforming conservatism.

The neoconservatives were chiefs without braves. But the McGovern
revolution also gave Republicans a new grassroots base. In '72,
Senate Minority Leader Hugh Scott (R-Tenn.) described McGovern as the
"triple-A candidate­acid, amnesty, and abortion." The "culture war"
had begun before that. Until McGovern, however, that war had been
fought within the Democratic Party­literally, in the case of the
bloody clashes between Mayor Daley's police and New Left protestors
at the 1968 Chicago convention. McGovern's nomination finally made
the culture war a partisan issue, which Republican activists such as
Paul Weyrich and Richard Viguerie were quick to capitalize upon.
Their efforts to mobilize evangelicals for the culture war gave rise
to the modern Religious Right. Weyrich, in fact, inadvertently named
what became the most prominent Christian conservative group when he
told a Lynchburg-based televangelist, "Out there is what one might
call a moral majority."

Rev. Jerry Falwell liked the ring of that. His Moral Majority was by
no means the only grassroots organization Weyrich, Viguerie, and
their allies had a hand in creating, however. Another, the National
Conservative Political Action Committee, took aim at liberal senators
and congressmen from conservative districts. One of the first scalps
NCPAC collected in November 1980 was that of George McGovern.

At first, the elite neoconservatives and the grassroots New Right had
little in common with one another or with the older Goldwaterite
conservatives. Irving Kristol acknowledged as much in a 1995 essay,
"America's 'Exceptional Conservatism,'" which contrasted the
"antisocialist, anti-Communist, antistatist" conservatives of old
with the neoconservatives and Religious Right. All were
anticommunist, but anticommunism was no longer the binding force that
it had been at the height of the Cold War in the 1950s and 1960s.
Anti-McGovernism, however, would do the trick. The politics of sex,
drugs, and war­if not exactly acid, amnesty, and abortion­would
define the new conservatism.

The Republican establishment was slow to adopt these issues. Gerald
Ford and George H.W. Bush had no passion for them. Even Ronald Reagan
paid more lip service than fealty to the new priorities of the Right:
he had come of age with an earlier anticommunist and libertarian
brand of conservatism. But in the 1990s, Republicans embraced
anti-McGovernism with ardor. Bill Clinton, an unremarkable Southern
governor and keen militarist, looked to the 1990s Right like another
McGovern. "From a chicken in every pot," joked right-wing radio
talkers, "to a chicken on pot"­a reference to Clinton's draft-dodging
and drug-using. Republican House Speaker Newt Gingrich tagged
administration officials "countercultural McGoverniks."

There were McGoverniks aplenty in the Clinton White House, including
the president himself, who in his law-school days had campaigned for
McGovern in Texas. And the Clintonites were every bit as beholden to
the social Left as their critics maintained­as shown by the
president's commitment to abortion rights and early attempt to end
the ban on homosexuals serving in the military. Yet the Republicans'
anti-McGovernite rhetoric disguised a retrenchment on the Right: with
the influx of neoconservative intellectuals, official conservatism
began honoring pre-McGovern liberal Democrats as heroes. In 1956,
National Review considered Republican Dwight Eisenhower
insufficiently conservative to merit endorsement. By 2008, National
Review Online thought Harry S. Truman a model for George W. Bush­and
meant that as a compliment. "Hopeful conservatives keep comparing
Bush to Truman," wrote Fred Schwartz, the magazine's deputy managing editor.

If modern Democrats­Zell Miller and Joseph Lieberman aside­were
countercultural McGoverniks, old liberals like Franklin Roosevelt,
Harry Truman, and John F. Kennedy were now conservatives. And if this
adjustment entailed conservatives making peace with the welfare state
and Cold War liberalism, so much the better for right-wing social
democrats like Irving Kristol, whose "chosen enemy," he avowed, "was
contemporary [McGovern-style] liberalism, not socialism or statism."
As for the social conservatives who flocked to the GOP, Kristol noted
that economics and limited government were not their foremost
concerns. They came to the conservative movement innocent of
economics and political philosophy­and untutored in foreign policy as
well. "Only neoconservatives can really speak to them in the language
of moral values," Kristol insisted.

Throughout the 1990s, McGovern remained a touchstone for the culture
war. After 9/11, he again became a symbol in a real war. "The Dems
are still the party of George McGovern, and for them it's still
1968," Jed Babbin wrote in a 2003 column about the Iraq War. Notably,
although McGovern was not the most prominent antiwar Democrat in
'68­that distinction belonged to Minnesota Sen. Eugene
McCarthy­Babbin still chose him as the benchmark of the antiwar Left.
McCarthy, after all, had fallen short of his party's nomination and
could hardly serve as synecdoche for all Democrats.

For 30 years, Republicans, neoconservatives, and liberal hawks have
cultivated the myth of the McGovern Party: weak on defense,
ineluctably opposed to Middle American values, the party of peaceniks
and perverts. Not only has this narrative distorted the Right by
allowing anyone starboard of McGovern to set himself up as a
conservative, it has also led Republicans to misunderstand their
enemy. Paula and Monica notwithstanding, Bill Clinton was less
interested in sex than in NAFTA-style managed trade. And far from
being a peacenik, Clinton led the country into military actions in
Haiti, Somalia, Sudan, Afghanistan, Iraq, Kosovo, Serbia, and a
plethora of other places. Clinton was no more a McGovern-style
left-winger than George W. Bush was a Goldwater-style right-winger.

The Democrats have not nominated a McGovernite since McGovern
himself. The senator's understudy and 1972 campaign manager, Gary
Hart, lost the 1984 nomination to Hubert Humphrey's protégé, Walter
Mondale. Left-wingers such as Jerry Brown and Dennis Kucinich have
not fared as well in today's Democratic Party as Eugene McCarthy did
in the Johnson-Humphrey party of '68. Both Jimmy Carter and Michael
Dukakis were, by the standards of their party, moderate governors.
Even John Kerry, a celebrity of the Vietnam-era antiwar movement,
voted for the Iraq War in the Senate and didn't dare run as a
McGovernite in 2004.

Though the party's social liberals­feminists, abortion supporters,
and gay-rights activists­have indeed consolidated their power, they
often did so in alliance with the party's right wing: the
pro-business, Southern-accented Democratic Leadership Council. It was
a DLC-run party that denied antiabortion Gov. Robert Casey of
Pennsylvania a speaking slot at the 1992 Democratic convention.
McGovern, on the other hand, was the last Democratic presidential
nominee to select a pro-life running mate. (In fact, he chose two:
Missouri Sen. Thomas Eagleton, who withdrew from the ticket when his
history of psychiatric treatment came to light, and Peace Corps
founder Sargent Shriver. McGovern's own position was that abortion
was a matter properly left to the states.) While the social Left
worked out a modus vivendi with the DLC, the antiwar Left steadily
lost out to humanitarian interventionists. Madeleine Albright, not
George McGovern, remains the face of the Democratic Party's foreign policy.

All indications are that this won't change under Barack Obama, even
if his campaign had similarities to McGovern's. He ran on an
anti-Iraq War platform and inspired hope among many of the same
groups that McGovern did. And like the South Dakotan, he had trouble
with white working-class voters during the primaries­indeed, both
McGovern and Obama won the Democratic nomination with less than a
majority of the votes cast in the primaries and caucuses. McGovern
received approximately 68,000 fewer votes than Hubert H. Humphrey;
Obama, by the widest possible count, received about 176,000 fewer
votes than Hillary Clinton. (Appropriately enough, the protracted
Democratic nominating battle of 2008 was itself a legacy of electoral
reforms McGovern had helped craft.) When John McCain added Miss
Middle America­Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin­to his ticket, pundits Left
and Right for a time thought Obama's fate was sealed. The McGovern
coalition couldn't prevail in a rematch against Nixon's silent majority.

Yet it did. In the intervening decades, the McGovern coalition had
grown. And perhaps more importantly, Middle Americans faced with a
choice between the semicompetent socialism of the Left and the
spectacularly incompetent socialism of the Republican Right split
three ways­between McCain, Obama, and staying home. Mideast war,
torture, and national bankruptcy turned out to be even less popular
than social liberalism.

If Republicans and liberal hawks were correct in calling Obama a new
McGovern, they only succeeded in proving how repellent most
Americans, including many conservatives, find today's GOP. The
trouble is, instead of the country getting George McGovern­a
temperamental conservative, an anti-militarist, and a committed
decentralist­we're getting Barack Obama, who dreams of another New
Deal and picked Hillary Clinton as his chief diplomat. Somehow the
neoconservatives and liberal interventionists prevailed again.

--------

George McGovern: Barack Obama Is a 'Second Lincoln'

http://www.usnews.com/articles/news/politics/2008/12/23/george-mcgovern-barack-obama-is-a-second-lincoln.html

By Justin Ewers
Posted December 23, 2008

Few people come as quickly to the defense of George McGovern as
McGovern himself. The antiwar senator from South Dakota lost to
Richard Nixon in a landslide in the 1972 presidential election, only
to see Nixon, caught up in the Watergate scandal, resign in disgrace.
For McGovern, though­along with many Democrats who followed him­the
damage was done, and the now retired politician has spent decades
defending the electability of antiwar liberals, insisting his
campaign was undone by dirty tricks and bad luck. In recent years,
McGovern, 86, hasn't relinquished the spotlight, condemning the war
in Iraq and declaring Barack Obama, whom he endorsed after initially
supporting Hillary Clinton, a "second Abraham Lincoln." McGovern,
author of Abraham Lincoln, a short biography of the Civil War
president published this week, talked with U.S. News about political
history, corruption, and his expectations for Obama. Excerpts:

You've written a biography of Lincoln at the same time the next
president is modeling his inauguration after Honest Abe. Coincidence?
It is a coincidence, but a happy one. Lincoln was not only our
greatest president but one of our continuing great treasures. He has
not only inspired Barack Obama but multitudes of other Americans.

You've called Obama "a second Lincoln," but you originally supported
Hillary Clinton for president. What made you change your mind?
I didn't know Senator Obama when he announced for president. I hadn't
even met him. I knew Hillary going back to my '72 campaign. But as I
saw that campaign unwind, I realized that Barack Obama may well be
the man of the hour. It also became clear before I left Hillary that
she couldn't win the nomination even if she won all the remaining primaries.

Why do you consider Obama another Lincoln?
I think he is a healing figure and yet hasn't surrendered his
convictions. I think he is very careful not to come across as a
radical. He tries to appeal to common sense, and he is willing to
make compromises. I also think that both Lincoln and Barack have a
deep and abiding faith in our founding ideals.

It's clear in your book that you admire Lincoln not just for his
speeches but for his ability to play political hardball. Do you see
that in Obama?
Yes, I do. I think he had the best organized, most brilliantly
conceived presidential campaign we may ever have had. If I do say it,
mine was in that same category. I don't think we made a mistake in
the year and a half leading up to winning that nomination. After
that, we ran into all kinds of difficulty.

Your vice presidential pick in 1972, Thomas Eagleton, admitted he had
been hospitalized for nervous exhaustion and had undergone
electro-shock therapy.
Yes, the Eagleton matter took the momentum out of our campaign. It
would have been an uphill fight all the way, but to have a blow like
that come on the first thing I did after I was nominated, which was
to pick a running mate, we never recovered from that.

Did you see shades of Eagleton in John McCain's pick of Sarah Palin
as a running mate?
No, because I think John McCain knew what he was getting when he
picked Sarah Palin.

You mean you think she was thoroughly vetted?
No, I don't think she was thoroughly vetted, but I think they pretty
well knew that she wasn't concealing any scandals or any sicknesses
or anything like that. I do think in the long run the selection of
Sarah Palin hurt John McCain. At first, it was kind of a novelty, and
she's an attractive woman and carried off her acceptance speech at
the convention with certain fanfare. Then, it began to settle in on
the country, her lack of experience and knowledge, and she just
wasn't ready to take over the White House.

Do you think Obama really will change the tone in Washington ?
American political figures need to quit talking about red states and
blue states, as though we're in foreign countries. Since Reagan, it
has seemed like the solid South and much of the Midwest was locked up
by the Republicans. Barack won Virginia, he won Florida, he won North
Carolina, and he also won the states out West. I think he has erased
the red state-blue state way of judging American politics.

What do you make of Obama's "team of rivals"' approach to creating his cabinet?
I think it's wise. Franklin Roosevelt did that, too. His secretary of
war and his secretary of the Navy in World War II were both
Republicans. George Washington kept both Alexander Hamilton and
Thomas Jefferson in his cabinet. Lincoln didn't invent the team of
rivals, but he probably did it as well as any president we've had.

Have you spent much time with Obama?
Oh, yes. After I came out for him, he met with me in Sioux Falls,
S.D., and I had dinner with him. I've talked with him on the
telephone, and I've gotten to know him. He's a strong man. He's an
intelligent man, but he's also very adroit, as was Lincoln. I think
he'll get along fine with the kind of people we've seen so far in the cabinet.

Antiwar liberals haven't had much success running for president since
you lost in 1972. Does the election of Obama, who opposed the Iraq
war, feel like vindication?
Yes, people who opposed these unnecessary wars do feel somewhat
vindicated. Of course, I opposed the Iraq war, too. I was on
television two or three times warning against it. I've seen one poll
as high as 80 percent of Americans think we made a mistake going into
Iraq. I suppose we'd get similar poll results on whether Vietnam was
a sound policy.

Do you believe Obama will keep his campaign promise to pull American
troops out of Iraq ?
Bush thinks it's a big concession that we'll have them out by 2012. I
don't think any president can keep those troops in there until 2012.
Obama has said we've got to get out of Iraq, but the real problem is
Afghanistan. Well, you go from Iraq into Afghanistan, you're moving
from the frying pan into the fire.

Your campaign in 1972 was the victim of the Watergate break-in, the
pre - eminent example of political corruption at the highest level.
Do you think the era of 'dirty tricks' is over, or does the Illinois
corruption scandal show politics is as seedy as ever?
It's not over, but it's losing its effectiveness. I think people are
getting tired of it. I just think that's another thing that Barack
sensed­that people were fed up with the low level of politics, the
intense partisanship, and the continuous warfare in the Senate and
elsewhere. I think there is certain weariness about that.

How will you feel when President Bush steps down in January?
I don't have any personal malice toward Bush. I wish him well. I've
talked to him on a couple of occasions. He's a congenial, likable
guy. I always admired his father, and I hope things will go well for
him. I don't think Bush is a bad man. I just think he was mistaken in
so many of the judgments he made as president. But I wouldn't throw a
shoe at him.

.

Sarkozy fears spectre of 1968 haunting Europe

Sarkozy fears spectre of 1968 haunting Europe

http://euobserver.com/9/27330

LEIGH PHILLIPS
23.12.2008

As disparate but linked militant youth protests simultaneously erupt
in a number of countries across the continent, French President
Nicholas Sarkozy has retreated on two controversial pieces of
domestic legislation out of fear that a spectre is haunting Europe -
the spectre of 1968.

Mr Sarkozy, the outgoing chairman of the six-month rotating European
Union presidency, has dropped plans for changes to high school
curricula and Sunday retail opening hours in dread that the "Greek
syndrome" - the two-week-long youth riots that have rocked the
Hellenic Republic in the country's most widespread unrest since the
overthrow of the military junta in 1974 - could spread to France, or
even across the continent.

"We can't have a European May '68 for Christmas," the French leader
said to his cabinet, according to reports in Le Canard Enchaîné,
referring to the left-wing student protests and general strike in
France in 1968 that led to the eventual collapse of the government of
Charles De Gaulle.

Similar protests took place that year around the world, particularly
in the United States and Germany, but the 'événements' of '68 hold a
unique place in the French political imaginary.

"The French could upturn the country - look at what's happening in
Greece," Mr Sarkozy reportedly told deputies from his party, the UMP,
during a lunch at the Elysée Palace, according to French daily Le Figaro.

Barricades

On Monday of last week, his government reversed itself over plans for
increased Sunday shopping, resisted by the Catholic Church and the
trade unions.

The next day, in the wake of militant protests by high school
students, plans for the re-organisation of the secondary school
curriculum were postponed indefinitely by education minister Xavier
Darcos at the insistence of the president.

"I don't want the schools reform to become hostage to social
tensions, worries, anxieties that are not connected to the schools
issues," the minister said, announcing the move.

The month-long protests by high-school students' unions against the
education changes that saw school buildings barricaded across France,
boiled over in Rennes in the west of the country in particular,
turning violent.

Despite the announcement of the withdrawal of the legislation,
protests continued, attracting larger numbers than the week before.
While the demonstrations were for the most part peaceful, Lyons and
Lille saw a number of arrests after some cars were burnt.

The French National Student's Union, UNEF, following the government's
decision, also made the link between French protests and the events
in Greece, declaring its "solidarity" with Greek youth "against
police repression".

"After the 'CPE Generation' in France," said the student organisation
in reference to the widespread French protests in 2006 that resulted
in the defeat of the Contrat première embauche (First Employment
Contract) law that would have allowed employers to more easily
terminate young workers' contracts, "it is the '€600 Generation' in
Greece demonstrating with the same refusal of precariousness and
feeling that we have no future."

The Greek protesters have described themselves as the '€600
Generation', mocking their low average monthly wage, even after years
of post-secondary education.

The €600 Generation

"Things are heating up everywhere in Europe, in Greece, but also in
Spain, Italy and even in France. The slogan of the Greek students
about 'the €600 Generation' could easily catch on here," President
Sarkozy told his ministers.

"When you see people confront each other with such violence, when you
see the pillage," he is reported to have said, "...in a country like
Greece, obviously it makes us think twice."

In recent weeks, demonstrations, occupations of universities, and
even the blocking of railway lines have spread across Spain in
protest at the Bologna Process, an EU-inspired series of university
and college reforms.

The Bologna Process has also provoked significant student opposition
in Italy, Finland and Croatia, with hundreds of thousands of
students, professors and parents descending on Rome on 30 October for
the largest student protest the country has seen since the sixties.

Echoing the 2005 riots by black and Maghreb young people across
France, in the last few days on a albeit on a much smaller scale in
Malmo, Sweden, there have been running battles between youth and police.

On Thursday (18 December) Immigrant youths and left-wing students
protesting the shutting down of an Islamic cultural centre threw
stones at police and set fire to vehicles and refuse bins.

The 'Greek Syndrome'

According to Britain's Daily Telegraph, the French president
conferred with his counterparts at the December EU summit in Brussels
about the youth protests, returning to Paris even more worried about
a pan-European 'May 1968'.

Raymond Soubie, a councillor of the French president, said: "In my
forty-year career, I have always refused to say that the spring or
the autumn will be hot."

The Hot Autumn of 1969-70 was a massive rolling series of strikes in
northern Italy that has since in the continental press referred to
other autumns - or any season - with a larger than usual amount of
industrial action.

"But today," he continued, "I think that all could be hot."

French and European leaders are all the more worried, as while the
youth actions are likely to fizzle out in the short term, they have
kicked off before the economic crisis really begins to pinch and
could return with a vengeance if unemployment rates soar.

Leading member of France's Socialist Party, Laurent Fabius, told
i-Tele: "The 'Greek Syndrome' menaces all countries today, as we find
ourselves in a truly grave crisis with an explosion of social inequalities."

.

Red Army Faction member released in Germany

[2 articles]

Red Army Faction member released in Germany

http://www.iht.com/articles/2008/12/19/europe/19redarmy.php

By Judy Dempsey
Published: December 19, 2008

Christian Klar, one of the last members of the Red Army Faction who
was involved in the assassination of leading German figures during
the late 1970s and early 1980s, was released Friday after serving 26
years in prison, the justice ministry in Baden-Wurttemberg confirmed.

Klar, 55, was released a few weeks earlier than planned after the
authorities in Stuttgart said he no longer posed a threat. He will
remain on parole for five years.

Two years ago, Klar had asked President Horst Kohler to grant him a
pardon, since he had only two years left to serve. Kohler turned it
down. A life sentence is reviewed every 15 years. Klar had served the
minimum 26 years of a life sentence for multiple murders, a German
court ruled last month after announcing his pending release

Klar, along with another Red Army Faction member, Brigitte Mohnhaupt
was given a collective sentence for all the crimes committed by the
group after 1977. In prison since 1982, he was convicted of 9 murders
and 11 counts of attempted murder. He was given six life sentences in
1985 plus fifteen years in prison for his role in the kidnapping and
murder of Hanns Martin Scholeyer, chief of the industry association,
Siegfried Buback, the Federal Prosecutor and Jurgen Ponto, the chief
executive officer of Dresdner Bank.

The assassinations carried out by the Red Army Faction rocked the
political establishment which was still coming to terms with the
Baader-Meinhof gang, a German terrorist movement that had its roots
in the 1968 student protest movement.

At its height, during the 1970s, the Red Army Faction killed 34
people before disbanding in 1998. It subscribed to Marxist-Leninist
ideology and sought to overthrow the capitalist West German
government and to fight perceived U .S. imperialism. In a bid to
crack down on the movement, the German state at first reacted harshly
by introducing emergency legislation and curbing civil liberties.

Jailed terrorists were denied access to their lawyers and at one
stage armored personnel carriers patrolled Bonn, then the seat of the
German government. Prison conditions for Red Army Faction members
were criticized by more liberal minded politicians in Germany who
started asking questions as to why Germany's post-war generation had
adopted such violent actions against the state and slowly reversed
the tough measures.

Klar himself was held in solitary confinement for seven years and
several terrorists committed suicide in prison, giving rise to
speculation that they might have been murdered by state commandos.
With his release, Birgit Hogefeld, the last member of the Red Army
Faction, remains behind bars.

--------

Germany debates release of Red Army terrorist

http://www.csmonitor.com/2008/1222/p06s01-wogn.html

The Red Army's Christian Klar was sentenced to five life terms. Last
week, after 26 years in jail ­ and no apologies from Klar ­ he was set free.

By Isabelle de Pommereau | Correspondent of The Christian Science Monitor
from the December 22, 2008

FRANKFURT - Friday's release of Christian Klar, one of Germany's last
two jailed Red Army Faction (RAF) militants, has reignited a debate
here over the legal system's handling of the graying, often
unrepentant terrorists who traumatized Germany in the 1970s and '80s.

Memories of bombings and targeted killings conducted by the RAF ­
also known as the Baader-Meinhof gang ­ are still fresh here. The
release of Mr. Klar, who has refused to apologize for his role in the
deaths of nine people, including Germany's attorney general, has
prompted both outrage and approval.

"It's a slap in the face for all victims," says Gabriele von Lutzau,
who was a flight attendant on a plane that was hijacked three decades
ago by militants affiliated with the RAF.

Others see the triumph of justice over terrorism in Klar's case. "The
constitutional state has shown its strength in that it can deal with
its enemies in a humane, legal way," says Heinz Schöch, a
criminologist at the University of Munich School of Law.

Klar was part of a left-wing terrorism movement that erupted
throughout Europe in the 1960s. The RAF, along with groups such as
Action Directe in France, the Red Brigades in Italy, and the
Communist Combatant Cells in Belgium sought to build up an
"anti-imperial European front," says Rolf Tophoven, director of the
Institute for Terrorism Research and Security Policy in Essen.

Germany, where the RAF's "armed struggle" resulted in the deaths of
34 people, is where the left's violent struggle lasted the longest ­
well into the 1990s ­ and where the degree of brutality was the
greatest, says Mr. Tophoven.

Klar, the educated son of a middle-class family, had been imprisoned
since 1982, following his capture and conviction on crimes ranging
from murder and kidnapping to raiding a bank and attempting to
assassinate a US general with an anti-tank rocket.

Klar was sentenced to five life terms in prison, but in Germany ­ as
in most of Europe ­ life imprisonment rarely means life behind bars.
In 1977, Germany's Supreme Court ruled that life behind bars violates
a person's core human dignity, which is guaranteed by the German
Constitution. Klar's release was recently approved by a Stuttgart
court, which ruled that he no longer posed a danger.

Any criminal serving a life sentence deserves a second chance,
provided they don't represent a threat to society, says Mr. Schöch,
the criminologist. "Even the most hard-core criminals have a right to
social rehabilitation."

Whether a criminal expresses remorse is irrelevant, he adds.
Nonetheless, Schöch acknowledges that Klar's refusal to reveal key
details on crimes poses a difficult moral problem: "Relatives of
victims have a right to know who killed their loved ones."

Klar's release prompted outrage, in part because he did not repent,
nor did he divulge information that could have helped solve other crimes.

"Christian Klar deservers no sympathy as long as he continues to show
none for his victims," says Joachim Hermann, Bavaria's justice minister.

Germany's blind-justice approach to dealing with the RAF militants
effectively helped neutralize the group, says Gerd Könen, a historian
who has written extensively about the RAF and who was part of the
radical left of the 1960s.

"The state has remained a state of justice ­ it hasn't become a state
of revenge," he says. "That's why the RAF phenomenon has been
politically and judicially vanquished."

Although Germans may continue to debate the issue, Ms. Lutzau, the
attendant on the hijacked flight, has found her own way to move
forward: She has turned her passion for flying into art, sculpting
gigantic wooden and bronze wings.

"I didn't want anybody to have any power over me anymore," she said
recently in her Frankfurt gallery. "The wings give me freedom and protection."

.

Don't Be A Buffalo Soldier

Don't Be A Buffalo Soldier

http://www.blackagendareport.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=940&Itemid=1

by Carl Dix
This article originally appeared in Revolution.

"Don't sign up for America's wars under the leadership of 'commander
in chief' Barack Obama."

Barack Obama is going to the White House-the first Black
president-and he's calling for a new spirit of service to
America. Well I got a question, especially for Black youth-are you
going to sign up to fight America's wars now? When Bush was talking
about staying the course in Iraq till victory is achieved, most of
you all weren't buying it. But now your chests swell with pride when
you think of Obama becoming the commander-in-chief of the free
world. Some of you all are thinking maybe you would fight for an
America that has Obama in charge.

Don't do it. The nature of these wars hasn't changed. They still
come down to raining death and destruction on people who haven't done
a damn thing to deserve that kind of brutality. Is having a Black
commander-in-chief enough to get you to enlist in America's wars for
empire, to kill people, and maybe die yourself, trying to keep
America's stranglehold on the world in effect? Or are you going to
stand with people around the world in opposition to these wars? Are
you going to buy the poison Obama is selling and think, and act, like
an American? Or are you going to start thinking about what humanity needs?

You all aren't the first generation to face this question. Back in
the 1960s, the U.S. sent hundreds of thousands of young men to
Vietnam-to kill people and maybe get killed yourself to serve the US
empire in trying to drown the Vietnamese people's liberation struggle
in blood. They tried to send me over there, but thanks to the
powerful movement of resistance to that war, and what I learned from
GIs who had gone to Vietnam, I refused to go and kill people in
another land. I had more in common with them than with the people
who ran this country. And with all the hell Black people were
catching in the U.S., I felt my fight was here. I got sent to
Leavenworth Military Penitentiary for this "crime." Other GIs
refused to go out and fight the "enemy" or resisted in other
ways. And many who did go came back to the U.S. and got involved in
resistance against the crimes of the system. Some of them joined the
Black Panther Party and promoted solidarity with the struggle of the
Vietnamese people. I became a revolutionary communist back then, and
I've been on that tip ever since.

Some things are different today. The U.S. is going against a
different kind of enemy, Islamic fundamentalists, who don't represent
anything good, and there isn't a powerful movement in opposition to
these wars at the moment. But one thing is the same-these are wars
for empire. They're going to send you to murder people at wedding
parties in Afghanistan, terrorize children in their homes in Iraq and
run their torture chambers. No one should join up to fight or give
support to these wars!

Bombs dropped on villages in Iraq or Afghanistan or Pakistan by U.S.
war planes won't be any less destructive if Obama is the
commander-in-chief of the pilot dropping them! Israeli cluster bombs
spread in Palestinian villages and refugee camps won't kill any fewer
children if Obama is authorizing the military assistance instead of
George Bush! Threats to attack Iran won't be any less warmongering
if they are uttered by Obama instead of Bush!

So again I ask you-are you going to approach these wars thinking like
an American? Are you gonna follow the example of the Buffalo
Soldiers? They were Black cavalry units formed in 1866, made up of
former slaves who had fought in the Union army in the Civil
War. They were sent off to fight in the murderous and genocidal
"Indian wars," driving the native inhabitants off their lands to make
way for the expansion of America, "from sea to shining sea." And
while the Buffalo Soldiers were fighting the native inhabitants for
America, Black people in the southeastern U.S. were catching hell
from the KKK and mob violence.

Some people think the legacy of the Buffalo Soldiers is something to
be proud of. Colin Powell kept a Buffalo Soldier statue on his desk
when he was a top official during both of the Bush
presidencies. Colin Powell, who tried to cover up the My Lai
massacre during the Vietnam war, who was a major architect of the 1st
Gulf war and who went to the UN and lied thru his teeth to justify
the invasion of Iraq in 2003, finds the Buffalo Soldiers
inspiring. He called them "the wind beneath my wings" and especially
cited their "loyalty." Later they were sent by the U.S. to fight
Mexican Revolutionaries like Pancho Villa. This is a shameful
legacy, and it's no wonder that a war criminal like Colin Powell is
inspired by it.

If you follow in the footsteps of the Buffalo Soldiers, you will be
called on to do just like they did: commit horrible acts against
people who have done nothing to you, and you will do it in the
service of a system that has carried out terrible crimes, including
against the masses of African-American people, and you may end up
giving up the only life you have in the service of that foul system.

DON'T DO IT! Don't sign up for America's wars under the leadership
of "commander in chief" Barack Obama and carry forward the legacy of
the Buffalo Soldiers. Instead get with a cause that's in the
interest of humanity, and is something worth fighting for-making
revolution to wipe imperialism off the face of the earth!

.

40th Anniversary of the Historic San Francisco State Strike

40th Anniversary of the Historic San Francisco State Strike

http://www.fightbacknews.org/2008/12/40th-anniversary-of-historic-san-francisco-state-strike.htm

Commentary by Peter Shapiro
December 2008

For nearly five months in the fall and winter of 1968-1969, San
Francisco State College was paralyzed by a student strike.

The strike was initiated by oppressed nationality students and
supported by thousands of white students who accepted their
leadership. Its target was a publicly-funded university which had
become increasingly inaccessible to black, brown and Asian
communities whose tax dollars supported it.

Attempts to repress the strike were sustained and brutal. For weeks,
hundreds of police in riot gear occupied the campus. Hundreds of
students were beaten and hundreds more arrested. Strike leaders
served long jail terms on trumped up charges; one was deported. 27
faculty members who supported the strike lost their jobs; many never
taught again.

Campus uprisings were commonplace in the 1960s, reflecting growing
anger over the Viet Nam war. Those at elite schools like Columbia and
Harvard received the most publicity. Typically they lasted a few days
and were often fought over essentially symbolic demands like an end
to "campus complicity with the war." They rarely involved the larger community.

San Francisco State (S.F. State) was different. The strike took place
at a working class school. Busloads of people from the African
American community stood beside striking students as they battled
police. Black San Francisco police officers even formed their own
caucus to protest the racism and brutality of police occupation of the campus.

There was nothing symbolic about the strike issues. The strikers' 15
demands grew out of several years of frustrated efforts, mainly by
the Black Student Union (BSU), to open up the college to minority
students and make sure they got the financial support and relevant
curriculum needed to keep them in school.

Through a one-on-one tutorial program and other community organizing
efforts, the BSU had built strong ties to the local black community.
As tutors, they recruited high school students and encouraged them to
apply for admission to S.F. State.

It was the BSU that first developed the idea of a Black Studies
Department at S.F. State, an idea that would be taken up on campuses
across the country. "This college has done nothing for black students
except try to white-wash them," BSU leaders said. They noted that,
since culturally biased standardized tests had been incorporated into
college entrance requirements, black enrollment at S.F. State had
fallen from 12% to 3%.

The BSU envisioned a Black Studies program that would train students
to use the skills they learned to develop the black community rather
than simply furthering their own personal advancement. High-ranking
faculty members charged this would promote "anti-white propaganda"
and did all they could to sabotage the proposal.

But the BSU's program made sense to Latino, Chicano and Asian
students who faced similar problems at S.F. State and demanded a
School of Ethnic Studies. They banded together under the banner of
the Third World Liberation Front (TWLF), a name inspired by the
writings of African revolutionary Frantz Fanon.

The term 'third world' initially referred to the developing countries
in Asia, Africa and Latin America who had recently thrown of the yoke
of colonialism. Fanon believed these countries represented the
leading anti-imperialist force in the world and called for solidarity
among them. He included minority nationalities within the imperialist
countries who he said were similarly oppressed. His analysis was
embraced by Malcolm X and the Black Panther Party, which had a big
influence on the BSU and TWLF. BSU leader George Murray, a key figure
in the strike, was the Black Panthers' Minister of Education.

The Panthers were also strong believers in building coalitions
between oppressed nationalities. San Francisco State students put the
idea into practice. The BSU and TWLF jointly launched the strike on
Nov. 6, 1968, and made an effective appeal for white student support.
By early December, crowds of 5000 people were fighting the police on
a daily basis in the central campus area.

This level of intensity lasted for months, but it could not be
sustained indefinitely. The strike demands were too far-reaching to
be resolved on one campus and the strikers were not strong enough to
force concessions at the state level. In March 1969, BSU-TWLF
accepted a settlement which established a School of Ethnic Studies at
S.F. State without resolving other strike issues

Today the School of Ethnic Studies is still going strong, but it is
menaced by budget cuts as the state of California sinks deeper into
financial crisis. At a commemoration of the strike's 40th
anniversary, held the last week of October, students and teachers
affiliated with the school recalled the lessons of the strike and
resolved not to let its victories be erased.
--

Peter Shapiro was a student activist at San Francisco State during
the strike and is co-author of An End to Silence: The San Francisco
State Student Movement in the 60s. He is currently a labor activist
in Portland, Oregon.

.

Revising ‘Sex’ for the 21st Century

Revising 'Sex' for the 21st Century

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/18/fashion/18joy.html

By SARAH LYALL
Published: December 17, 2008

WITH its forthright prose, little-before-discussed-in-the-suburbs
erotic advice and amusing pictures of an ardent naked person known
popularly as the Hairy Man, "The Joy of Sex" was a revolution in its
time. Published in 1972, when sex was still supposed to take place in
the dark and under the sheets, the book thrust itself into public
consciousness with all the subtlety of a gigolo at a convention of
bishops. It was also stunningly popular, a well-thumbed fixture of
bedside tables across America that spent 343 weeks on the New York
Times best-seller list.

The book has undergone various tweaks and expansions over the years,
and six years ago the Hairy Man and his somewhat less hairy female
partner were relegated to wherever old hippies go to retire. But now
comes a completely revised version of the book, written, for the
first time, for women as much as for men. It tackles an array of
modern topics unheard of in the 1970s, like Internet pornography,
AIDS and Viagra, and features photographs (and drawings, when things
get too graphic) of a suitably buff 21st-century couple.

But still. In a society where, if anything, people talk and think far
too much about sex already, what is the point of reading anything
else about it? Is there really anything new to say?

Yes, indeed, said Susan Quilliam, a British sexologist, advice
columnist and relationship counselor who extensively revised the
book, which will make its American debut next month (the British
version came out in September). People desperately need help in
negotiating the culture's bewildering sexual messages, she said.

"Because we are more sexualized, we need something that is credible,
accurate and authoritative," Ms. Quilliam said.

As pervasive as sex is, she said, society seems just as ignorant and
nervous about it as ever. And who could blame people for being
confused, bombarded as they are by explicit images, impossible
expectations and contradictory, alarming information from an
ever-expanding array of media promoting the notion that everyone
should be having amazing, contortionistic sex all the time.

Particularly if they get their information from the Internet, as
teenage boys increasingly do. "There's an awful lot of stuff out
there that's inaccurate," Ms. Quilliam said. Ms. Quilliam, who is 58
and divorced, and who arrived for a recent conversation wearing a
cardigan over a racy silk camisole, was hired to rewrite "The Joy of
Sex" by its British publisher, Mitchell Beazley (the original book
was British, as was its author, Dr. Alex Comfort, who died in 2000).
She had plenty of experience, having already written a number of sex
and relationship books. She also had fond memories of discovering the
original book with her boyfriend in Liverpool back in the day.

One weekend, they saw the book, which belonged to one of his
roommates. "We disappeared into his room and came out at the end of
the weekend," she said.

In retrospect, it was an innocent time: a time before AIDS and after
the Pill, a time when condoms could be considered optional (Dr.
Comfort, at least, considered them "useful protection," but only for
birth control; the updated book has a diagram showing exactly how to
use one, and repeats the old British Army motto: "put it on before
you put it in"). Love seemed free and the possibilities endless. But
even the doctor might be shocked at what has happened since then.

Ms. Quilliam noted that people have more sex with more partners and
think nothing of talking about it the next day in Starbucks, on the
bus, on their cellphones as they walk along the street. College
students hook up instead of dating. Magazines aimed at teenage girls
publish practical advice on where to put what, and what to do then,
when performing oral sex. Sexual images loom down from billboards,
leap out of television sets and beckon from computers. Old-style
pornography has become modern erotica; the newer, hard-core versions
can be easily found by anyone with a computer.

But conversely, argues Ms. Quilliam, with the new libertinism has
come a parallel and opposing strand: a better understanding of the
repercussions of casual sex.

"We have a lot more freedom about sex, but at the same time we're
starting to realize that sex is serious," she said. In the 1970s,
Americans were like adolescents when it came to sex, she said, with
an attitude of "isn't this fun ­ the hormones are flooding!" But now,
she said, we're sort of 19 or 20."

On the other hand, she said: "There's an awful lot of trivialization
of sex. I am absolutely in favor of making sex fun, pleasurable,
loving, playful. But this is serious stuff. You sleep with somebody
and it bonds you to them.

"Men growing up in Alex Comfort's time had a very different
education," she said. "I'm not saying they're all new men now," Ms.
Quilliam said, but she gets a lot more letters from men saying "I've
slept with her and now I love her," than saying that they want a
one-night stand. (She also gets a lot of letters from men saying,
"I've found it and I don't know what to do with it.")

Which brings us to the clitoris.

"He mentions the clitoris, he honors the clitoris, he says it's
important," said Ms. Quilliam of Dr. Comfort. "That was a lot more
than most people did in those days. But he only mentions it in
passing a few times and has no specific section on it.

"Not because he was anti-clitoris," she added, "but because he just
didn't know."

If Dr. Comfort was a man before his time, he was nonetheless still a
man, and his book was written from a man's perspective.

"He had a section on tactful ways to take a woman's virginity," Ms.
Quilliam said. "He had a section called 'frigidity.' I'm sure he was
a lovely man, but he said that most men, given a young and attractive
partner, can always get it up ­ it's only when a woman lets herself
go that he has a problem. And you're going, 'No, no, no!' But that is
what it was like then."

Dr. Comfort said, too, that another part of the female genitalia, the
vulva, was "slightly scary" to many males. Ms. Quilliam's version has
replaced his passages with some suggestions on the proper erotic care
and treatment of a vulva and the observation that its image has been
"beautifully immortalized in feminist artist Judy Chicago's
exhibition, 'The Dinner Party'. "

(Dr. Comfort, an English gerontologist who wrote the book because so
many of his patients were profoundly ignorant about even the basic
mechanics of sex, seems to have had other limitations. He practiced
his own joy of sex by ditching his wife and moving to a free-love
commune in California, a move that made him happy but did not do much
for the family he left back home.)

Technology has moved on considerably since Dr. Comfort was grooving
to his own tune, all those years ago. There was no Internet and no
e-mail. There were no cellphones, no JDate, no Skype sex and no such
thing as "teledildodonics," devices that allow partners thousands of
miles apart to combine virtual sex with real sexual pleasure, via
computer. There was no such thing as an MP3 player that doubled, in a
pinch, as a vibrator.

There was, apparently, sex on moving motorcycles, or at least in Dr.
Comfort's book. Ms. Quilliam has dispensed with that and has also
removed references to prostitution and to sex on horseback.
Intriguingly, she has added a section speculating on how to perform
the "Venus butterfly," the fictional sexual technique that was
featured on the television program "L.A. Law" in 1986 and is supposed
to drive women wild, every time.

The new book also aims to reflect the latest research about the
biology of sex. Here are some of the things, according to Ms.
Quilliam, that we know more about now than we did in the 1970s: "The
arousal cycle, hormones, pheromones, the clitoris, the relevance of
the nipples, how erections work, aphrodisiacs." We know, too, (or at
least she knows) that in addition to the elusive G spot, women can
also enjoy two other sexual pleasure points, should they be lucky
enough to locate them: the A spot, deeper inside the vagina than the
G spot; and the U spot, between the clitoris and the vagina.

Ultimately, Ms. Quilliam takes a practical approach, urging that we
all keep things in perspective.

"Alex was debunking the idea that sex was dirty," Ms. Quilliam said
of Dr. Comfort and his revolutionary book. "I'm saying: 'Let's
normalize this. Most people don't have screaming orgasms every weekend.' "

She continued: "Have fun, have love, have sex. But don't give
yourself a hard time if you're not doing it 24-7."

.

Why Obama is just another boomer

Smells Like Bob Dylan

Why Obama is just another boomer

http://www.boiseweekly.com/gyrobase/Content?oid=oid%3A319814

DECEMBER 17, 2008
BY TED RALL

NEW YORK­Barack Obama, people are saying, is the first Generation X
president. Are they right? And if so­does it many any difference?

"The battle for the Democratic nomination in the U.S. presidential
election," reported Agence France Presse wire service nearly a year
ago in January, "is as much about 'Generation X' wresting power from
Baby Boomers as it is a battle between Barack Obama and Hillary
Clinton ... Most significantly, analysts say, it is the first time
someone from the so-called Generation X has run for the White House."

A Gen X president is, or would be, a big deal. Xers' major
concerns­student loan debt, underemployment, age discrimination
against the young, the environment­have never gotten much attention
in the media or in mainstream politics. But is Obama Gen X?

Membership requirements for Gen X have long been fungible.
Demographic purists say Generation X began with those born after
1964, when a sharply dropping birth rate marked the end of the
postwar Baby Boom. Sociologists, who look to common cultural and
economic reference points as generational signifiers, include
everyone born from 1961 to 1976. If you grew up with LBJ, Nixon and
Hendrix, you're a Boomer. If your touchstones are Carter, Reagan and
Molly Ringwald, you're X.

Some analysts put Gen X as late as the 1981 birth year, but I side
with Canadian author Douglas Coupland because, well, he wrote the
book. When Coupland published Generation X in 1990, its subjects were
twentysomethings. Do the math. That includes anyone born in the 1960s.

By any account, Obama's birthdate­1961­barely admits him to Gen X.
Yet Gen X won him the presidency. Sure, a higher proportion of Gen Y
voters than Gen Xers supported Obama (66 to 52 percent). But twice as
many Xers showed up at the polls. The One couldn't have done it
without the X factor.

Prominent Xers embraced Obama early in the process. "[He] attended an
anti-apartheid rally in Southern California," said X Saves the World
author Jeff Gourdinier during the early primaries. "He writes about
his doubts about the effectiveness of that form of protest ... He is
very honest about his skepticism. That is the Gen X sensibility."

"Our time to lead has come," gushed Elizabeth Blackney, a 35-year-old
Republican blogger from Oregon. But she and the rest of my
underemployed, underrecognized generation may have to wait. Now that
Obama has our votes, he has a lot more love for Generation Y than for
Generation X.

The Nation, the Bible of liberal Baby Boomers, is atypically smart on
this point. "For Obama, who is 46, and his followers, Boomer politics
clearly have to go," writes Lakshmi Chaudhry of the 1980s and 1990s
"culture wars," which constantly rehashed Vietnam and other hoary
so-last-century conflicts. "What is less obvious is whom Obama
represents. He often speaks to the Millennials, recently telling
cheering college kids in South Carolina, 'It's your generation's
turn.' But rarely mentioned is Obama's own generation, i.e.,
Generation X, the Lost Generation, whose name has been virtually
erased from the national conversation."

In my 1998 Generation X manifesto "Revenge of Latchkey Kids," I
called it "generational leapfrog." Generational leapfrog is the
tendency of the good things in American life­high-paying entry-level
jobs, generationally directed social programs, free love­to jump from
the Baby Boomers born between '46 and '64 to their children,
Millennial/Generation Y types born after '77.

It happened in editorial cartooning, my chosen profession. The vast
majority of political cartoonists working at daily newspapers, those
who get decent salaries and actual benefits, are Boomers in their 50s
and 60s. If and when a new job opens up, it goes to an artist fresh
out of college­a Gen Yer. Thirtysomething and fortysomething Gen Xers
need not apply.

Demographers William Howe and Neil Strauss predicted this phenomenon
in their 1991 book Generations. They argued that Xers belong to a
"reactive" generation doomed to be ignored by everyone that
matters­Hollywood, Madison Avenue and Washington, D.C. Like prior
"reactive" generations (the last one was Hemingway's "Lost
Generation"), they will probably not see one of their own become president.

Howe and Strauss note that members of a generation can exhibit
cultural signifiers and other traits more closely related to another
generation. As a self-identified Gen Xer (1963/age 45), I spent my
college years attending concerts by late-period Blondie, the Dead
Kennedys, Flipper and the Clash. Punk rock and New Wave defined my
coming of age. Like most of my peers, I later got into post-punk and
grunge bands like Nirvana. But many of my classmates were more into
the Doors and Bob Dylan. Born too late to enjoy the Summer of Love,
they nevertheless identified as Boomers.

By this measure, Obama is a Boomer. His favorite music? According to
his Facebook page: "Miles Davis, John Coltrane, Bob Dylan, Stevie
Wonder, Johann Sebastian Bach (cello suites), and The Fugees." Yech.
His favorite movies? "Casablanca, Godfather I & II, Lawrence of
Arabia and One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest." Great films. I love them
all. But a Gen Xer would have been more likely to namecheck Repo Man
and Slacker.

Generation Xers who hope that one of their own is finally in a
position to address their long-ignored concerns had better believe
this: Obama is paying attention to the young and the old. You
in-between types, still paying off your college loans and facing
discrimination in the workplace because of your age, will have to
keep on keeping on the best as you can.
--

Ted Rall is the author of the seminal Generation X manifesto "Revenge
of the Latchkey Kids." He draws cartoons and writes columns for
Universal Press Syndicate.

.

Cheech and Chong find truce (a peace pipe?), fire up tour

Cheech and Chong find truce (a peace pipe?), fire up tour

http://www.denverpost.com/entertainment/ci_11256313

By John Wenzel
The Denver Post
Posted: 12/19/2008

When it comes to creative burnouts, Cheech and Chong are among the
most famous.

The iconic stoner-comedy duo hasn't toured in over 25 years. They
haven't released an album in nearly as long. As recently as January,
Tommy Chong trashed Richard "Cheech" Marin as a crass commercialist
who would reunite only for the money, noting a "very bitter air" between them.

"Cheech really morphed into a Geraldo Rivera. He's so straight that I
check him for a wire every time I talk to him," Chong told The Denver
Post at the time. "He wasn't content just being the star of the show
and being the funniest guy who wrote and directed everything. But
maybe time will heal it."

Prescient words, dude.

As 2008 fades away, Cheech and Chong are touring North America as
part of their "Light Up America and Canada" tour, a jaunt that finds
the wildly successful pot comics reprising their Grammy-winning
material from the 1970s and '80s. Standing ovations, sell-out crowds
and critical kudos have been the norm.

"It was so easy getting back together it was scary," Cheech said over
the phone from his home in Los Angeles. "It was such a part of us
that we literally rehearsed maybe once. Some bits we never even talked about."

That ease will be on display when Cheech and Chong play a trio of
shows at the Paramount Theatre Saturday and Sunday. (Both Saturday
shows are sold out; limited tickets are available for Sunday.)

Chong, crackling on the other end of the call with Cheech, quickly agreed.

"We always got along and never fought when we were working," he said.
"Of course we had one argument when we both did coke in New York and
we went out and did the worst show ever. We started arguing before we
even got off stage."

Cheech and Chong's reunion may have been unthinkable a few years ago,
but their warm reception nods toward the nostalgia of their original
fans ­ and the new generations that have discovered their exaggerated
characters and expiration-proof drug jokes.

"No, this isn't thinking-man's humor, and subtle it ain't," Erik
Pedersen of the Hollywood Reporter wrote in a Nov. 30 review of the
show. "Bottom Line: Often ribald, sometimes crude, never PC and
consistently funny."

The duo's chemistry remains intact partly because both have been busy
since splitting up in the mid-'80s after a series of now-classic
albums and cult films such as "Up in Smoke."

Both acted in movies and on TV, popping up in projects that either
played to their characters (Chong appeared as a bearded stoner in
"Half Baked" and "That '70s Show") or that subverted it (Cheech
played a clean-cut cop in CBS's "Nash Bridges" and did voice work for
"The Lion King.")

"The characters we play are exactly the opposite of our real
personalities," said Cheech, a noted collector of Chicano art and an
avid golfer. "Even back in (the 1970s), Tommy was more aggressive-
oriented and forward, and I was more the laidback Chicano."

Perhaps, but these days they seem happy to embrace the personas that
made them famous. They began creating them in the late 1960s in Los
Angeles, first as a musical act at a topless club and then as a
comedy sketch duo that released its inaugural album in 1971.

Subsequent records and films introduced the world to bits like
"Waiting for Dave," "Earache My Eye" and "Basketball Jones" ­ all of
which make up parts of their current tour, although it changes nightly.

"The whole Cheech and Chong approach is pure improv," Chong said.
"When something happens, like the microphone not working, it's so
smooth and doesn't interrupt anything because we just riff on it.
It's not like a play, where if you break the fourth wall you can
destroy everything."

Cheech said the duo's "hippie burlesque" benefits from their musical
background during the free-love era.

"Our bits evolve by themselves every night because our show was
originally designed to play for music crowds," he said. "As a result,
we had the sort of two-to- three minute bit rhythm going to keep the
music people interested. We keep the audience off balance until it's
over, and we throw music and stand-up and sketch at them, like an old
vaudevillian act that has been around for 25 years."

More like 40. Cheech, 62, and Chong, 70, aren't exactly fresh faces.
Still, as long as people keep responding to their half-lidded humor,
they'll hang onto their original fans and continue to find new ones.

"When I was an 11- or 12-year-old my friends and I listened to their
albums, and my parents had them and loved them," said Comedy Works
owner Wende Curtis, who has worked with Chong numerous times over the
years. "I have to say, I was very shocked and quite thrilled to see
that they were coming back together."

With new generations of pot comics like Doug Benson making a living
on the subject, the legacy of the genre's creators seems secure. But
the question remains: Why did they get back together?

It wasn't just for the money. The duo had kicked around the idea for
years, but once they sat down and started going through old bits, it
was a no-brainer. Audiences loved their first few reunion shows, and,
most important, it just felt right.

"It's just a beautiful mix of stuff because we've got so much
material," Cheech said. "And our audience has no particular
ethnicity, social class or gender. We're like butter. Everybody likes
butter, right?"
--

John Wenzel: 303-954-1642 or jwenzel@denverpost.com
--

Cheech & Chong

Comedy. Paramount Theatre, 1621 Glenarm Place; with Shelby Chong.
Saturday-Sunday. 7 p.m. and 10 p.m. Saturday (sold out); 7 p.m.
Sunday. $39.50-$59.50. 866-461-6556 and TicketHorse.com.

.

Barack Obama and The Weathermen

Barack Obama and The Weathermen

http://canadafreepress.com/index.php/article/7129

By Tom Deweese
December 22, 2008

Since just before the election of Barack Obama in November, it has
been interesting and quite shocking that a forty-year old, seemingly
forgotten radical group called "Weatherman" is getting so much
attention. Of course, Obama denies any connection to old Weathermen.
Here's a quick history of the "Weathermen" and why it's relevant to a
new president calling for an undefined "change."

You've heard the famous names: Bill Ayers, Mark Rudd, Bernadine Dohrn
and Jeff Jones, among others. Today, Ayers describes himself as a
professor; Dohrn is his wife and a clinical law professor, Jeff
Jones, predictably is an environmentalist and political consultant,
and Mark Rudd is now a teacher. Just normal Americans, living their
lives. Really?

In 1962, Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) was born. It was a
radical organization of college students. SDS quickly became the
opposition to the Viet Nam War. They organized demonstrations on
college campuses across the nation to mobilize students to take
"direct action" against "racism, poverty and war." In 1963, SDS got
involved in "community organizing", teaming up with the Black
Panthers, the Hispanic Young Lords, and other radical organizations.

By 1966, SDS was moving in a revolutionary Marxist direction. Their
demonstrations and marches became violent clashes with police, many
turning into riots. About the same time, SDS was joined by the
Progressive Labor Party (PL), a self-styled Marxist-Leninist-Maoist
party, dedicated to implementing communist ideology.

By 1969, a majority of SDS found the PL's strict Marxist ideology too
restraining, hurting organizing and recruiting efforts. At the same
time, SDS leaders were looking for a more long-term agenda to bring
about a communist revolution in the United States. Simply fighting
the war was too limiting. In June 1969, SDS held a raucous convention
in which the PL was tossed out of SDS and a new faction took control.
That faction was called "Weatherman." It issued a long, rambling
manifesto detailing the future direction of the movement. The
document was entitled "You Don't Need A Weatherman To Know Which Way
The Wind Blows." The title was taken from a Bob Dylan song.

The manifesto detailed Weatherman ideology and the means to create a
Marxist revolution in "Amerika." Some of its chapter titles include:
"The Struggle for Socialist Self-Determination;" "Black Liberation
Means Revolution;" "Anti-Imperialist Revolution and The United
Front;" "The Revolutionary Youth Movement – Class Analysis;" and
"Repression and Revolution." The document called for a class war
against America's free market society. It talked of joining up with
Marxist revolutions around the world, in China, in Cuba, and more. It
called for the creation of a "Revolutionary Party." Above all, it
called for war against what Weatherman called "Amerika."

Why is that significant today? Because the authors of the document
were the leaders of Weatherman – Mark Rudd, Bill Ayers, Bernadine
Dohrn, Jeff Jones, and others. Weatherman's first public act was what
it called "Days of Rage." It called on students to leave their
classrooms and engage in three days of violence and street
demonstrations. They smashed windows of businesses and cars, and
attacked police lines. Mark Rudd himself was arrested in Chicago
while leading the violence. The result of the three days of violence
was 287 people arrested, 800 automobiles and 600 windows were
smashed. The combined bail was over $2 million.

In spite of the damage, Weatherman was disappointed with the turn out
of demonstrators. They had hoped to bring thousands to the streets,
rather than the three to five hundred who turned out. Mark Rudd and
the other Weathermen concluded that white people weren't ready to
engage in revolution, as did their "black brothers" in the Black
Panthers. To win, decided the Weathermen, whites had to share some of
the cost of revolution by "picking up the gun." To not do so was
racist, they believed.

That decision led Weatherman leaders Ayers, Dohrn, Rudd and Jones to
make the decision to declare war on "Imperialist Amerika" by going
underground to foster direct violence against the state. They then
became known as the "Weather Underground."

During their reign of terror, the Weather Underground bombed
corporate headquarters, burned ROTC buildings on college campuses,
and even planted a bomb in the US Capitol building. They used
anti-personnel bombs filled with nails, staples and other shrapnel
designed to hurt and kill people. Several of those bombs were planted
in police stations resulting in the murder of Police Sgt. Brian
McDonnell in San Francisco; another officer was permanently maimed
and two others were injured in that attack. A police informant, Larry
Grathwohl, who working inside the Weather Underground, reported that
Bill Ayers planned the bombing and Bernadine Dohrn planted it. There
were more such bombings in other cities. Later, Mark Rudd was the
sole survivor of a bomb explosion that went off as he was building it
in a Weather Underground safe house in New York. That bomb and more
were to be placed in a dance hall at the Fort Dix Army base. They
would have killed hundreds of soldiers and their dates.
As they engaged in their revolution, the Underground would, from time
to time issue "Communiques," much like Osama Bin Laden does today, to
send messages to followers. In "Communique #1 From the Weather
Underground," it reads, in part, "Hello. This is Bernadine Dohrn. I'm
going to read A DECLARATION OF A STATE OF WAR" (emphasis hers). In
the document she warned, "Within the next fourteen days we will
attack a symbol or institution of Amerikan injustice." It was issued
on May 21, 1970.

On June 9, 1970, came "Communique #2 From The Weather Underground."
It reported, "Tonight at 7 PM, we blew up the N.Y.C. police
headquarters…. The pigs in this country are our enemies…. The time is
now. Political power grows out of a gun, a Molotov, a riot, a
commune…and from the soul of the people."

There's much more to the history of violence and revolution pulled
off or attempted by Ayers, Rudd, Dohrn and Jones (and others in their
clan). But these examples should give anyone enough of an idea as to
their dedication to destroying America.

But what does that have to do with today? And how does it connect to
Barack Obama? The bad boys and girls of the Sixties like to portray
themselves as just some college kids that got a little carried away.
It's in the past, says the news media. It has nothing to do with
today – or Barack Obama, say his supporters.

It is vital that Americans understand that these were dedicated
revolutionaries determined to destroy America, by violence if
necessary. They used every means possible to recruit America's youth
into their revolt. They marched in the street, chanted pro Mao
slogans, started riots, disrupted schools, burned college buildings,
and eventually bombed symbols of the American establishment they
hated, resulting in the deaths and maiming of police officers sworn
to protect it.

These were not just over-active college kids. The agenda they
followed sought to destroy every aspect of American life. They hated
private property and wanted it all redistributed with no ownership –
like the communes they chose to live on. They hated free enterprise
and wanted all business run by the workers – no bosses, no owners.
The only private business they would tolerate were those run by
individuals that hired no one. They knew to achieve these things they
had to start by changing the history taught to a young generation in
the schools. They hated religion and wanted to run it out of the
country. They hated the family unit, saying it subjugated women, who
should be liberated. They sought to build divides between the rich
and the poor, creating a class struggle in America that really didn't
exist before. And they didn't hesitate to use violence to achieve their goals.

When the violence failed, the Weatherman core and their followers
didn't give up or fade away. They remained underground in a new way.
They melded into society, they took teaching positions in college to
reach that younger generation. They took jobs in the media to take
control of its message. They worked their way up in the hated
corporations to gain control of policy. And they surged into
government at all levels, boring into the core of America, to impose
their agenda at every chance, from the Federal government to state
legislatures to city councils. Today, for example, we have
Congressman Bobby Seal, one of the infamous Chicago Eight; State
Senator Tom Haydon, the founder of the SDS and another of the Chicago Eight.

It's interesting to note that a great number of the members of the
"revolution" went into the environmental movement. Unable to get
Americans to outright accept Marxist ideology in their revolution,
instead they wrapped it all in a nice green blanket of environmental
protection. Ever since, under the banner of environmental protection
Americans have happily tossed their liberties on the bon fire like a
good old-fashioned book burning. They accepted the premise that
private property and business must be controlled or destroyed, simply
for the good of the environment. It's not just a happy coincidence.
In this way, the revolution of the sixties is now progressing at a
rapid pace.

And what of Ayers, Dorhn, Rudd and Jones?

Ayres took the route into education as a professor. But that
certainly hasn't replaced his activism for the cause of communism.
Recently he traveled to the new red Mecca, Venezuela, a nation
quickly falling behind a new red curtain of tyranny under Hugo
Chavez. Ayres is influential enough with the new American-hating
dictator to meet with him and appear on the same platform. There,
Ayres proclaimed his support for "the profound educational reforms
underway here in Venezuela under the leadership of President Chavez.
We share this belief that education is the motor-force of revolution…
I look forward to seeing how you continue to overcome the failings of
capitalist education as you seek to create something truly new and
deeply humane…" Does it sound like Ayres has changed a single stripe
from his "college activist" days?

Mark Rudd also went into education. He feels at home there, after
all, he is the man who shut down Columbia University with a student
strike in the Sixties. And he is still active in the cause. Recently,
he turned up making comments on a radical blog called Rag Blog, where
he attempted to calm nervous "progressives" (a new euphemism coined a
few years back to provide cover for those who didn't want to be
called communists). The "Progressives were growing nervous by the
cabinet appointments Obama has been making. These people are so
radical that they actually consider Hillary Clinton to be from the
right! Of course keeping a bunch of old Clintonestas, not to mention
a Bush holdover like Secretary of Defense Gates, has caused great
concern for those who thought Obama was the answer to the revolution.
Said Rudd, the Obama appointments are part of a deliberate strategy
to "feint to the right" and "move left." He said, "Any other strategy
invites sure defeat." Rudd, to be sure, wants Obama to be victorious
in his goals. Now why would that be? Rudd is a dedicated communist,
yesterday, today and tomorrow, seeking to destroy the American way of life.

Jones is now a political consultant and a dedicated environmentalist.
One of his clients is the Natural Resources Defense Council, a
radical environmental group made up of some of the most radical and
most vicious lawyers ever assembled. Some on Capitol Hill have called
them a street gang. They are revolutionaries in suits. They
intimidate companies with their lawsuits and delight in suing the
government to get their way. Their lawsuits help stop the drilling of
American oil and American logging, and more. And when they win, they
fill their coffers with taxpayer money as reimbursement for their
legal costs. It's the proper place for a former underground terrorist.

Dohrn is Ayers' wife. They went underground together in the old days
of the revolution. Today she continues to spread her brand of
revolution by reaching into the community of families as a clinical
law professor and director of the Children and Family Justice Center
at Northwestern University. She forces children's rights today to
create tomorrow's revolutionaries.

Still, what is the Obama connection to these dedicated
revolutionaries? It's perhaps ironic that all four former Weatherman
terrorists today work through an organization called "Movement for a
Democratic Society." That organization is the parent to another one
called "Progressives for Obama." They raised funds for Obama, they
promoted his candidacy, and they helped to recruit activists to support him.

In the past forty years, Ayres, Dorhn, Rudd, and Jones have not been
heard from in the mainstream media. They have not been an issue in a
presidential election. They have not openly promoted or supported a
candidate, snubbing even John Kerry and Bill and Hillary Clinton as
not being revolutionary enough for their agenda for the destruction
of America. Until now – until Barack Obama. These four are dedicated
Marxist revolutionaries. Why now? Why Obama? You don't need a
Weatherman to know why.
--

Tom Deweese the publisher/editor of The DeWeese Report and is the
President of the American Policy Center, a grassroots, activist think
tank headquartered in Warrenton, Virginia. Tom can be reached at:
apc@governance.net

.