Monday, December 29, 2008

What Were Those 1960s Terrorists Thinking, Anyway?

Looking Back at CAPBOMB

http://www.counterpunch.org/albert12252008.html

What Were Those 1960s Terrorists Thinking, Anyway?

By JUDY GUMBO ALBERT
December 25, 2008

We are forces of chaos and anarchy
Everything they say we are, we are
And we are very
Proud of ourselves.
--Jefferson Airplane, We Can Be Together

This is the inside story of how my late husband Stew Albert and I
became prime suspects in CAPBOM, which is the FBI codename for the
1971 Weather Underground bombing of the United States Capitol
Building in Washington D.C. Sarah Palin and her cohort of extreme
right-wing really, really scary people used the Capitol bombing to
link President-elect Obama with the not nearly as scary 1960s
Weatherman and 1997 Chicago Citizen of the Year Bill Ayers. At the
time, my widely quoted take on the Capitol bombing was: "We didn't do
it, but we dug it."

As a former 60's protestor, celebrating with everyone else the
results of this historic election, I'd like to give my personal point
of view about the attacks on the 1960s that were made during the
campaign ­ specifically "guilt by association" and "domestic
terrorism." And also to reflect a bit on how I feel about those issues today.

Wrong Place, Right Time

In the spring of 1971, on the day the Capitol bombing takes place,
I'm living in our nation's capital organizing an anti-war
demonstration. Along with Stew, Abbie and Anita Hoffman, Jerry Rubin,
his girlfriend Nancy Kurshan and satiric journalist Paul Krassner,
I'm an original Yippie. Yippies believe in the politics of theatre.
We call ourselves Groucho Marxists and use comedy to turn serious
issues on their head. We're cultural revolutionaries who raise
political awareness by having as much fun and getting as much media
attention as we can. We're a youth movement who doesn't believe in
hierarchy: every Yippie is her or his own leader. Our favorite Bob
Dylan mantra is: Don't follow leaders, watch the parking meters.

Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson and FederalReserve Chairman Ben
Bernanke are not the first to throw money at Wall Street. In the
spring of 1968, Abbie, Jerry and the rest of us stopped trading on
the New York Stock exchange when we threw $1 and $5 bills at greedy
stockbrokers who grabbed at the money floating down from a
balcony. Yippies brought the New York Stock Exchange to a halt for a
mere $250.

By the summer of 1968, at the Democratic Convention in Chicago, we're
running a pig named Pigasus for president as a send-up to protest the
election and an unjust and illegal Vietnam War. In what is to become
an iconic American moment, 15,000 of us -- Yippies, mainstream
anti-war demonstrators, the media and even a member of the British
Parliament -- are severely gassed and beaten by the Chicago police.

But three years later, by the time of the Capitol bombing, it's
becoming more and more difficult to find the fun in protest. All of
us in the anti-war movement are frustrated by the seemingly endless
parade of atrocities being committed in Vietnam, which we see in
living color at home on TV every night, and a recent campaign of
deadly, intense carpet-bombing in Laos.

The Mayday Tribe

I'm staying temporarily in Washington DC, in a collective house at
2226 M Street.

Chicago Conspiracy 8 defendant and anti-war activist Rennie Davis,
and at least 30 others live in the surrounding neighborhood. The M
Street house is situated directly across the street from a red-brick
fire station that, in addition to fire-trucks, is outfitted with
surveillance cameras so overtly visible in the front window that I
occasionally lead a group of us out front just to dance and wave at
the cameras.

We call ourselves the Mayday Tribe. Our name - Mayday -- is intended
to convey an urgent distress call about the war to the American
people and motivate protestors to come to a demonstration scheduled
for three months later. We're putting together a People's Peace
Treaty on behalf of the American public to draw attention to the
Nixon administration's obdurate refusal to make peace. Our
admittedly utopian demonstration slogan states: "If the government
won't stop the war, we'll stop the government."

We predict thousands of people will take to the streets and block
traffic to protest the war and this recent escalation in bombing.

At my initiation, Stew and I have officially broken off our
two-year-old romance. As I recall, I feel fine. Liberated in fact. I
have no qualms about publicly labeling Stew an arrogant, patronizing,
sexist, male chauvinist pig, which, looking back on it, was about 35%
true, and 65% women's movement PC rhetoric. Besides, we're still on
speaking terms. I realize he's lonely without me and know I can still
get him to do almost anything I want, so I ask him to come and visit
from New York and bring with him, on the plane, a large satchel of
high quality marijuana donated to the cause by a sympathetic New York
City lawyer. I'm trying to lighten things up by introducing some
traditional Yippie medicinals into our ultra-serious organizing effort.

The Day of the Bombing

Early in the morning of Monday March 1, the M Street phone rings.
We're told that members of the Weather Underground, originally known
as Weatherman, (from Bob Dylan's prophetic mantra "You don't need a
Weatherman to know which way the wind blows") are taking credit for
placing a bomb in an out-of-the-way men's bathroom. The Weathermen say:

We have attacked the Capitol because it is, along with the White
House and the Pentagon, the worldwide symbol of the government which
is now attacking Indochina.

When I first hear this news, I feel exhilarated. Irrationally
exuberant in fact. My reaction is documented by an unknown person,
possibly an informant who, in a later legal affidavit, describes me
and the others in M Street as "exultant" ­ which is not so far
removed from my own recollection. But why, you quite rightly ask --
and I ask myself the same question -- did I feel so positive about
this act -- especially when placing a bomb is something I could never
do ­ or did ­ myself?

As an anti-war activist, I considered dissent to be patriotic. Still
do. At the time of the bombing, I felt like I was rooting for David
in the face of Goliath. I saw the Weathermen as courageous enough to
take the lead in our very own, 60's style Boston Tea Party. In my
view, they blew up a U.S. Capitol bathroom on my behalf and on behalf
of the entire anti-war movement. And I appreciated that they did so
for the most compelling of reasons -- to stop the endless, brutal
killing war in Vietnam and Laos. Which is why I could, in good
conscience, make the statement: "We didn't do it, but we dug it."

Hands Up!

Immediately after the bombing, M-street house surveillance
intensifies. Firemen swarm. Burly new guys start hanging around
outside the firehouse. They don't look and weren't even dressed like
firemen. Stew and Leslie Bacon, a young, anti-war activist friend,
decide to take a walk to Lafayette Park, directly in front of the
White House. Beyond the macho of it, I can't speculate about Stew's
motives. Most likely I disapproved because, at that particular moment
in our on-again, off-again relationship, almost anything he said or
did was enough to provoke my disapproval.

As the tension-filled, day-after-bombing dragged on, it became
increasingly clear to me that there was no time like the present to
get the hell out of Dodge.

Leslie chooses to remain in DC. I grab Stew, Colin and Michael, two
other M Street residents, plus a couple of bags of clothing and we
hop into my 1969 dark blue VW Beetle named "Lindequist." (When I
bought the car I found the previous owner's name "Lindequist",
inscribed on the dashboard; I currently drive Lindequist 3.) A few
blocks into our getaway I realize I've forgotten my all-time favorite
hat ­ a fisherman's cap made out of fluffy brown Canadian beaver
pelts with a brown leather front brim. Stew and I immediately get
into a huge fight. Stew, the pragmatist, now recognizes the wisdom of
leaving town as quickly as possible. I, the Yippie fashionista, will
not leave my favorite hat to the mercy of the pigs. It's my car, I'm
the driver: we circle back. I run in, save my hat and, Keystone Cops
like, we once again beat a retreat. There's no PETA yet to make my
hat a political issue.

But in the early evening, just we've reached the outskirts of
Baltimore, I suddenly notice flashing lights behind me. I pull
Lindequist over and hear a loud, gruff male voice coming over a
loudspeaker "get out of the car with your hands up." Shotguns at our
heads, the four of us are quickly spread eagled against the
VW. Colin is shaking so hard I think he might pee himself ­ but he
doesn't. The boys are put in one police car; I'm alone in another
for what feels like hours. I'm buzzy with adrenaline and really bored
sitting alone in my personal Mad Max Beyond Thunderdome cage. I can't
see much except cops and the boys' heads in front of me in the other
car, so all I can do is bite my nails and obsess. Lindequist and the
satchels are thoroughly searched. Eventually we are released and, in
true Yippie absurdist fashion, are given a ticket for a bald tire by
a local highway patrolman who signs his name James Bond

We're not Weathermen. It literally didn't occur to me we were being
stopped because of the Capitol Bombing. I am really grateful we
left the marijuana back in DC.

What Happens to Leslie

Five days before Mayday, on April 28, Leslie, who at the time is 19
years old, is arrested in Washington D.C. by the FBI and appears a
few days later before Judge John Sirica, later of Watergate fame.
Leslie is taken to a Seattle hotel where she is held captive in a
room for weeks, with no access to family or friends, only to
lawyers. She is questioned harshly about the Capitol bombing but
there's nothing she can tell them because there's nothing she
knows. On May 1, the Weathermen make public a communiqué addressed
to Leslie's mother:

Your confidence in Leslie is justified because she is completely
innocent of any involvement in the bombing of the US Capitol. We know
this for a fact because, as the FBI and Justice Department well know,
our organization did the bombing.

Leslie said to me recently that her mother, an upscale, conservative,
California homemaker, told the national and international press
staking out their Atherton home:

I don't see why everyone is so upset about someone blowing up a
building when the government is blowing up people.

Standard operating procedure for FBI agents and prosecutors, then and
now, is to target young women who they consider potential "weak
links" in an evidentiary chain and most likely to give up
information. These young women become their special victims. I've
come to believe that Leslie's kidnapping, imprisonment and resulting
unwanted national media attention, was the moral equivalent of a
rape. The federal prosecutor and the FBI violated a 19 year old
woman's trust and privacy, and, even though today Leslie is teacher
and grandmother, this incident still poisons her sense of security
and well- being.

Facing My Fear

I learned at the Democratic Convention in Chicago in 1968 that, when
you're in a true "face your fear" moment, you need to take action.
Don't delay. Don't procrastinate. Don't over think the consequences.
By facing your fear, you can discover inside yourself the courage to
take your life ­ and your freedom -- into your own hands.

This is one such moment. My mantra serves me well. By the time I
drop Stew off in New York City, check in with the marijuana-donating
lawyer for free legal advice, and drive back home to Boston, I've
talked myself into believing I've emerged from this incident shaken
but unbowed.

In Boston, as my FBI files later reveal, agents have evicted my next
door neighbor and ensconced themselves in an adjoining apartment. A
group of Boston women, me included, take over a building at 888 Mass.
Ave and turn it into a women's center. The takeover becomes a
springboard for the women's demonstration that preceded Mayday -- the
April 10 Women's March on the Pentagon.

The march attracts no more than 500 women -- but the contingent I
lead marches under a beautiful purple Janis Joplin banner.

Monday May 3, 1971 -- Mayday

Our Mayday demonstration doesn't stop the war ­ or the government.

The day before the demonstration, rock concert permits are cancelled.
Police, reprising Chicago 1968, and presaging the 2008 Republican
Convention, teargas as many demonstrators as they can; they destroy
tents and use other coercive tactics to force protestors to leave a
day early. Many do.

The remaining demonstrators begin assembling at 6 a.m. When it's
time to get up, I make a strategic decision, based purely on personal
sloth, to let myself and my Boston affinity group sleep in -- we'd
been smoking too much of that dope and partying the night before. By
the time we arrive downtown, streets are empty. Traffic is flowing
smoothly. Stew and Abbie are among 7,000 demonstrators already
arrested and locked up in an emergency detention center next to RFK
stadium. Some claim Mayday is the largest mass arrest in U.S. history.

For me, Mayday is a bust. No pun intended. And it's my own fault.

My failure of leadership is what my new fiancé David calls an AFOG ­
another f----g opportunity for growth. It's a harsh lesson that
stays with me: don't wimp out just before the end is in
sight. Follow through on your commitment. No excuses. And never,
ever smoke really strong dope the night before a big demo. Duh.

Guilt By Association

Three weeks after Mayday, Stew receives his subpoena to a Grand Jury
investigating the Capitol bombing. He burns it publicly in New Haven
to support Black Panther Party Chairman Bobby Seale, who is on trial
there at the time.

I receive my Grand Jury subpoena in Boston a few days after Stew. Why
me? Perhaps no-one got the memo that Stew and I had broken up. Or
perhaps the FBI was pissed about my arrogant, fuck you dance in front
of the cameras on M-Street's front porch. Or maybe the Feds just
wanted to "round up the usual suspects."

The eminence gris federal prosecutor responsible for all grand juries
investigating Weather Underground bombings is a smartly dressed,
slick-haired man named Guy Goodwin. Goodwin also convened a grand
jury to investigate another equally false allegation -- that Rev.
Phil Berrigan and Elizabeth McAllister, a nun, are plotting to kidnap
President Nixon's evil national security advisor Henry Kissinger. He
harassed Vietnam Veterans Against the War so much that, in 1972, they
filed a $1.8 million civil suit against him.

My first response to my Grand Jury subpoena is to go numb. I'm
facing a possible 20 year sentence. My "face your fear" mantra just
doesn't cut it. Denial works a whole lot better. Stew writes that I:
buried the great fear deep in her soul and beamed smiles that would
bounce off the moon…but underneath the smiles, Judy was truly
terrified. Even though we had officially parted, I knew that I still
loved her, which meant that I had to look out for her so that, as a
strange Canadian in a stranger America she would not come to harm.

On a PBS interview all I can say about being subpoenaed is: "It's
annoying. Uncool. But our lawyers will take care of it. Nothing to
worry about." Perhaps it's a positive thing I grew up in a
dysfunctional, alcoholic family ­ repression and denial are terrific
short-term survival techniques for really tough times.

We Didn't Do It But….

Pretty soon my inner Yippie re-emerges and my "face your fear" mantra
kicks in. Stew and I decide the appropriate Yippie response is to
hold a press conference in front of the Capitol Building.

Stew invites Jerry Rubin along for both his expertise and moral
support. Abbie and Jerry believed passionately in the 1960s
communications guru Marshall McLuhan's dictum that the medium is the
message -- which led them to measure their success by how much media
coverage they got and how frequently they got it. For all the time I
knew them, and up until their deaths, a defining aspect of the
Abbie/Jerry relationship was their constant competition with each
other for the media spotlight. Manipulating the media to expose
establishment hypocrisy was a primary Yippie value.

I paint my forehead with a Weather Underground Rainbow, cover one
cheek with a woman's symbol, the other with an NLF (otherwise known
as Viet Cong) flag and I put a green marijuana leaf on my chin. And
yes, that is a cigarette I'm smoking in the photo ­ I quit for good a
few years later. In my press statement I quote a Weatherman
communiqué that says:

The Weather Underground bombed the Capitol to bring a smile and a
wink to all the kids in America who hate their government.

Then I pull off my 15 minutes of fame by adding: We didn't do it but
we dug it.

It's obvious to me, almost 40 years later, that Sarah Palin did a
remarkable job getting global media attention for Bill Ayers and his
associational link to the Capitol bombing ­ way better than Billy,
the Weather Underground, Stew, Jerry or I ever accomplished at the
time. If Palin wasn't a neo-fascist, I might consider giving her a
Yippie Excellence in Media Manipulation award.

In the time immediately preceding our Grand Jury appearances, Stew
and I are so overtly hostile to each other that we become famously
difficult to be around. Observers who witnessed what Stew and I came
to call our "pussycat fights" ­ meow, hissssss, scratch, pose ­ are
horrified. In the photograph with Colin, I can't tell if I'm gazing
at Stew adoringly, or whether I'm just about to yell at him for some
real or imagined sexist act. It's clear to me now that Stew and I
needed to break up, intensely and publicly, to allow us to get back
together with each other as full and equal partners. Which we did
two years later -- and remained together until Stew's death on
January 30, 2006.

In the summer of 1971, I arrive to make my one time appearance before
the Grand Jury dressed like a witch and surrounded by a contingent of
women. In fact I am a member of W.I.T.C.H. -- an early New York City
based women's liberation group appropriately named the Women's
International Terrorist Conspiracy from Hell. Back then, you could
use the word terrorist in a joke and not be labeled unpatriotic.

I walk into an old, dimly lit New York City in my long witchy dress,
alone but unintimidated. Two rows of older men and women, black and
white, arms crossed, stare stonily at me. On our lawyers' advice I
refuse to testify. Instead I cite Constitutional Amendments 1, 4, 5,
6 and 9. These numbers are indelibly imprinted in my memory ­
although, as a Canadian, I was at the time a little fuzzy about what
each Amendment actually stood for. But now I get it why America's
founders gave us freedom of speech and due process. It's another
reason I consider myself a patriot ­ just like Abbie and Anita who
named their son America.

A few months after my Grand Jury appearance, our subpoenas are
quashed -- I assume because they can find no evidence of
wrongdoing. That guard who claimed to Guy Goodwin he saw Stew at the
Capitol building was either set-up, a liar or befuddled ­ or perhaps
he conflated the historic Capitol building with Lafayette Park. It's
a huge relief. Guilt by association loses out to the real world. In
the 1980s, in an act of true Yippie bravado, I buy a car with the
proceeds of our successful lawsuit against the FBI and get for it a
"CAPBOM' license plate.

Reframing "Domestic Terrorism"

The recent media hysteria about the Capitol bombing has prompted me
to revisit, if not re-consider, how I feel today about my long ago
"didn't do it, but dug it" statement. It's one of those situations
where I really miss Stew's advice and counsel. What would Stewie say?

In the 1980s, shortly after Stew and I moved to Portland, Oregon, I
was driving down a street and saw some picketers. My initial gut
response is to identify with the protestors, to honk my horn in
support, but as I get closer I realize they are anti-choice fanatics
picketing what turns out to be the Planned Parenthood affiliate where
I will later be employed. The anti-abortion fundamentalists and
right-wing extremists ­ that same breed of bottom feeder who sent
hundreds of e-mail death threats to Bill Ayers -- have it all over
the Weather Underground when it comes to domestic terrorism.

Lest we forget, just over a decade ago this country witnessed a
horrific killing spree carried out by our very own, home grown
American terrorists: in 1993, abortion provider Dr. David Gunn was
assassinated; Dr. John Britton, another abortion provider, was shot
in 1994; in that same year 25 year old Planned Parenthood
receptionist Shannon Lowney and women's clinic worker Leanne Nichols
were murdered within hours of each other. In 1995, in the worst case
of domestic terrorism this country has ever seen, right wing racist
gun nut Timothy McVeigh and two of his "pals" killed 168 people
including 19 children by setting a bomb in the Alfred P. Murrah
Federal Building in Oklahoma City. In 1998, an anti-choice fanatic
killed abortion provider Dr. Barnett Slepian.

The Weathermen bombed bathrooms. They destroyed property. Which is
why calling them "domestic terrorists" doesn't resonate with me. In
every case of a Weather Underground bombing there was an advance call
warning people to get out of the building. The Weathermen who died
were three of their own. Conflating Bill Ayers and the Capitol
bombing with Osama Bin Laden's terroristic destruction of the Twin
Towers feels like an enormous truth stretch. It disrespects those who died.

I'm a widow. I've experienced the excruciating pain brought on by
death of your loved one. I can't condone action that results in the
death of human beings.

In my humble opinion, members of the Weather Underground turned into
purists who came to so completely idealize and romanticize the
liberation struggles of anyone who was African-American, Vietnamese,
or what we used to call "third world" that they fell into an
uncritical objectification of violence for its own sake. Their
stated doctrine of "lead by example," resulted in groups attempting
to imitate Weather tactics with devastating results. In 1970, an
unaffiliated collective bombed the University of Wisconsin's Army
Math building, tragically killing a researcher. In the 1980s, a
rogue splinter group that included former Weathermen killed a guard
and two policemen in a disastrous, bungled robbery of a Brinks truck.
Most of them are still in jail.

Personally, I feel this may be an appropriate moment for truth and
reconciliation. Even if Henry Kissinger and surviving members of the
Nixon war machine aren't going to repent and atone for the enormous
death and destruction they wreaked on Southeast Asia, I believe it's
time for former Weather Underground leaders to publicly acknowledge
the collateral deaths, in addition to the deaths of their own
comrades. And then they should be forgiven ­ and forgive themselves.
--

Judy Gumbo Albert is an original member of the 1960s countercultural
anti-war group known as the Yippies. Judy is co- author of The
Sixties Papers: Documents of a Rebellious Decade (Greenwood Press,
1984) and The Conspiracy Trial (Bobbs Merrill, 1970). For many years
Judy was an award winning fundraiser for Planned Parenthood. She is
currently living in Berkeley, California writing a memoir titled
"Yippie Girl". Her chapter about the Battle of Chicago, 1968 can be
found at albert08282008.html. Photos can be found at Judy's website:
www.yippiegirl.com.

Judy can be reached at yippiegirl@gmail.com.

.

A Christmas message

A Christmas message

http://www.baltimoreexaminer.com/opinion/columns/gregorykane/122508OPEDKANE.html

By Gregory Kane
Examiner Columnist
12/24/08

It's a holiday greeting, but not one everyone will welcome.

One thing is pretty much a sure bet: The families of Donald Sager and
Stanley Sierakowski sure as heck won't want to hear it. On April 24,
1970, Sager and Sierakowski were two Baltimore police officers who
answered a call for a domestic dispute in the 1200 block of Myrtle
Avenue. Less than an hour after they received the call, both officers
were shot. Sierakowski was wounded, but Sager died in his patrol car.

Three men were arrested, charged and convicted of the crime. Jack
Ivory Johnson and James Edward Powell were found hiding near the
scene. Marshall "Eddie" Conway was arrested later. All three were
members of the Baltimore chapter of the Black Panther Party, not
exactly a "friend of the cop" outfit. (Former Panthers might add,
with a wealth of justification, that no police department anywhere in
the United States could ever be called a "friend of the Negro"
outfit. If they were, the Panthers may never have been born.)

The "season's greetings" message came earlier this week from Conway,
sent via Gary Gillespie, the director of the American Friends Service
Committee's Baltimore Urban Peace Program. I'll quote a small portion
of it with full apologies to the Sager and Sierakowski families, and
then tell why Conway's message MUST be heard.

The thrust of Conway's message was to give his supporters -- there
are quite a few of them, as well as supporters of Sager and
Sierakowski who want Conway to remain in prison -- an update on
efforts to free him. He thanked his supporters for their continued
support. Then he hit the nail on the head about why he's served 39
years of a life sentence.

"Many of Maryland's lifers, including myself, would have been paroled
years ago if not for the state's draconian policies toward its
citizens who are serving life sentences," Conway wrote. "In my case,
we hope to help change that situation."

Some full disclosure is in order. Last year I did a Fathers' Day
column for another paper about the relationship between Conway and
his son Ron. I also interviewed Ron Conway earlier this year for a
story I wrote for the Institute for Advanced Journalism Studies.

Some might accuse me of being biased in favor of the Conway family,
and claim I'm one of those buying into his claims of innocence. I
don't honestly know whether Conway is guilty or innocent. I do know I
don't trust "Saul of Tarsus" epiphanies that occur behind prison walls.

That's what happened in Conway's case. It was Johnson who fingered
Conway as one of the triggermen. Johnson later claimed police coerced
his account and dummied up when it came time to testify at Conway's trial.

About the same time, Michigan prison inmate Charles Reynolds had his
"Saul of Tarsus" epiphany. He was in a Maryland lockup shortly after
Conway was arrested, and just happened to remember that Conway told
him, a complete stranger, critical information about the crime that
could lead to his conviction.

Boo Boo The Fool wouldn't even have believed Reynolds, but a
Baltimore jury did, during a time when federal, state and local law
enforcement officers were carrying out acts every bit as -- if not
more -- illegal than those the Panthers were accused of.

And let's not forget: Some people died because of some of those
illegal actions. But not one of those law enforcement officers has
spent so much as one second behind bars. Oh, Congress held hearings
about the abuses and condemned them, but we have a classic double standard.

For the law enforcement officers who committed illegal acts, it's a
"let bygones be bygones" approach. For the Eddie Conways of the
country, it's throw 'em under the jail for the rest of their lives.

If you think I'm saying that Conway should be pardoned because of the
abuses of the FBI's COINTELPRO and similar state and local law
enforcement efforts, then give yourself some points for perception.
Conway didn't say that and perhaps couldn't say that in his message.

But I sure as hell can, and the holiday season seems a perfect time
to do it. Have a Merry Christmas.

And write to Gov. Martin O'Malley about that pardon for Conway.
--

Gregory Kane is a columnist who has been writing about Baltimore and
Maryland for more than 15 years. Look for his columns in the
editorial section every Thursday and Sunday. Reach him at gregkane@mac.com.

.

Black supremacist leader: I’m no racist

[2 items]

Black supremacist leader: I'm no racist

http://blogs.augusta.com/node/1966

by Johnny Edwards
December 26, 2008

Before marching through Cherry Tree Crossing with armed members of
the New Black Panther Party – as an observing journalist, of course –
I knew very little about the group.

My covering the protest Monday happened spur of the moment. The day
started with an assignment to cover the funeral of Justin Elmore,
killed in a police shooting Dec. 14. There were about a half dozen
men at the church in black uniforms. Later in the day, I got word of
a press conference at the site of the shooting, which turned out to
be a march of about 200 people led by those uniformed men.

They had no permit and they hadn't notified the city in advance. They
marched carrying shotguns and assault rifles, alarming Cherry Tree
Crossing residents and raising the ire of Richmond County Sheriff
Ronnie Strength. The sheriff dispatched deputies in riot gear, and
Panthers Augusta chapter Chairman Bobby Price, wanting to avoid a
confrontation, had his people put away their guns and quickly wrapped
up the demonstration.

Back at the office that evening, under deadline pressure, a cursory
Internet check of the New Black Panthers revealed they're not part of
the late Huey P. Newton's leftist civil rights organization of the
1960s and 1970s. I called Mr. Price and confirmed that, even though
his business card spells Panthers with an s, his group is part of the
New Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, a militant black
supremacist group that formed in Dallas, Texas, in the late 1980s.

More research the following day turned up some disturbing stuff. I
found accounts of New Black Panther leaders spewing anti-Semitic,
racist vitriol and inciting confrontations. These were the guys who
attacked reporters outside former U.S. Congresswoman Cynthia
McKinney's campaign headquarters after she lost in a 2006 runoff.
Late National Chairman Khalid Abdul Muhammad called for genocide of
whites and Jews. Both the Southern Poverty Law Center and the
Anti-Defamation League consider the New Black Panthers a hate group,
and the Huey P. Newton Foundation has called it illegitimate and
denounced its hatred of whites.

I interacted with Mr. Price a good deal on Monday and didn't get a
racist vibe from him. I called him again and asked more questions
about the party. I read him a quote from Mr. Muhammad: "There are no
good crackers, and if you find one, kill him before he changes."

"I don't personally feel that," Mr. Price said. "I understand that
some offensive things have been said about whites and others, but
that doesn't define who we are."

Mr. Price said he wants to embolden poor blacks to emerge from the
shadow of slavery and Jim Crow, and he doesn't see where insulting
whites and Jewish people fits into that.

"I'm about opposing racism, and if I take flak from those who think
that's too soft, I'm OK with that," Mr. Price said.

To him, black supremacy doesn't mean blacks are superior to other
races, he said. It's about teaching young blacks that their history
goes back further than their ancestors' arrival in slave ships, that
black people founded the first human civilizations. He said he's not
anti-Jewish, but anti-Zionist because he believes in Palestine's
right to exist.

Monday's protest wasn't about race, Mr. Price said. One of the
deputies involved in the shooting is black. Mr. Price said he opposes
anyone who oppresses black people.

"It's not about the color of the person's skin," he said. "We see it
as a police brutality issue."

Mr. Price said he's been chairman of the Augusta chapter for about
five years. It has seven members including him, all of whom took part
in the march.

New Black Panther groups often carry weapons in public appearances.
The organization has staged protests over the dragging death of James
Byrd in Jasper, Texas; in Jena, La., over the Jena Six controversy;
and outside Duke University, where they demanded justice for a
stripper who – it turned out – falsely accused three lacrosse players of rape.

The Rev. Al Sharpton has been peripherally involved, speaking at the
party's Million Youth March and arranging for Mr. Muhammad, who died
of a brain aneurysm in 2001, to speak to street gangs. After Mr.
Elmore's funeral Monday at Macedonia Baptist Church, the Rev.
Sharpton exited through the front door, then reentered the church
through a lower-level side door where the Augusta Panthers had
gathered in a hallway. A church official wouldn't let me in.

Hours later, as Mr. Price readied for the march, he expressed
frustration with the Rev. Sharpton, accusing him of kowtowing to city
and church leaders. Mr. Price said he was trying to give residents of
Cherry Tree Crossing an outlet to vent their frustrations.

"We're trying to be an influence in a positive way. We've got to get
people talking, debating the issues," he said. "It's giving a voice
to the voiceless."

--------

From:

http://chronicle.augusta.com/stories/2008/12/28/met_505614.shtml

12/28/08

SUPREMACISTS, NOT RACISTS: He might be part of a national
organization that's been labeled a hate group, but Bobby Price says
he's no racist.

The chairman of the Augusta chapter of the New Black Panthers Party
says he wants to embolden poor blacks to emerge from the shadow of
slavery and Jim Crow, and unlike the group's leaders in other parts
of the country, he doesn't see where insulting whites and Jewish
people fits into that.

"I'm about opposing racism, and if I take flak from those who think
that's too soft, I'm OK with that," Mr. Price said.

He and the chapter's six other members raised the ire of Richmond
County Sheriff Ronnie Strength on Monday when, carrying shotguns and
assault rifles, they led a march through Cherry Tree Crossing housing
project to protest the fatal police shooting of Justin Elmore. The
sheriff dispatched deputies in riot gear, and Mr. Price, wanting to
avoid a confrontation, had his people put away their guns and quickly
wrapped up the demonstration.

They aren't part of the late Huey P. Newton 's leftist civil rights
organization, but rather followers of the New Black Panther Party for
Self-Defense, a militant black supremacist group that splintered from
the Nation of Islam in the late 1980s.

Nationally, the group has a terrible reputation. Its leaders spew
anti-Semitic, racist vitriol. The Southern Poverty Law Center
considers it a hate group, and the Huey P. Newton Foundation has
called it illegitimate and denounced its hatred of whites. Its late
national chairman, Khalid Abdul Muhammad, once said, "There are no
good crackers, and if you find one, kill him before he changes."

"I don't personally feel that," Mr. Price said after being read the
quote. "I understand that some offensive things have been said about
whites and others, but that doesn't define who we are."

To him, black supremacy doesn't mean blacks are better than other
races, he said. It's about teaching young blacks that their history
goes back further than their ancestors' arrival in slave ships, that
blacks founded the first human civilizations, he said.

Regardless, the protest Monday wasn't about race, Mr. Price said. One
of the deputies involved in the shooting is black.

"It's not about the color of the person's skin," he said. "We see it
as a police-brutality issue."

.

FBI official in 'Omaha Two' case was master media manipulator and self-described liar

FBI official in 'Omaha Two' case was master media manipulator and
self-described liar

http://www.opednews.com/articles/FBI-official-in-Omaha-Two-by-Michael-Richardson-081229-270.html

by Michael Richardson
December 29, 2008

William Cornelius Sullivan was the chief architect of the Federal
Bureau of Investigation's clandestine and illegal Operation
COINTELPRO during the tenure of director J. Edgar Hoover. Sullivan
was also a master at media manipulation shaping the news to the
benefit of the Bureau.

Operation COINTELPRO was a massive, secret, nation-wide operation
aimed at hundreds of domestic political targets. Ordered by Hoover
to "disrupt" the Black Panther Party and other groups by any means
necessary, FBI agents used a wide variety of illegal and improper
tactics. One of the time-tested methods of eliminating the
leadership of local Panther chapters was obtaining false convictions
by use of withheld evidence, planted evidence, and false testimony.

Sullivan, an assistant director, was the highest-ranking FBI official
to admit public knowledge of the 'Omaha Two' case. Black Panthers Ed
Poindexter and Mondo we Langa (formerly David Rice) headed the Omaha,
Nebraska chapter and were COINTELPRO targets. The August 17, 1970
bombing murder of policeman Larry Minard was followed by the
prosecution of the two Omaha activists for his death and led to their
conviction following a controversial 1971 trial that was marred by
withheld evidence and conflicting police testimony.

In October 1970 at a conference of United Press International,
Sullivan falsely denied the existence of a "conspiracy" against the
Black Panthers and tried to squelch sympathy for the
Panthers. Sullivan told the assembled reporters, "Panther cries of
repression at the hands of a government 'conspiracy' receive the
sympathy not only of adherents to totalitarian ideologies, but also
of those willing to close their eyes to even to the violent nature of
hoodlum 'revolutionary' acts."

Sullivan also spoke of his knowledge of Minard's death. "On August
12, 1970 [sic] an Omaha, Nebraska police officer was literally
blasted to death by an explosive device placed in a suitcase in an
abandoned residence. The officer had been summoned by an anonymous
telephone complaint that a woman was being beated [sic] there. An
individual with Panther associations has been charged with this crime."

What Sullivan didn't tell assembled reporters was that Hoover had
already ordered critical evidence withheld from the 'Omaha Two' with
a directive to FBI Crime Laboratory director Ivan Willard
Conrad. The 911 tape recording of the killer's voice had been sent
to FBI headquarters for vocal analysis but Hoover ordered no lab
report be issued after the testing.

Sullivan was on a special distribution list at the COINTELPRO
directorate in FBI headquarters where he received various secret
memos from the Omaha FBI office updating him on the status of the
investigation and the ongoing deception about the recording of the
killer's voice.

The jury that convicted Ed Poindexter and Mondo we Langa never got to
hear the tape recording or know that Hoover had personally ordered
evidence about the killer's identity withheld.

The Omaha World-Herald's coverage of the case was apparently
manipulated to aid the FBI plot to keep quiet about the 911
tape. The newspaper initially reported on the tape's journey to
Washington quoting acting-Chief of Police Walter J. Devere that the
tape would be a good investigative tool. However, the Omaha
newspaper never followed up their lead story on the testing of the
fatal recording and subsequent articles about the case dropped the subject.

Sullivan was fired by Hoover several months after the Omaha trial
ended for leaking to the Justice Department information about
unauthorized FBI wiretaps on Henry Kissinger. Sullivan retaliated by
writing a book, The Bureau: My Thirty Years in Hoover's FBI. The
autobiographical account is far from a tell-all and Sullivan's
self-aggrandizement agenda is apparent. However, Sullivan does make
some remarkable admissions.

Although Sullivan is virtually silent about COINTELPRO and does not
mention the 'Omaha Two' case at all, he boasts about his prowess
working the news media to manipulate stories. "Because of this
network of field offices, and thanks to scores of contacts made and
maintained by the special agents in charge, Hoover was able to place
'news' stories--invented and written in the bureau, really nothing
more than press releases, puff pieces for the FBI--in newspapers all
over the country. Our strength was in the small dailies and
weeklies, with hundreds of these papers behind him."

"Of course, scores of Washington-based reporters printed stories we
gave them too, and they usually printed them under their own
bylines. Some of them lived off us. It was an easy way to make a
living. They were our press prostitutes."

"We also planted stories critical of some of Hoover's favorites
targets, the CIA for instance. And of course we placed stories about
Hoover's congressional critics. A negative story which appears in a
newspaper published in a congressman's home district hurts him more
than any article in the Washington Post."

"Letters went by the thousands to the Jaycees, the newspaper editors,
the movers and shakers so carefully cultivated as FBI contacts by our
agents out in the field. These field agents were also responsible
for reading any article or letter to the editor that mentioned the
FBI or Hoover. Any favorable mention of either in any newspaper in
America meant a personal letter of thanks from Hoover."

"This public relations operation of Hoover's, this massive attempt to
control public opinion continues to this day, and is at the very
heart of what is wrong with the bureau. Unless it is exposed, until
every editor of every little weekly newspaper who ever printed an FBI
press handout realizes how he has been used, the FBI will continue to
do business in the same old way."

In a rare moment of candor, Sullivan confessed to his
deceptions. "The bureau system made liars of us all. If you didn't
lie, you couldn't survive."

Ed Poindexter and Mondo we Langa, despite their protestations of
innocence, were convicted of Minard's killing and sentenced to life
sentences. Incarcerated at the maximum-security Nebraska State
Penitentiary both men continue to deny any role in the 1970
murder. Poindexter has a new trial request pending before the
Nebraska Supreme Court over withheld evidence and conflicting police
testimony. No date for a decision has been announced.

.

Peter Fonda: What I've Learned

Peter Fonda: What I've Learned

http://www.esquire.com/features/what-ive-learned/peter-fonda-quotes-0109

The actor opens up about forgiving his father, accepting death, and
discovering God online.

By Mike Sager
December 23, 2008

Fonda has lived on a ranch in southern Montana since 1975.
Interviewed by Mike Sager, August 12, 2008
--

I was born famous, so right off the bat, fame meant nothing to me.

I could dig the coolest, straightest ditch you ever saw, but the guys
at the other end of the ditch would be saying, "You know who that is?
That's Henry Fonda's son."

I had no idea who Henry Fonda was. He wasn't around the house much
and didn't communicate much. Of course you know my mother. She slit
her throat with a razor.

Never refill a plastic water bottle.

I sometimes get way out there. I need somebody to draw me back.

At first I liked living in Montana. Then I learned that it's
extraordinarily cold, and it's full of dust. I had to plow drifts
that were nine feet high and went almost four hundred yards long.
That's a lot of work. And it ain't fun.

I'm always changing the words. A screenwriter writes for somebody to
read, but we are paid to take it off the page, to make it spoken.
People stammer, they stutter, they take pauses, they drop stuff. It
must drive writers crazy. But I'm making the character real.

Sailing has taught me how small we really are on this planet, how
insignificant. And yet, in this insignificance, we have really messed
things up.

Think about Tom Joad. That last speech he gives to Ma Joad: "Wherever
there's a cop beating up a fella, I'll be there, Ma." I think the
most brilliant part about that speech is the way my father delivered
it. He never blinked. Like a prizefighter, he never blinked. He
didn't change anything on his face. He didn't put a loaded value on
any of the words. He just canted it out in his Nebraska accent, and
it worked so powerfully. Had he put any spin on it, I think it would
have been the corniest thing ever.

Jane is driven. Sometimes her choices aren't the best. I never would
have gone to North Vietnam and done that. But her whole workout
ethic, what a great thing.

I like to go online and look at the Hubble Space Telescope. Out there
you see total chaos and perfect symmetry. That's God.

Muslims want the whole world to be Muslim. Christians want the whole
world to be Christian. Catholics. Protestants. Mormons. They're all
the same. Far out, right? Everybody wants the world to be like them.

Once I forgave my father, everything else became possible. I started
telling him, "Before you leave this planet" -- because he was on his
way out -- "I need to hear you say, 'I love you very much, son.' "

When he died, I was in the room with Jane, her husband, Tom Hayden,
dad's fifth wife, Shirlee, and we were in the room and everybody was
really morbid, but not me. At first I was looking at him, he was kind
of in another state. And then he came to consciousness. He looked
around, blinking one eye and then the other, like a drunk trying to
find the right part of the path to walk down. Beautiful big blue
eyes, you know. Then he looked at his firstborn, Jane, and then he
looked at Hayden. When he looked at me, both eyes opened. He focused
on me and he said, "I want you to know, son, I love you very much."
That's how we left it.

Forgiveness: It just keeps proving itself to me.

Right now, if the stray bullet whacked me, or the odd great white
swam up and bit me in two -- you know what? It's been a hell of a good life.

..

Black Panthers in white marble

From:

Best in visual arts in 2008

http://www.mysanantonio.com/entertainment/36799544.html

12/28/2008
By Dan R. Goddard - Express-News Staff Writer

Black Panthers in white marble, Linda Pace Foundation:

Los Angeles artist Daniel Joseph Martinez was commissioned by Linda
Pace, who died last year, to create a pair of provocative public art
pieces for her foundation's offices next to CHRISpark ­ Black Panther
leaders Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale carved in white Italian
Carrera marble and a text piece about "beauty" painted on the North
Flores Street side of the building.

.

Blacks Have Been Conned About Kwanzaa!

[2 articles]

My Triumph Over Kwanzaa!

http://www.humanevents.com/article.php?id=30063#continueA

by Ann Coulter
12/24/2008

Is it just me, or does Kwanzaa seem to come earlier and earlier each year?

This year, I believe my triumph over this synthetic holiday is nearly
complete. The only mentions of Kwanzaa I've seen are humorous ones.
Most important, for the first time in eight years, President George
Bush appears not to have issued "Kwanzaa greetings" to honor this
phony non-Christian holiday that is younger than I am.

It is a fact that Kwanzaa was invented in 1966 by a black radical FBI
stooge, Ron Karenga, aka Dr. Maulana Karenga. Karenga was a founder
of United Slaves, a violent nationalist rival to the Black Panthers
and a dupe of the FBI.

In what was probably ultimately a foolish gamble, during the madness
of the '60s the FBI encouraged the most extreme black nationalist
organizations in order to discredit and split the left. The more
preposterous the organization, the better. Using that criterion,
Karenga's United Slaves was perfect. In the annals of the American
'60s, Karenga was the Father Gapon, stooge of the czarist police.

Despite modern perceptions that blend all the black activists of the
'60s, the Black Panthers did not hate whites. They did not seek armed
revolution. Those were the precepts of Karenga's United Slaves.
United Slaves were proto-fascists, walking around in dashikis,
gunning down Black Panthers and adopting invented "African" names.
(That was a big help to the black community: How many boys named
"Jamal" currently sit on death row?)

Whether Karenga was a willing dupe, or just a dupe, remains unclear.
Curiously, in a 1995 interview with Ethnic NewsWatch, Karenga
matter-of-factly explained that the forces out to get O.J. Simpson
for the "framed" murder of two whites included: "the FBI, the CIA,
the State Department, Interpol, the Chicago Police Department" and so
on. Karenga should know about FBI infiltration. (He further noted
that the evidence against O.J. "was not strong enough to prohibit or
eliminate unreasonable doubt" -- an interesting standard of proof.)

In the category of the-gentleman-doth-protest-too-much, back in the
'70s, Karenga was quick to criticize rumors that black radicals were
government-supported. When Nigerian newspapers claimed that some
American black radicals were CIA operatives, Karenga publicly
denounced the idea, saying, "Africans must stop generalizing about
the loyalties and motives of Afro-Americans, including the widespread
suspicion of black Americans being CIA agents."

Now we know that the FBI fueled the bloody rivalry between the
Panthers and United Slaves. In one barbarous outburst, Karenga's
United Slaves shot to death Black Panthers Al "Bunchy" Carter and
Deputy Minister John Huggins on the UCLA campus. Karenga himself
served time, a useful stepping-stone for his current position as a
black studies professor at California State University at Long Beach.

(Sing to "Jingle Bells")

Kwanzaa bells, dashikis sell

Whitey has to pay;

Burning, shooting, oh what fun

On this made-up holiday!

Kwanzaa itself is a nutty blend of schmaltzy '60s rhetoric, black
racism and Marxism. Indeed, the seven "principles" of Kwanzaa praise
collectivism in every possible arena of life -- economics, work,
personality, even litter removal. ("Kuumba: Everyone should strive to
improve the community and make it more beautiful.") It takes a
village to raise a police snitch.

When Karenga was asked to distinguish Kawaida, the philosophy
underlying Kwanzaa, from "classical Marxism," he essentially
explained that under Kawaida, we also hate whites. While taking the
"best of early Chinese and Cuban socialism" -- which one assumes
would exclude the forced abortions, imprisonment of homosexuals and
forced labor -- Kawaida practitioners believe one's racial identity
"determines life conditions, life chances and self-understanding."
There's an inclusive philosophy for you.

Coincidentally, the seven principles of Kwanzaa are the very same
seven principles of the Symbionese Liberation Army, another charming
invention of the Worst Generation. In 1974, Patricia Hearst, kidnap
victim-cum-SLA revolutionary, posed next to the banner of her alleged
captors, a seven-headed cobra. Each snake head stood for one of the
SLA's revolutionary principles: Umoja, Kujichagulia, Ujima, Ujamaa,
Nia, Kuumba and Imani -- the exact same seven "principles" of Kwanzaa.

Kwanzaa was the result of a '60s psychosis grafted onto the black
community. Liberals have become so mesmerized by multicultural
nonsense that they have forgotten the real history of Kwanzaa and
Karenga's United Slaves -- the violence, the Marxism, the insanity.
Most absurdly, for leftists anyway, is that they have forgotten the
FBI's tacit encouragement of this murderous black nationalist cult
founded by the father of Kwanzaa.

This is a holiday for white liberals -- the kind of holiday Bill
Ayers and Bernardine Dohrn probably celebrate. Meanwhile, most blacks
celebrate Christmas.

Kwanzaa liberates no one; Christianity liberates everyone,
proclaiming that we are all equal before God. "There is neither Jew
nor Greek, slave nor free, male nor female, for you are all one in
Christ Jesus" (Galatians 3:28). Not surprisingly, it was
practitioners of that faith who were at the forefront of the
abolitionist and civil rights movements.

Next year this time, we'll find out if our new "Halfrican" president
is really black or just another white liberal. If he's black enough
to say the "brothers should pull up their pants," surely Obama can
just say no to Kwanzaa.
--

Ann Coulter is Legal Affairs Correspondent for HUMAN EVENTS and
author of "High Crimes and Misdemeanors," "Slander," ""How to Talk to
a Liberal (If You Must)," "Godless," and most recently, "If Democrats
Had Any Brains, They'd Be Republicans."

--------

Blacks Have Been Conned About Kwanzaa!

http://www.expertclick.com/NewsReleaseWire/default.cfm?Action=ReleaseDetail&ID=24577

December 29 2008
Don Boys, Ph.D.

Let me state the obvious: If Blacks (or anyone else) want to
celebrate Kwanzaa that is their right; however, it is my right to set
the record straight. Kwanzaa is not a religious holiday, nor is it a
traditional "African thing." Moreover, it is grounded in violence,
corruption, and deceit. Furthermore, it has an admitted humanist
foundation, so professing Christians should not go near the thing.
Neither should black Americans!

Yes, I know the U.S. Postal service issued a stamp honoring Kwanzaa
but that only proves how shallow and stupid the Postal Service is.
And yes, the New York Times and other major journals have positively
pitched Kwanzaa. (See previous sentence.) Those people are wearing
the "merit badge" of political correctness. In fact, they flaunt it.

It was December 26, 1966 that Ron Karenga and his family and friends
lit a candle at the kick-off of Kwanzaa, a new holiday to remember
their African roots. However, Karenga admitted to the Washington Post
that Kwanzaa was not African and they hated whites. Karenga wrote
what I call, the mission statement for Kwanzaa fanatics: "The
sevenfold path of blackness is think black, talk black, act black,
create black, buy black, vote black, and live black." That is black
separatism and racism to the core. Let me suggest it should be "Think
American, talk American, act American, create American, buy American,
vote American and live American."

While some of the "seven principles" (unity, self determination,
collective work and responsibility, cooperative economics, purpose,
creativity, and faith) of Kwanzaa seem commendable, they must be read
within the total socialist, Marxist, and anti-white context in which
they were developed by a very unstable guy.

The Kwanzaa Information Center also notes that the Kwanzaa flag "has
become the symbol of devotion for African people in America to
establish an independent African nation on the North American Continent."

Remember during the 1960s, President John Kennedy was assassinated
followed by his brother Bobby and Martin Luther King. Hippies were
protesting the Vietnam War and many burned their draft cards and fled
to Canada. Timothy Leary convinced thousands of youth to use illegal
drugs (especially LSD) using the phrase,"Turn on, tune in, drop out."
When he dropped out and assumed room temperature, his remains were
cremated and shot into space where they still orbit the earth. Leary
is still going around and around and around without the help of any drug!

The 1964 Civil Rights Act was passed giving Blacks the right to jobs,
college enrollment, access to public restrooms, etc., and many Blacks
overreacted and promoted "Black Power." Some black leaders like
Malcolm X were intent on the eventual creation of a separate black
American nation in the U.S. or Western hemisphere. He and other
leaders wanted black independence and freedom from dependence upon Whites.

The Black Panther Party was formed in Oakland, CA by Huey Newton and
Bobby Seale in 1966 to protect blacks and black neighborhoods from
"police brutality." However, those lofty goals changed with time.
While the party was always socialist, it became more vicious and
violent. They and other black groups spewed bigotry, intolerance,
hatred, sexism, anti-Semitism, dogmatic historical revisionism, and
violence throughout North America. Many black nationalists
exemplified more hatred for whites than love of their own race. Most
Black Nationalist leaders were critical of Martin Luther King's
professed nonviolent approach to civil rights and sarcastically
called him, "De Lawd."

Into such an atmosphere, entered Ron Karenga, founder of United
Slaves (a violent nationalist rival to the Black Panthers) and a dupe
of the FBI. The tension between the Black Panthers and the United
Slaves reached the highest level over who would head up the new
Afro-American Studies department at UCLA. Each radical group
supported different candidates.

Then on January 17, 1969, fewer than 200 students gathered on the
UCLA campus to discuss their differences. During the meeting John
Jerome Huggins and Alprentice Carter of the Panthers verbally
attacked Karenga, much to the dismay of his followers. After the
meeting two United Slave members, George and Larry Stiner, confronted
Huggins and Carter in a hallway and shot and killed them. The fat was
in the fire.

George and Larry finally were sentenced to life in San Quentin prison
but in 1975, the two brothers, fearing an alleged retaliatory plot by
white prison guards, escaped from San Quentin (with help from a black
prison guard) and fled to Suriname. In 1994, Larry turned himself in
to United States officials and returned to America but the
whereabouts of George is still unknown.

On September 17, 1971, Ron Karenga was sentenced one to ten years to
the slammer on counts of felonious assault and false imprisonment.
The charges stemmed from a May 9, 1970 incident in which Karenga and
two others tortured two women. According to the Los Angeles Times
"Deborah Jones, who once was given the title of an African queen,
said she and Gail Davis were whipped with an electrical cord and
beaten with a karate baton after being ordered to remove their
clothes. She testified that a hot soldering iron was placed in Miss
Davis' mouth."

At his trial, Ron Karenga's sanity was in question and a psychiatrist
declared, "This man now represents a picture which can be considered
both paranoid and schizophrenic with hallucinations and elusions,
inappropriate affect, disorganization, and impaired contact with the
environment." The psychiatrist observed that Karenga talked to his
blanket and imaginary persons and believed that he had been attacked
by dive-bombers! My two-year-old grandson also talks to his blanket,
has imaginary friends, and believes he has been attacked by
peg-legged, one-eyed Caribbean pirates but he has not been offered a
position at a major university as was Karenga! Eight years later
California State University at Long Beach made Karenga the head of
its Black Studies Department! I think he should be making license
plates in a state prison.

Blacks can celebrate whatever they choose but I will remind them that
if it is Kwanzaa, they recognize a "holiday" that was designed by a
hateful, bigoted, black Marxist who reportedly talks to his blanket,
has imaginary friends and believed he was attacked by dive-bombers!
Watch out, they're coming out of the clouds at the two o'clock position!

Maybe Blacks and Whites should be more careful in choosing their
holidays and their heroes.
--

(Dr. Don Boys is a former member of the Indiana House of
Representatives, author of 13 books, frequent guest on television and
radio talk shows, and wrote columns for USA Today for 8 years. His
most recent book is ISLAM: America's Trojan Horse! These columns go
to over 11,000 newspapers, television, and radio stations. His web
sites are www.cstnews.com and www.Muslimfact.com.)

Don Boys, Ph.D.
International Director
Common Sense for Today
Ringgold, GA
Phone : 706-965-5930
Fax : 706-965-5930

.

OBIT: Rabbi Arnold Jacob Wolf 1924-2008

Rabbi Arnold Jacob Wolf 1924-2008

Rabbi Arnold Jacob Wolf, 1924-2008: Led 2 prominent Reform Jewish congregations

http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/chi-hed-arnold-wolf-25-dec25,0,7051656.story

He mixed respect and deep knowledge of Jewish tradition with a
willingness to ask questions

By Trevor Jensen | Tribune reporter
December 25, 2008

Rabbi Arnold Jacob Wolf, a provocative and influential leader of
Reform Judaism, blended probing scholarship with a profound
commitment to social justice while leading two prominent Chicago-area
congregations.

Rabbi Wolf, 84, died Tuesday, Dec. 23, in the University of Chicago
Hospitals, apparently of a heart attack, said his son Jonathan.

He led KAM Isaiah Israel Congregation in Kenwood, the city's oldest
Jewish congregation, from 1980 to 2000. In 1957 he helped launch
Congregation Solel in Highland Park, where he remained until 1972.

At both temples, he mixed respect and deep knowledge of Jewish
tradition with a willingness to ask questions, try new things and
expose his congregation to an eclectic collection of guest speakers.
At Congregation Solel, those included Rev. Martin Luther King and
defendants in the Chicago 7 conspiracy trial.

"Solel is not just a footnote, it was a ground-breaking
congregation," said Rabbi Ira Youdovin, former executive vice
president of the Chicago Board of Rabbis.

Rabbi Wolf instituted practices then unheard of, now more common,
such as letting his congregation write its own prayer book and make
decisions previously reserved for the rabbi, Youdovin said.
Membership was capped at 400 and bar mitzvahs were banned.

"It was a lay-led congregation," said Allen "Bud" Levis, a founding
member and the congregation's third president. "He was really a
believer in what was true Judaism. It wasn't just the ceremony, the
ritual, it was the interpretation."

Secular issues were fair game for temple talks, and through the 1960s
Rabbi Wolf marched in Selma, Ala., for civil rights and traveled to
Washington to protest the Vietnam War.

"The core teaching of Torah for him had to do with justice, and one
sometimes had to speak about that in ways that people didn't care to
hear," said Rabbi Laurence Edwards, who grew up in Congregation Solel
and now serves Congregation Or Chadash in Edgewater. "He was unfazed
by criticism. He said what he thought."

After leaving Congregation Solel, Rabbi Wolf spent eight years as
Jewish chaplain and Hillel director at Yale University, where he
found an activist compatriot in Rev. William Sloane Coffin, the
school's chaplain.

Returning to Chicago and joining KAM Isaiah Israel, his most recent
political activity was his support for President-elect Barack Obama,
whose home is across the street from the congregation's synagogue.

Rabbi Wolf grew up in Lakeview and as a boy was an actor with the
Mutual Radio Network. His mother was a social worker, and his father,
a tailor, died when he was 7. He was greatly influenced by his uncle
and great-uncle, both rabbis. He graduated from Lake View High School.

"He knew from a young age he wanted to be a rabbi," his son Benjamin said.

He received a two-year associate's degree from the University of
Chicago, then a bachelor's degree in philosophy from the University
of Cincinnati. He completed rabbinical studies at Hebrew Union
College in Cincinnati and was ordained in 1948.

After a stint as an assistant to his uncle, Rabbi Felix Levy, at
Temple Emanuel in Chicago, he served as a Navy chaplain in Japan
during the Korean War. A near crash in a seaplane that landed safely
in the water was a life-altering experience, he told the Tribune last year.

Like many Reform Jews, Rabbi Wolf did not receive his bar mitzvah at
13. Instead, he went through the ceremonial ritual at 83, 13 years
after passing the Biblical life span of "three score and 10."

"My father would say, 'Life starts at 70,' " Jonathan said.

Rabbi Wolf's first two marriages ended in divorce.

In addition to his sons, he is survived by his wife, Grace;
stepchildren Sara Berger, Justine Henning, Sarah-Anne Schumann and
Dara Henning; and 10 grandchildren.

Services are set for 10 a.m. Friday in KAM Isaiah Israel, 1100 E.
Hyde Park Blvd.
--

Tribune reporter Deanease Williams-Harris contributed to this report.

tjensen@tribune.com

.

1968 [Pinoy Kasi]

Pinoy Kasi

1968

http://opinion.inquirer.net/inquireropinion/columns/view/20081226-179987/1968

By Michael Tan
Philippine Daily Inquirer
12/26/2008

The title hints at the surprise I have for you: my two year-ender
columns will revolve around 1968. That's because the entire 2008 has
been marked by a mild, but quite visible "1968 fever," mainly in the
United States and Europe, with practically nothing done in local
media despite the importance of the events of that year.

Newsweek's cover story for its Nov. 19, 1968 issue called it "the
year that made us who we are," paraphrased many times over by other
writers as "the year that defined America." BBC (British Broadcasting
Corp.), which did a four-part radio documentary and set up special
web pages to commemorate the year, said it was the "year that changed
the world."

I am going to describe, in broad strokes, what happened in 1968, but
more importantly, I want to share the different insights that have
come from social scientists trying to explain why so much happened in
that year, and what lessons it offers us for the future. Much of what
has been written about the year focuses on developments in the West,
so I thought of writing as well about the Philippines in 1968, not
quite as tumultuous as many parts of the world but significant in its
own right.

Baby boom

I have a personal interest in 1968 because the main characters in the
multinational drama that played out were mainly from my generation.
This was the baby boom generation born in the years after World War
II. "Peace time" meant a spike in the number of births and by 1968,
the baby boomers had come of age (more or less, in their early 20s)
or were coming of age (as in my case being, smile, younger adolescents).

A Cold War was still simmering between capitalist and communist
countries, fought out in many violent proxy wars, the most visible of
which was Vietnam. But it was also a period of relative peace, and of
growing prosperity. Throughout much of the developed world, and some
developing countries, life was much better than it had been during
the era before the War, so it seemed unthinkable that the young would
have asked for anything more, other than supporting the status quo.

But the baby boomers were restless because not all was well on the
social front. In the United States, blacks were winning many battles
for civil rights. Just a year earlier, the US Supreme Court finally
declared as unconstitutional the bans in several states on
interracial marriages. But people were restless, seeing the changes
as too little, too slowly.

In April 1968, the black civil rights leader Martin Luther King was
assassinated, sparking nationwide protest actions not just among
blacks but also among white Americans, especially the young baby
boomers. The Vietnam War (called, incidentally, the American War in
Vietnam) had claimed almost 16,000 American lives by the end of 1967,
and because the young were the ones being drafted to serve in
Vietnam, it was their generation that was strongest in opposing the war.

Serious doubts about winning the war were being raised. The year 1968
had started with disturbing news from Vietnam: the Tet (Vietnamese
New Year) offensive that included an attack on the US Embassy in
Saigon. Vietnam was beginning to disturb American consciences. About
the middle of 1968, the mass media began to talk about My Lai, a
small hamlet in Vietnam where American soldiers had killed some 500
unarmed civilians. Beatings and rapes were reported as well.

Support for black civil rights, an end to the Vietnam War­these
issues converged with other more youth-specific issues. It was also
an election year in the United States, and young Americans began to
question the agendas of both the Democrats and Republicans. The
Democratic convention in August 1968 ended in violent encounters
between police and young Americans.

The turbulence wasn't limited to America's baby boomers. In England,
France, Germany, Spain and Italy, as well as in several Latin
American countries and normally staid Japan, students practically
closed down universities with their protest actions.

There was, too, the Prague Spring in Czechoslovakia, then a part of
the Soviet bloc. Students came out in support of Alexander Dubcek,
who wanted to build "socialism with a human face" and called for more
civil rights. The Soviets put a quick end to these demands by invading Prague.

All over the world, students protested American involvement in
Vietnam, but the issues often took a local flavor as well. In Japan
the protests were directed against US military bases and the building
of Narita airport. In Spain, student protests were sparked off by a
Mass held in Madrid for Hitler. In Brazil, students protested against
the military dictatorship.

Change

It was a violent year. Besides Martin Luther King, Robert Kennedy,
who was among the leading Democratic candidates for president, was
assassinated weeks before the party convention. Student protests were
often dispersed violently.

In Mexico City, where government was worried about public image
because they were hosting that year's Olympics, soldiers and
civilians clashed during a rally on Oct. 2. To this day, no one knows
the number of fatalities except that there were "many."

I have not come across any historian who dismisses 1968's events as
senseless examples of youthful impulsiveness. The young did shake up
their own generation, as well as older people, about politics and
culture, about the status quo and about change.

The civil rights movement in the United States inspired other groups,
notably the "women's libbers," with their strategies. But the civil
rights movement itself began to change. "Black power" emerged,
epitomized by the boxer Cassius Clay converting to Islam and renaming
himself Muhammad Ali. Blacks questioned old approaches of integration
and assimilation and the idea of the United States as a "melting
pot." Ethnic pride became a new goal for younger blacks, and
eventually influenced Hispanics, Asians, and even "white" ethnic
groups (e.g., the Irish, Poles) who could see themselves as
hyphenated Americans with their own culture, and rights.

The year produced mixed results. Richard Nixon won the US
presidential elections, showing the power of a silent, still
conservative majority. That year, too, 14,589 US servicemen died in
Vietnam, the highest number during the entire Vietnam War. The war
would drag on another seven years.

Outside of the United States, students were raising questions about
authoritarian rule, questions that were to become even more pressing
in the 1970s as more countries, including the Philippines, came under
dictatorships. American historian Bruce Schulman aptly describes 1968
as the "first year of the 1970s."

There was more to all this than a baby-boom generation, and that is
what I will tackle next Wednesday, together with a look at the
Philippines in 1968, before we return to 2008.
--

Email: mtan@inquirer.com.ph

.

OBIT: Adrian Mitchell

'Adrian was a genius. He was a tender, political poet who never compromised'

http://www.thecnj.co.uk/camden/2008/122308/news122308_09.html

Leading lights of the literary world pay tribute to poet and
playwright Adrian Mitchell

by DAN CARRIER
23 December 2008

FRIENDS of the poet Adrian Mitchell, who has died aged 76, have
spoken of his immense contribution to the two passions of his life:
the peace movement and the spoken word. The poet and playwright
passed away on Saturday night.
Children's Laureate Michael Rosen first saw Adrian perform his poem
To Whom It May Concern at a massive anti-Vietnam war demonstration in
Trafalgar Square in the early 1960s and became a life long friend of Adrian's.
Mr Rosen said: "Adrian was a socialist and a pacifist who believed,
like William Blake, that everything human was 'holy'. That is to say
he celebrated a love of life with the same fervour that he attacked
those who crushed life.
"He would point out how society crushes the inventiveness and play in
children, and he created poetry for children that is full of
wordplay, mystery, absurdity and music.
"There are more than 50 years of revolutionary literature that he has
given us. He has sung, chanted, whispered and shouted his poems in
every kind of place imaginable, urging us to love our lives, love our
minds and bodies and to fight against tyranny, oppression and exploitation."
Kentish Town based poet Jehane Markham first met Adrian when she was
15 and performed at many readings with him.
Ms Markham remembered how he articulated political views in
brilliant, memorable prose. She said: "He was always himself. He
never compromised his views. He was the first radical poet I had ever
heard. He put his money where his mouth is. He never deviated. He was
never part of a fashionable in-crowd. He was very much his own man."
She added that his genius in writing for children came from his own
innate sense of mischief and fun.
She added: "He was naturally anti-authoritarian, a natural anarchist.
He had a child's spirit. It is beyond me to put his genius into
words. He was a tender poet, yet political."
Playwright Sir Arnold Wesker recalled running into Adrian at shows and parties.
He had performed at Sir Arnold's Centre 42 at the Roundhouse, in the
1960s, springing on to the stage like a rock'n' roll front man.
Sir Arnold said: "His death has come as a great shock – it just seems
so wrong. It really takes something away from the period."
Actor Roger Lloyd-Pack worked with Adrian at the children's theatre
company Wonderful Beast. He said: "Adrian had a spark about him. It
is a very sad loss."
In the last years of his life, Adrian did not slow down in expressing
fierce anger at the stupidity of war. He travelled to the Faslane
nuclear base in Scotland in 2006 to demonstrate against the Trident
missile programme. He was arrested for taking part in non-violent
direct action to disrupt the convoys going into the base. He recalled
spending a night in the cells and being treated kindly by the
Scottish officers who took him in.
He told the New Journal: "They didn't want to charge me with anything
– they thought it was too much bother and I'd get the publicity of
being in a magistrates' court.
"They thought a night in a police station might inconvenience me a
little bit. But they made me endless cups if tea and made sure I was
warm and comfortable, so I wasn't inconvenienced at all."
Adrian had been suffering from pneumonia through the autumn, although
he seemed to be bearing up well – he was occasionally spotted walking
on the Heath, albeit at a slower pace than usual, with his golden
retriever Daisy, "The Dog of Peace" as she was dubbed in his
children's book of poetry called the Zoo of Dreams.
Adrian lived near the Heath for much of his life and was born in
Parliament Hill in 1932. His father, Jock, was a chemist and Adrian
showed early promise, writing his first play aged just nine. He did
his national service in the RAF and his experiences in the forces
confirmed his anti-militarism.
He studied at Oxford and then became a journalist, moving back to
London to work on the Evening Standard. He worked on the Sunday
Times, but fell out of favour for reviewing Peter Watkins
anti-nuclear film The War Game, which had been banned.
Reporting on the arts, he began writing poetry, novels and plays from
the mid-1960s onwards.
Adrian was a British beat poet – his love of jazz influenced him in
his writing, and he was aware of the importance of the rhythm of the
language he used, writing of the trumpeter Charlie Parker: "He
breathed in air/He breathed out light/ Charlie Parker was my delight."
His back catalogue includes an adaptation of The Lion, The Witch and
the Wardrobe for the RSC and a Beatrix Potter trilogy for the Unicorn
Theatre. Other works included a play about William Blake, Tyger for
the National Theatre. His version of Pushkin's Boris Godunov is due
to be performed by the RSC next year.
Always willing to give time to the peace movement – the windows of
his house in Dartmouth Park are still festooned with 1960s-style CND
signs – he helped write and produce an open air show for the
Woodcraft Folk in a field in Kent.
Adrian leaves his wife, the actress Celia Hewitt to who he was
married for 47 years, their two daughters, as well as two sons and a
daughter from his first marriage.

My Literary Career So Far
(Adrian Mitchell's last poem, written on Thursday evening)

As I prowled through Parentheses
I met an Robin and a Owl
My Grammarboots they thrilled like bees
My Vowelhat did gladly growl
Tis my delight each Friedegg Night
To chomp a Verbal Sandwich
Scots Consonants light up my Pants
And marinade my Heart in Language
Alphabet Soup was all my joy!
From Dreadfast up to Winnertime
I swam, a naked Pushkinboy
Up wodka vaterfalls of rhyme
And reached the summit of Blue Howl
To find a shining Suit of Words
And joined an Robin and a Owl
In good Duke Ellington's Band of Birds

.

Hitchcock estate home to rare scientific finds

Hitchcock estate home to rare scientific finds

http://www.zwire.com/site/news.cfm?newsid=20226776&BRD=1705&PAG=461&dept_id=71853&rfi=6

By: Janine Stankus, Staff Reporter
12/26/2008

The 1,950-acre Hitchcock Estate located off of Route 44 in Millbrook
has long been the center of local lore, according to Carmine Di
Arpino, author of "A History of the Town of Washington and Millbrook."

"There seems to be no end to the number of myths and legends mingled
with scraps of facts that have been spun about the estate and its
creator," he writes.

The property was purchased in 1889 by Charles F. Dieterich who dubbed
the estate "Daheim," which in German means "the home place."
According to Di Arpino, Dietrich tried to create a "castle-world" on
the property, reminiscent of his German homeland. The gatehouse
entrance at exemplifies this concept. He also began constructing an
actual castle on the estate, but later turned the uncompleted project
into a cow barn.

Upon Dieterich's death, the estate was sold off to various parties
and ended up in the hands of the Hitchcock family, who are the owners
to this day.

The estate became famously connected with Timothy Leary, who lived in
the main house on the property for several years in the 1960s. The
ex-Harvard professor had befriended some of the Hitchcock sons and is
alleged to have conducted some of his infamous experiments with
psychedelic drugs there.

The history of this estate is fascinating and its structures are
unique and impressive. The site is probably most widely known for its
Leary connection. However, when Hudsonia scientists were permitted
access to the property, they found something else to be excited about: a pond.

In February 2003, the nonprofit environmental research organization
began a habitat mapping project which focused on the Town of
Washington. The endeavor received the enthusiastic support of the
Town of Washington Town Board, Planning Board, and Conservation
Advisory Commission. It was funded by contributions from the Dyson
Foundation, Millbrook Tribute Garden, and many local landowners.

Hudsonia representatives Jenny Tollefson and Gretchen Stevens led
field studies for this project. The scientific team was granted rare
access to the Hitchcock estate, which encompasses a large portion of
undeveloped land.

According to local resident and grant writer Mike Haggerty, Stevens
was "very excited" about discovery of Round Pond on the site. In the
Hudsonia report, entitled "Significant Habitats of the Town of
Washington," Round Pond is designated as an ecologically significant
wetland habitat. The pond is identified as the only example of a
"circumneutral bog lake" in the Town of Washington.

A circumneutral bog lake is defined in the report as a "spring fed
calcareous body of water that commonly supports the vegetation of
both acidic bogs and calcareous marshes." These unique bodies of
water are rare in the Hudson Valley and support many species of
uncommon plants and animals.

Right now, the lake lies placid and partially frozen and surrounding
woods are covered in snow. In October of 2003, however, Stevens had
discovered a wealth of interesting plant and animal life on the site.

According to the Hudsonia report, approximately 75% of the lake was
covered with floating-leaved vegetation including white and yellow
pond lilies, as well as several species of pond weed, both floating
and submerged. Along its banks, meadowsweet, cattail, purple
loosestrife, lakeside sedge, tussock sedge, sensitive fern, cinnamon
fern, skunk cabbage, marsh fern, and marsh St. Johnswort formed an
eclectic fringe of brush.

Stevens also spotted over 15 great blue herons, at least 16 wood
ducks, and had previously observed the presence of green frogs and wood frogs.

Though not sighted during the study, circumneutral bog lakes are also
the known to be the habitats several other species, including the
blue-spotted salamander, the four-toed salamander, the Blanding's
Turtle, the bog turtle, the marsh wren, and the river otter, among others.

Round Pond is safely sequestered for now, its closest developed
neighbors being Bangall Road, about 650 feet to the east, Valley Farm
Road about 3,000 feet to the west, and the Shunpike, about 1300 feet
to the north. However, Hudsonia warns that this significant habitat
is extremely sensitive to change in surface and groundwater chemistry
as well as flow, and could be adversely affected by changes in the
watershed, application of pesticides, altered drainage, dredging, or
mechanical disturbance of the lake.

Special attention, state the scientists, should be paid to
contamination of surface or groundwater entering the pond. Haggerty
noted that the presence of hunters or ATV riders near the pond could
compromise this natural habitat.

"Overall," states the Hudsonia report, "the town has a rural
character with extensive open space." According to Haggerty, the Town
of Washington has the most land easements in Dutchess County. Though
the Hitchcock Estate has remained private property for over a century
and development does not seem imminent, Haggerty suggested the
benefits of the owners seeking an easement on Round Pond.

"This whole place could be a subdivision," he said. An easement, he
noted, is considered a land donation and often results in tax
reductions for the owner.

The mysterious Hitchcock Estate houses many hidden treasures.
Visitors granted access would be privileged to spot the massive
Victorian style gate house, the elegant guest house known as "The
Bungalow," the small-scale bowling alley, or the burned down cattle
barns that are the only remnants of Dieterich's castle-topia.

Less obvious are the natural gems that are scattered throughout the
site, Round Pond being prominent among them. In its valiant quest to
support biodiversity in the Hudson Valley, Hudsonia promotes the
protection of this unique habitat. "This excellent landscape context
presents a tremendous opportunity for conservation," the report states.

Hudsonia has provided owners of this and other properties in the Town
of Washington with a new context for looking at their land. It has
developed a basis for better land use planning and decision making in
the future that promotes minimal disruption of the ever-sensitive ecosystem.

.

R. D Laing’s life becomes a movie

R. D Laing's life becomes a movie

http://www.thefirstpost.co.uk/people,1796,r-d-laings-life-becomes-a-movie,66063

[December 2008]

The life of R D Laing, the celebrity psychiatrist, is to be made into
a film. Laing, who was born in Scotland but based himself in London
during his 1960s and 70s heyday, was considered to be Britain's
answer to the US psychedelic guru Timothy Leary and at the height of
his fame attracted the support of the Beatles, Jim Morrison, Sylvia
Plath and Ted Hughes. However, by the time of his death from a heart
attack in 1989, many of his progressive theories had been discredited.

Robert Carlyle, star of The Full Monty and Trainspotting, is said to
be in talks to play Laing (pictured). Brought up in the type of
environment Laing endorsed, a hippie commune, the actor is a
long-time admirer of the shrink's ideas, which involved searching for
the roots of mental illness in the stresses within the family and
other close relationships.

Much of the movie will be centred on Laing's work at Kingsley Hall in
east London, where he devoted himself to a radical experiment in
which mentally ill patients and their doctors lived together.
However, it seems likely that the film will also focus on some of his
more famous patients.

Among these were the young Sean Connery, who at the time was
struggling to come to terms with his new-found stardom after
appearing as James Bond in the movie Goldfinger. Connery's first wife
Diane Cilento recalled how the actor was persuaded by Laing to take
the powerful and at that time legal hallucinogenic LSD to unleash the
anxieties left from his strict working-class upbringing in Edinburgh.

Taking a smaller dose of the drug, Laing accompanied Connery on the
psychedelic trip. Cilento later described how the meeting came about.
"[Laing] demanded a great deal of money, complete privacy, a limo to
transport him to and from the meeting and a bottle of the best single
malt scotch at each session," she said.

The producer of the film, Bob Mullan, who wrote a recent biography of
Laing, said that Hayley Atwell, who recently starred alongside Keira
Knightley in The Duchess, has been approached to play Laing's second
wife, Jutta.

.

Creepy OLPC ad brings Lennon back from grave

Creepy OLPC ad brings Lennon back from grave

http://www.techradar.com/news/computing/creepy-olpc-ad-brings-lennon-back-from-grave-497337

"Imagine every child… could access a universe of knowledge," says
dead John Lennon

12/29/08
By Adam Hartley

In what is perhaps the strangest tech news of the last week or so,
John Lennon has been digitally brought back from the grave in order
to star in a video advert for the One Laptop Per Child initiative.

28 years after he was brutally murdered in cold blood outside his
apartment building in New York, everybody's favourite hippy Beatle
pops up on YouTube to tell us all about the joys of giving cheap,
solar-powered computers to the world's poor.

"Imagine every child, no matter where in the world they were, could
access a universe of knowledge," Lennon's image is cleverly made to
say in the commercial.

Creepy? Or clever?

It continues, in an increasingly unsettling way, with the dead Beatle
adding: "They would have a chance to learn, to dream, to achieve
anything they want. I tried to do it through my music, but now you
can do it in a very different way."

Lennon's widow, Yoko Ono has apparently given her approval for the commercial.

BoingBoing sums up our feelings about the whole matter rather well,
noting that: "Resurrecting the dead to shill modern products is not
going to catch on. Digitally, it's creepy, and reeks of defilement no
matter how well done."

Check out the ad over on YouTube. Clever p*ss-take or geniune ad?
Make your own mind up.

http://uk.youtube.com/watch?v=4b4GkGMiBDQ

.

Geronimo Pratt case 40 years later

Geronimo Pratt case 40 years later

http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/thedailymirror/2008/12/geronimo-pratt.html

by Larry Harnisch
December 23, 2008

'Lie down and pray'

Gunshots on a Santa Monica tennis court reverberated across legal landscape.

Note: Edward J. Boyer, now retired, covered the Elmer Gerard
"Geronimo" Pratt case for The Times.

By Edward J. Boyer

On a clear, chilly December evening 40 years ago, Kenneth Olsen, head
of the English department at Belmont High School, and his wife,
Caroline, drove to Santa Monica's Lincoln Park tennis courts to meet
another couple for a friendly doubles match.

The courts on Wilshire Boulevard at 7th Street were dark when the
Olsens arrived about 8 p.m. Caroline went to the light meter to
deposit a quarter. When she had trouble getting the meter to work,
Kenneth went to help.

Just as the lights came on, the Olsens noticed two men walking toward
them. As the pair drew closer, Kenneth Olsen realized both men were
carrying pistols.

The men ordered the Olsens to put their hands up.

"We want your bread, man," Kenneth Olsen remembered one saying. "Give
us your money. Where is it?"

He directed the robbers to his tennis bag and his wife's purse. They
ordered the couple to the ground and started to leave.

Suddenly, they turned and opened fire.

Kenneth Olsen survived the fusillade; his wife did not. And those
shots fired on Dec. 18, 1968, reverberated across Los Angeles' legal
landscape for nearly three decades.

Just over three years later, former Black Panther Party leader Elmer
Gerard "Geronimo" Pratt was sent to prison for the robbery and
murder. Pratt had maintained at his trial that he was in Oakland, 341
miles away, attending Black Panther Party meetings when Caroline
Olsen was killed.

Even by the standards of those turbulent times, it was a crime
remarkable for its chillingly random and wanton character.

Describing the shooting at Pratt's trial, Kenneth Olsen said: "It
came as a complete surprise to me that they actually fired. I didn't
think they would."

He was hit five times--in the forehead and right hand, little finger,
forearm and hip. Caroline Olsen was struck in the back and hip.

Olsen, then 31, checked on his wife as blood poured out of the wound
in his forehead.

"Are you OK? Can you move?" he asked his wife.

She could not. And there was no one else around.

"I realized I had to get help for her and that I wouldn't last too
long the way blood was flowing," Olsen testified.

He stumbled across Wilshire, barely avoiding an oncoming car, and
made his way into the Broken Drum restaurant, where a waitress called for help.

Caroline Olsen, 27, a teacher at Stoner Avenue Elementary School,
died later from her wounds.
The thugs who murdered her netted about $18.

Santa Monica police made little headway in their investigation of the
coldblooded assault on the Olsens. But events within the Black
Panther Party and efforts by a secret FBI counterintelligence program
called COINTELPRO intersected in 1969 to change that. Pratt was
convicted in what his defenders still call one of the most overtly
political trials in Los Angeles' history.

A month after Caroline Olsen's murder, Panthers in Los Angeles
themselves were left reeling by violence. Their charismatic leader,
Alprentice "Bunchy" Carter, and his close aide, John Huggins, were
killed Jan. 17, 1969 in a shootout on the UCLA campus.

Carter's death left a void, and Julius C. "Julio" Butler, a
35-year-old former Los Angeles County sheriff's deputy turned
Panther, saw himself as Carter's logical successor. But party leaders
in Oakland tapped Pratt, 20, a decorated Vietnam veteran, who had
been a Panther for only about four months.

A bitter rivalry developed between Pratt and Butler. Pratt and other
Panthers accused Butler of being a police informant, while Butler
accused them of threatening his life.

By May 1969, Butler had begun talking to the FBI. On Aug. 5, he was
expelled from the party, according to former Panthers and FBI
documents obtained after Pratt's conviction. He says he quit.

Five days later, he gave a letter to Los Angeles Police Sgt. DuWayne
Rice, naming Pratt as Caroline Olsen's killer.

Butler had written on the outside of the sealed envelope that it
should only be opened in the event of his death. He called it his
"insurance letter," and prosecutors at Pratt's trial argued that
Butler never intended for it to be made public, likening the
envelope's contents to a deathbed declaration.

Information disclosed after Pratt's conviction, however, revealed
that Butler's insurance letter was anything but a secret. FBI agents
approached Rice on the street immediately after Butler gave him the
sealed envelope. They demanded that the sergeant turn it over and
referred to it as "evidence."

Rice refused, but later recalled that he wondered how the agents knew
the envelope contained a letter since it was sealed, and how could
they have known it was evidence.
More than a year later, in October 1970, Butler gave Rice permission
to give the letter to his LAPD superiors. Butler explained to Rice
that the FBI was "jamming" him and that he had told agents about the letter.

Butler's letter said Pratt had told him of a "mission" he was about
to undertake on the night the Olsens were shot. The next day, Butler
said, he pointed to a front-page story in The Times about the robbery
and shooting. Pratt, Butler said, indicated that was the mission he
had spoken of. Pratt's defenders have always dismissed as ludicrous
Butler's contention that Pratt, who was extremely suspicious of
Butler, would have confessed to him.

Butler's letter became the tool prosecutors needed in December 1970
to convince a grand jury to indict Pratt for Caroline Olsen's murder.
The LAPD's Criminal Conspiracy Section had taken over the
investigation from Santa Monica police. Pratt, who was being held on
other charges, would be tried in June 1972.

Butler's letter also implicated a "Tyrone," and police arrested
William Tyrone Hutchinson in 1970. In a sworn statement given in 1991
to investigators working on Pratt's behalf, Hutchinson said he told
police in 1970 that two men, Larry Hatter and Herbert Swilley, had
bragged at a Panther office about being present at the tennis court
when the Olsens were attacked.

Hutchinson said he had known Swilley and Hatter since childhood and
knew them to be Butler's friends. Officers told him not to discuss
what he heard Swilley and Hatter say, if he knew what was good for
him, Hutchinson said.

Explaining why he had not come forward with the information earlier,
Hutchinson said he took the officers' comments "to be a threat on my
life, and I still do."

Pratt's defenders maintain that LAPD investigators did not pursue
evidence pointing to other suspects because their primary objective
was to "neutralize" Pratt and cripple the Panthers.
Friends of Swilley and Hatter have described both as heroin addicts
who committed robberies to pay for drugs. Swilley was also known as a
particularly violent killer. He was shot to death in 1972 during an argument.

Hatter was found dead in 1978 on the Pacific Tennis Court grounds in
Santa Monica. He apparently fell while attempting to enter or leave a
building during a burglary, impaling his skull on a fence.

The key evidence against Pratt consisted of Butler's testimony that
he had obliquely confessed the crime, Kenneth Olsen's eyewitness
testimony, ballistics tests from a .45-caliber pistol and the car
allegedly used in the robbery/murder.

Although Butler denied on the witness stand that he had ever been a
police informant, FBI files released after Pratt's conviction showed
that Butler had been providing information on the Panthers to the
bureau for three years before the trial.

Kenneth Olsen identified Pratt as one of the men who committed the
murder. He told the Pratt jury that "one of the most distinguishing
things about Mr. Pratt is his intensive eyes," calling them "very
piercing and very penetrating."

Neither the jury nor Pratt's lawyers knew at the time that Olsen
earlier had identified another suspect as his wife's killer. The
public defender who had represented that suspect recalled after
Pratt's conviction that Olsen had said after that earlier
identification: "The voice did it."
In fact, the first man Olsen identified as the assailant had been in
jail the night the couple was attacked.

Had the jury known about Olsen's earlier identification, "I think
that alone would have changed our mind," said Jeanne Hamilton, a
juror at Pratt's 1972 trial.

LAPD criminalist DeWayne Wolfer testified at Pratt's trial that
firing pin marks on shell casings found on the tennis court matched
those on shells fired from a .45-caliber pistol seized from a Panther
house. In an earlier trial, a California appellate court ruled that
Wolfer had "negligently presented false demonstrative evidence in
support of his ballistics testimony." Another forensic scientist has
characterized Wolfer's testimony as lacking "credibility in the minds
of most forensic scientists."

The only other person to tie Pratt to the .45 was Butler.

The presence of Pratt's car at the murder scene is a point even some
of his defenders acknowledge. A witness saw the gunmen flee in a red
and white Pontiac GTO convertible with out-of-state plates--a
description matching Pratt's 1967 car.

Several witnesses, however, testified that Pratt's car was used not
only by other Panthers, but by any number of people associated with
the party--including Butler on several occasions. Pratt, his
defenders said, had no idea who used his car on the day of the murder
because he was in Oakland, where he had gone earlier in the week.

Pratt always has insisted that he was in Oakland attending Black
Panther Party meetings when the Olsens were attacked. Years later,
retired FBI agent M. Wesley Swearingen said the bureau knew Pratt was
in the Bay Area then because the Panthers were under surveillance and
phones at their party headquarters were tapped.

Pratt's defense presented several witnesses who placed him in Oakland
during the party meetings. But they could not--3 1/2 years
later--specifically place Pratt in the Bay Area on Dec. 18, the day
of the crime.

What turned out to be one of the most damaging pieces of evidence
against Pratt was introduced by the defense. Olsen had described his
assailants as clean shaven, but several other witnesses--including
Butler--said they always had seen Pratt with facial hair.
Pratt's lawyers introduced a Polaroid photograph, supposedly taken
around Christmas 1968, showing Pratt with a goatee, which they argued
he could not have grown in the week after the murder.

"We took the word of Pratt's brother, Chuck Pratt, about this
picture," Johnnie L. Cochran Jr., one of Pratt's attorneys at his
original trial, said. "We didn't consider it really important. We
thought it was clear to everybody that Pratt had a goatee, that he
was not clean shaven as Mr. Olsen said."

But that photo was more important than Pratt's defense team could
have imagined. Prosecutors called a Polaroid representative who
testified that the picture could not have been taken in December
1968, because the film used in the photo was not manufactured until May 1969.
That testimony was devastating. One juror said it made him begin to
question other parts of the defense case. Another said jurors argued
during deliberations that if Pratt had lied about the photo, he could
have lied about other events.

The jury deliberated for 10 days before it returned its guilty verdict.

Pratt, who now uses the name Geronimo ji Jaga, served two years in
Los Angeles County Jail and 25 years in prison--the first eight in
solitary confinement--before Orange County Superior Court Judge
Everett W. Dickey overturned his conviction in 1997 and released him on bail.

The case was moved to Orange County after the entire Los Angeles
Superior Court bench was recused because one of its members, Judge
Richard P. Kalustian, who as a deputy district attorney prosecuted
Pratt, was to be called as a witness.

Dickey, by all accounts a conservative, law enforcement-oriented
judge, publicly branded Butler, the prosecution's key witness, a liar
and ruled that Los Angeles County prosecutors had suppressed evidence
favorable to Pratt's defense.

"The importance of Butler to the prosecution cannot be denied,"
Dickey later wrote in his decision. He noted that Pratt was never a
suspect until police learned the content of Butler's letter, and that
Kalustian "emphasized Butler's importance in argument both to the
trial judge and to the jury."

At Pratt's trial in 1972, Kalustian had summed up just how important
a witness Butler was: "Julio Butler has testified in this court under
oath and to the jury to a confession that Mr. Pratt made to him that
admits all of the elements of the offense. If the jury believes Julio
Butler, Mr. Pratt is guilty. The case is over if they believe that."

Butler had denied under oath that he had ever been an informant for
law enforcement, saying "the connotation (of) informant means a
snitch, and I have never been in the world a snitch."
But in the hearing before Dickey, prosecutors revealed that Butler's
name had turned up in a confidential informant file kept by the Los
Angeles County district attorney's office.

San Francisco attorney Stuart Hanlon, one of Pratt's lawyers, called
the informant card on Butler a "smoking gun," saying the district
attorney's office knew during Pratt's trial that Butler was an informant.

"The fact is that he was an actual informant, and no one said
anything about it in court," Hanlon said. "The informant status of a
main prosecution witness is always reversible error."

Three jurors, including Hamilton, told Jim McCloskey, whose Centurion
Ministries independently investigated Pratt's case, they would never
have convicted Pratt had they known Butler­who went on to become a
lawyer and chairman of the board at Los Angeles' First African
Methodist Episcopal Church--was an informant.

In overturning Pratt's conviction, Dickey ruled that despite Butler's
denials, he had been an FBI informant for at least three years before
the trial. Dickey also ruled that Butler had been an informant for
the LAPD and for the very agency that prosecuted Pratt--the Los
Angeles County district attorney's office.

A detective in the district attorney's office gave Butler $200 to buy
a gun several months before Pratt's trial, Dickey noted, even though
Butler was a convicted felon who could not legally possess a firearm.

Several law enforcement officers knew Butler carried the gun, even
though doing so was a felony punishable by up to 15 years in prison,
Dickey said.

Pratt's defense lawyers, Dickey said, were not given information
needed to show Butler's motive for naming Pratt as Caroline Olsen's
killer. Had Pratt's lawyers known of Butler's activities, they could
have devastated his credibility on cross-examination, the judge said.

After Pratt's release, then-Los Angeles Dist. Atty. Gil Garcetti
appealed Dickey's decision. But one veteran prosecutor said parts of
Garcetti's appeal were difficult for experienced trial attorneys to fathom.

"There appears to be a whole bunch of stuff out there that was not
turned over to the defense that should have been--like guys buying a
guy a gun," he said. "Had this been turned over, would it have
affected the outcome? That question doesn't pass the straight-face test."

Garcetti lost his appeal and Pratt settled a false imprisonment and
civil rights lawsuit against the city of Los Angeles and the FBI for
$4.5 million. Pratt now splits his time between Morgan City, La., his
home town, and east Africa. He has used part of his settlement to
support projects for young people in Morgan City and a community
founded by former Panthers in Tanzania.

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