http://www.inthesetimes.com/article/5203/assassinated_by_the_state/
The federally sanctioned murder of a Black Panther.
By Salim Muwakkil
November 25, 2009
Jeffrey Haas tells a story that many of us have long waited to read.
His book, The Assassination of Fred Hampton: How the FBI and the
Chicago Police Murdered a Black Panther (Lawrence Hill Books,
November), is a much-needed corrective to a badly distorted
mainstream narrative of a key event in the history of the left and
African-American politics of the late '60s. Haas reveals just how
deeply the Nixon Justice Department was involved in the Chicago
police raid on December 4, 1969, that killed Black Panther Party
leaders Fred Hampton and Mark Clark. Hampton headed the Panthers'
Chicago branch and Clark the Peoria, Ill., branch.
It is now clear that Hampton and Clark were victims of a plot hatched
by the FBI and executed by the Cook County State's Attorney and
Chicago police officers. Nonetheless, conventional wisdom portrays
the Panthers as the villains. In 2006, Chicago's City Council, under
pressure from the Fraternal Order of Police, voted down a routine
city ordinance to name the block on which Hampton's murder took place
in his honor.
The accumulation of facts presented in Haas' book portrays Chicago
police as all too willing to violate the constitutional rights of
Panther members and supporters. He reveals the cynical treachery of
State Attorney Edward Hanrahan, whose office planned the raid under
the direction of J. Edgar Hoover's Counterintelligence Program
(COINTELPRO). Haas also provides a damning portrayal of one obstinate
judge's continued attempts to thwart the legal process.
But Haas also offers captivating details that add color and context
to those turbulent times. He evokes the infectious spirit of change
and activism that infused so many idealistic young Americans during
the hallowed '60s. His accounts of growing up Jewish and middle-class
in Atlanta, Ga., help locate the source of his unconventional
political leanings. Haas' grandfather, for example, was an attorney
for Leo Frank, a Jewish factory owner who was lynched in Georgia
after being wrongly accused of murdering a teenage girl. His father
was deeply involved in the civil rights movement in the South. Rep.
John Lewis (D-Ga.), an icon of that movement, wrote the eulogy for
his father's funeral.
Haas' forebears held radical positions for Southern whites, and it
seems Haas was simply following ancestral footsteps when he aligned
himself with the emergent black radical movement of the 1960s.
Although many thought it unusual for an attorney with University of
Chicago credentials to eschew wealth and status to associate with
black radicals, it was a natural move for Haas.
His accounts of the life at the U of C law school, where he met a
"persuasive" Bernardine Dohrn, who would become the leader of the
Weathermen faction of Students for a Democratic Society, evoke a
period infused with political passions. At that time, Dohrn chaired a
group that sent law students to the South for summer jobs with civil
rights lawyers. Haas was sent to his home, Atlanta.
"I had to go to Chicago to take my first steps to confront
segregation where I grew up," he writes. Though easily parodied, the
earnest idealism of those days provoked real change. Haas' volume
reminds us how important naïve and optimistic students were to
toppling barriers of segregation in the South.
Back in Chicago, after passing the bar and while defending suspects
arrested during the violence that erupted following the 1968
assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Haas met a like-minded
attorney named Dennis Cunningham. They formed a friendship and
partnership, and in 1969 they joined with two other lawyers to open
the People's Law Office, which has since gained an international
reputation for conscientiously defending victims of overzealous law
enforcement.
Haas also provides some historical context for the rise of the Black
Panther Party, a group started in 1966 by college students Huey P.
Newton and Bobby Seale to address issues of police brutality in their
hometown of Oakland, Calif. Seale and Newton decided to form an
organization of armed volunteers to confront abusive police officers
directly. At the time, it was still legal to brandish unconcealed
weapons in California.
The idea that African-Americans could physically resist police
mistreatment was very attractive to urban black youth of that era. I
was one of them. And, like me, many had grown weary of watching
nonviolent protesters for civil rights endure humiliating beatings at
the hands of police.
The Black Panther Party's disciplined audacity offered black youth an
alternative that resonated with the militant tenor of the times.
Although the group embraced a quasi-Marxist ideology and
provocatively challenged police authority, it spread like
wildfiremostly in the urban north. Their urgent sense of commitment
to social justice permanently altered the street-gang culture of urban America.
The first Panther office opened in Chicago in November 1968. Fred
Hampton, a charismatic 20-year-old who formerly led the Maywood,
Ill., NAACP youth chapter, was given the leadership role by Bobby
Rush, now an Illinois congressman, but then the Defense Minister of
the Illinois Black Panthers. Haas gives us one of the few accounts of
Hampton's life outside of his connection to the Panthers. Hampton
grew up in Chicago's southern suburbs, the third child of Louisiana
immigrants Francis and Iberia Hampton.
The true strength of this book is Haas' meticulous reconstruction of
the particulars that led to the partial victory (the plaintiffs
received a $1.85 million settlement, although the government admitted
no wrongdoing) and legal vindication of the People's Law Office. He
details how the FBI, the Cook County State's Attorney's office and
the Chicago police conspired to assassinate Fred Hampton and Mark
Clark. He clearly reveals, for example, how COINTELPRO, which sought
to "neutralize" black leaders, provided motivation for the Hampton
murder. The book's exhaustive account of this incident is one of the
few investigations to explore the Hampton assassination. This is odd
because many strands of U.S. history converge at this point. The
FBI's COINTELPRO program, uncovered in 1973 by the Senate Select
Committee on Intelligence, chaired by Idaho Senator Frank Church,
sought to "prevent the rise of a messiah who could unify and
electrify the militant Black Nationalist movement." That FBI
directive helps us understand just how deeply the federal government
feared the Black Panthers and someone like Fred Hampton. A popular
leader with great potential, Hampton embodied the electrifying appeal
of the Black Panther Party among a certain segment of black youth.
In retrospect, it's clear that Hoover's designation of the Panthers
as "the greatest threat to the internal security of the country"
provided law enforcement with a virtual license to kill. What's more,
the reckless bravado of the Panthers often provided police a
convenient pretext.
Haas' important book clarifies how the racial paranoia of an
out-of-touch federal government produced a deceitful policy that
trashed constitutional rights even as it ignored legitimate grievances.
This book should alter the conventional wisdom that the Panthers were
a dangerous threat that the police had to eliminate at all costs.
Haas reveals that the cost was much too high.
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