Sunday, May 31, 2009

Mellow Fellow: Donovan

Mellow Fellow

Donovan brings his hurdy-gurdy sounds to the Central Coast.

http://www.montereycountyweekly.com/archives/2009/2009-May-28/donovan-brings-his-hurdygurdy-sounds-to-the-central-coast/1/@@index

By Adam Joseph
5/28/09

Hippie folk sensation Donovan was the pied piper of the flower
children, and his hits like "Season of the Witch" and "Sunshine
Superman" continue to be potent reminders for baby boomers of those
acid-fueled Sunday afternoons in the park.

Donovan kicks off his "Ritual Groove Tour" ­ named after his
forthcoming album ­ at the Golden State Theatre, 8pm on Friday with a
solo acoustic set followed by an electric set with his band. Keeping
with the counterculture sensibility, he ensures the show will be "a
fragrant evening of music, poetry, colour and aroma."

The Scottish musician began to gain notoriety around the United
Kingdon in 1965 when he was 18 with hits like "Catch The Wind.'' He
was featured in D.A. Pennebaker's 1967 documentary Don't Look Back
about Bob Dylan's 1965 tour of England. In one scene, the mop-headed
pixie plays a sweet rendition of his ballad, "To Sing For You," only
to be trumped by Dylan's mindbending version of "It's All Over Now,
Baby Blue." Game, set and match.

As was the fashion at the time, the British media in England had
dubbed Donovan,"The U.K.'s answer to Bob Dylan" and he was at the
forefront of the folk scene, performing with Joan Baez and Pete Seeger.

Donovan continued to expand his musical style: straddling the folkie
feel of early Dylan and the experimental psychedelia of the Beatles' Revolver.

He fuses acoustic guitar with the pleasant tootles of a clarinet on
"Jennifer Juniper;" on "Hurdy Gurdy Man," he adds a distinct vibrato
to his voice against the backdrop of sitar shrieks.

As a British artist in the '60s, it was only natural that Donovan and
The Beatles would cross creative paths: He contributed lyrics to The
Beatles' "Yellow Submarine," and Paul McCartney sang background
vocals on "Mellow Yellow."

"The ['60s] changed the cultural landscape through ideas and songs
about inner discovery, spiritualism, mediation, yoga, ecology and
feminism. I shared this mission with Dylan and The Beatles, among
others," Donovan told uncut magazine.

After dropping out of the scene for nearly 30 years, Donovan's career
has been revived over the past decade. He's toured worldwide,
released studio albums and, in 2005, his autobiography, The Hurdy
Gurdy Man. The New York Times called the memoir, "… a very strange
book (what else?) that revisits the fertile, trippy '60s… "

Donovan continues to be one of our direct links to the peace-and-love
generation.
--

DONOVAN performs 8pm Friday, at Golden State Theatre, 417 Alvarado
St. 372-3800. $29/$59/$79.

.

Canada's 'Prince of Pot' Vows to Defeat U.S. War on Drugs

Canada's 'Prince of Pot' Vows to Defeat U.S. War on Drugs

http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,522918,00.html

Friday, May 29, 2009

VANCOUVER, British Columbia ­ Psychedelic rock booms through The
Toker's Bowl. Young and some not-so-young people smoke pot through a
variety of devices in the store's Vapour Lounge. And owner Marc Emery
stands in the middle of it all, proclaiming his goal of defeating the
U.S. war on drugs.

Known as the Prince of Pot, Emery has sold millions of marijuana
seeds around the world by mail over the past decade. In doing so, he
has drawn the attention of U.S. drug officials, who want him
extradited to Seattle. Emery has agreed to plead guilty in Seattle to
one count of marijuana distribution in exchange for dismissal of all
other counts, and the U.S. District Attorney is pressing for a
sentence of five to eight years in a U.S. prison.

The case is the latest twist in Emery's two-decade-long fight against
the prohibition of marijuana in North America. To his supporters, he
is a brave crusader for the use and sale of a drug with both
recreational and medicinal value. To drug officials, he is a criminal
and the biggest purveyor of marijuana from Canada into the United States.

Emery sits "right smack in the middle" of the North American debate
over marijuana prohibition, said Allen St. Pierre of the National
Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws in Washington, D.C. St.
Pierre predicted that Emery's trial would "kick-start it all again."

But drug officials say they are simply going after one of the world's
top 50 drug traffickers. U.S. authorities claim Emery's seeds have
grown $2.2 billion worth of pot.

"We've been very clear it had nothing to do with Mr. Emery's
political stand," said Emily Langlie of the U.S. District Attorney's
Office in Seattle.

Emery himself, a two-time candidate for mayor of Vancouver who has
never shied away from publicity, seems almost gleeful about the legal
saga. He calls it the greatest platform he could have in his crusade,
and his Facebook page notes that these days he hums the chorus from
Canadian musician Baron Longfellow's "I'm Going to Need a Miracle
Tonight". He predicted he will be in a U.S. jail by August, and will
then ask supporters to push for his transfer to a Canadian jail.

"I do have millions of supporters in the U.S. and Canada," he said,
unburdened by false modesty. "It's my job as leader of the cannabis
culture to thwart the United States government."
­­­­­­­­­­­­­

Emery, 51, was a teen when he started selling banned pro-marijuana
literature in Vancouver. He did the same in London, Ontario,
including on the steps of a police station, hoping to be arrested and
have his day in court. Returning to Vancouver in 1994, he set out to
start a "hemp revolution business," and opened a store called Hemp
B.C. in the firebombed shell of a Communist bookshop in what is now
known as Pot Block.

He sold marijuana seeds and used the money to fund his campaign
against pot prohibition.

"It rapidly expedited cash flow. No one else in North America was
doing it," he said.

Emery took in up to $2.6 million in seed sales per year. He claims to
have sold more than four million seeds, three-quarters of those to
customers in the U.S.

He says he has been arrested 21 times and jailed 17 times. In 2004,
he was convicted in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan for passing a joint, and
spent three months behind bars.

In Vancouver, however, he says police have for years chosen to ignore
his business. He claims federal Canadian officials have even
suggested people contact him to buy seeds for medical marijuana.
Furthermore, Emery says, he has paid almost $500,000 in Canadian
income tax since 1999. He says his seed sales funded half the
activities of the pro-marijuana movement in Canada between 1995 and
2005, and up to 10 percent of the U.S. movement.

The marijuana debate is still wending its way through communities and
courts in the United States. Federal law prohibits the possession of
marijuana, even for medicinal purposes. However, the states have
different laws and penalties.

In Canada, cultivation is illegal except for medical use, and a
campaign to legalize it is under way nationwide.

However, Prime Minister Stephen Harper takes a tough stance and wants
mandatory minimum jail sentences for dealers and growers. And Emery
is having trouble getting the City of Vancouver to re-licence his
stores, which include The Toker's Bowl, a cafe, a convenience store
and the studios for Pot TV. Vancouver is suffering a string of
killings over cocaine from Mexico, sometimes bartered for homegrown marijuana.
­­­­­­­­­­­

Emery's latest brush with the law began on July 29, 2005, when
Canadian and American drug enforcement officers nabbed him along with
two employees of Emery Seeds ­ Michelle Rainey and Gregory Keith Williams.

Emery was arrested in Lawrencetown, Nova Scotia, and was returned to
Canada's West Coast by U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration agents.
Police raided Emery's Vancouver store, which doubles as the
headquarters for the British Columbia Marijuana Party he leads.

It was the culmination of an 18-month investigation by American
authorities. The DEA said at the time that Emery's business and his
Cannabis Culture magazine generated $5 million a year to bolster his
trafficking efforts.

"He's a drug trafficker, plain and simple," said the DEA's Rodney
Benson in 2006. "Marc Emery is a significant threat to the United States."

The two employees have since pleaded guilty in U.S. District Court in
Seattle to conspiracy to manufacture marijuana, law enforcement
officials say. They have entered into a plea agreement and will be
sentenced on July 17. They faced 10 years to life in prison, but
prosecutors agreed to recommend two years' probation, Emery said.

According to a DEA statement, Rainey said in her plea that she sent
seeds and growing instructions to customers at Emery's instruction.
She said 75 percent of the customers were in the U.S.

Williams said he handled the phone orders and the wire transfer
information, and also sold seeds directly to store customers. On
numerous occasions in 2004, Williams sold seeds to an undercover
agent, the DEA release said.

Jason Gratl of the B.C. Civil Liberties Association said Rainey and
Williams were arrested to leverage Emery into surrender, and the
charges against him could have disguised an ulterior motive.

"It appears the proceedings were initiated to quell certain quarters
of the marijuana movement on both sides of the border," Gratl said.

Emery said he was willing to die in a U.S. jail for his cause.

"Dying as a victim of the state's cruelty would really help a person
like me. The way you die is very important," he said. "Martin Luther
King was killed and that's very important to his legacy."

His wife, Jodie, a former provincial Green Party candidate, snorted at this.

"I hate when he talks like that," she interjected. "I think it would
be better if he continued the work he does."

Emery smiled, unrepentant.

"I had a very good reason for selling those seeds," he said. "I
wanted to defeat the U.S. war on drugs."

.

International Times Archive

International Times Archive

http://www.internationaltimes.it/

Too Big To Fail [SF Mime Troupe]

[2 articles]

SF Mime Troupe Returns: "Too Big to Fail"

http://www.beyondchron.org/news/index.php?itemid=6978

by E. "Doc" Smith‚
May. 29‚ 2009

There is nothing quite like kicking off your summer in Dolores Park
with the Tony Award-winning San Francisco Mime Troupe. I don't think
I'll ever forget the hilarious "Obscuristan" of 2007. The SFMT
returns and celebrates its 50th Anniversary season with a song and
dance satire of monumental proportions, TOO BIG TO FAIL. Wilma Bonet
directs Velina Brown (Veronique of the Mounties, Red State), BW
Gonzalez (Seeing Double), Ed Holmes (Seeing Double, Making a
Killing), Lisa Hori-Garcia (GodFellas, Red State), Adrian Mejia (Red
State), and Michael Gene Sullivan (GodFellas, Making a Killing) in
this odyssey through the twists and turns of banking bureaucracy and
international finance. Written by Michael Gene Sullivan and Ellen
Callas, and featuring a live band under the direction of Pat Moran
(music and lyrics), TOO BIG TO FAIL plays July 4 through September 27
(press opening: July 4 at Dolores Park in San Francisco) throughout
the Bay Area in San Francisco, the North Bay, East Bay, South Bay and
Peninsula, and the Central Valley.

Told in the tradition of the West African Griots, this modern day
epic follows Filiji, a man in love with his family, his village, and
most of all, his goat, Bamuso. What more could a man need to be
happy? How about two goats? Three? A flock? Turned down for a loan by
the village micro bank, Filiji, now the self-proclaimed Goat Lord of
Kanabeedomo, borrows from a new lender in town, a small subsidiary of
a much bigger bank in a distant, mystical land called Wall Street.
When the economy takes a sudden turn for the worse, the bank gets
desperate and calls in Filiji's loan.

Housing is down, credit is down, dividends are down, and like any
Ponzi scheme, a constant flow of cash is essential, but where will it
come from? Is it simply enough to let Filiji pay his small debt, or
have the Wall Street big-wigs stumbled upon the latest, greatest
investment bubble to exploit ­ goats? How will Filiji save himself
and his collateral, the beloved Bamuso? Can America be shifted to a
goat economy? How did all of the greed get started, and more
importantly, how the hell can we turn it off?

Founded in 1959, the San Francisco Mime Troupe creates and produces
socially relevant theater; their work is political satire and
anything but silent. Winner of three OBIE awards and a Tony Award for
Excellence in Regional Theatre, the San Francisco Mime Troupe, about
which The New York Times stated, "Anyone concerned about the state of
global politics -- and about the state of political humor -- should
listen to the Mime Troupe's message," creates plays that make sense
out of the headlines, close-up stories that make audiences feel the
impact of political events on their personal lives.

The New York Post called the Mime Troupe "America's oldest and finest
street theater," with the The Boston Globe concurring, "You're never
only watching a political theater piece, but rather a double barreled
re-invention of politics and theater at once." To make this work
accessible to the broadest audience possible, the Mime Troupe
performs as a regional touring company, presenting their work at a
price everyone can afford: free.

Thanks again to the SFMT for supplying virtually all of the
information provided above. All shows are indeed free and open to the
public (unless otherwise noted). For a complete schedule and more
information, the public may call 415.285.1717 or visit www.sfmt.org.

TONY AWARD-WINNING SAN FRANCISCO MIME TROUPE
CELEBRATES 50TH SEASON WITH RECESSION-PROOF SATIRE
"TOO BIG TO FAIL"
The Epic of Gilgamesh . . . The Odyssey . . . Jason and the Argonauts
. . . Filiji and his goat.

SAN FRANCISCO:
Saturday, July 4, Dolores Park, 1:30 music, 2pm show - OPENING DAY
Sunday, July 5, Dolores Park, 1:30 music, 2pm show
Saturday, July 11, Golden Gate Park, Peacock Meadow, 1:30 music, 2pm show
Sunday, July 12, Glen Park, 1:30 music, 2pm show
Saturday, August 15, Washington Square Park, 1:30 music, 2pm show
Sunday, August 16, Yerba Buena Gardens, 1:30 music, 2pm show
Saturday, September 5, Dolores Park, 1:30 music, 2pm show
Sunday, September 6, Dolores Park, 1:30 music, 2pm show
Monday, September 7, Dolores Park, 1:30 music, 2pm show

--------

TOO BIG TO FAIL Performed 7/4-9/27 By San Francisco Mime Troupe

http://broadwayworld.com/article/TOO_BIG_TO_FAIL_Performed_74927_By_San_Francisco_Mime_Troupe_20090527

May 27, 2009

The Tony Award-winning San Francisco Mime Troupe celebrates its 50th
Anniversary season with a song and dance satire of monumental
proportions, TOO BIG TO FAIL. Wilma Bonet directs Velina Brown
(Veronique of the Mounties, Red State), BW Gonzalez (Seeing Double),
Ed Holmes (Seeing Double, Making a Killing), Lisa Hori-Garcia
(GodFellas, Red State), Adrian Mejia (Red State), and Michael Gene
Sullivan (GodFellas, Making a Killing) in this odyssey through the
twists and turns of banking bureaucracy and international finance.
Written by Michael Gene Sullivan and Ellen Callas, and featuring a
live band under the direction of Pat Moran (music and lyrics), TOO
BIG TO FAIL plays July 4 through September 27 (press opening: July 4
at Dolores Park in San Francisco) throughout the Bay Area in San
Francisco, the North Bay, East Bay, South Bay and Peninsula, and the
Central Valley. All shows are free and open to the public (unless
otherwise noted). For a complete schedule and more information, the
public may call 415.285.1717 or visit www.sfmt.org.

Told in the tradition of the West African Griots, this modern day
epic follows Filiji, a man in love with his family, his village, and
most of all, his goat, Bamuso. What more could a man need to be
happy? How about two goats? Three? A flock? Turned down for a loan by
the village micro bank, Filiji, now the self-proclaimed Goat Lord of
Kanabeedomo, borrows from a new lender in town, a small subsidiary of
a much bigger bank in a distant, mystical land called Wall Street.
When the economy takes a sudden turn for the worse, the bank gets
desperate and calls in Filiji's loan. Housing is down, credit is
down, dividends are down, and like any Ponzi scheme, a constant flow
of cash is essential, but where will it come from? Is it simply
enough to let Filiji pay his small debt, or have the Wall Street
big-wigs stumbled upon the latest, greatest investment bubble to
exploit - goats? How will Filiji save himself and his collateral, the
beloved Bamuso? Can America be shifted to a goat economy? How did all
of the greed get started, and more importantly, how the hell can we
turn it off?

Founded in 1959, the San Francisco Mime Troupe creates and produces
socially relevant theater; their work is political satire and
anything but silent. Winner of three OBIE awards and a Tony Award for
Excellence in Regional Theatre, the San Francisco Mime Troupe, about
which The New York Times stated, "Anyone concerned about the state of
global politics -- and about the state of political humor -- should
listen to the Mime Troupe's message," creates plays that make sense
out of the headlines, close-up stories that make audiences feel the
impact of political events on their personal lives. The New York Post
called the Mime Troupe "America's oldest and finest street theater,"
with the The Boston Globe concurring, "You're never only watching a
political theater piece, but rather a double barreled re-invention of
politics and theater at once." To make this work accessible to the
broadest audience possible, the Mime Troupe performs as a regional
touring company, presenting their work at a price everyone can afford: free.

TICKETS:
All shows are free and open to the public (unless otherwise noted).
For more information, the public may call 415.285.1717 or visit www.sfmt.org

.

Review of Black Panther Robert Hillary King's book

A Review of The Autobiography of Black Panther Robert Hillary King

http://www.blackcommentator.com/326/326_kir_from_bottom_of_heap_printer_friendly.html

By Larry Pinkney
May 28, 2009

As your writer finished reading the chilling, fascinating, and
powerfully informative (recently released) book by Robert Hillary
King (aka Robert King Wilkerson) titled, From The Bottom Of The Heap:
The Autobiography Of Black Panther Robert Hillary King (PM Press), I
found myself incensed yet again at the U.S. judicial and prison
systems responsible for framing, sentencing, and imprisoning a man
for over three decades in prison for a crime that he did not commit.
Robert King Wilkerson's story touches the core of, and goes beyond,
that of having been a prisoner and fellow Black Panther Party member.
It is the story of government and judicial abuse. It is also the
story of human dignity and resilience, of determination, and
ultimately of the highest form of love for humanity.

Robert King Wilkerson, though finally set "free" from the infamous
Angola prison in Louisiana, after thirty one years of wrongful
imprisonment (twenty nine of which were consecutively in solitary
confinement), remains today steadfast as a part of the group of three
U.S. political prisoners known collectively as the 'Angola 3.' He
continues to unrelentingly strive for the rights of the other two
still-imprisoned members of the Angola 3, and on behalf of the many
other political prisoners inside the United States, and around the world.

The book however, is so much more than merely an important indictment
of the U.S. system of injustice. It is an informative saga of
struggle written with a straight forward, beautiful rawness and
honesty that beckons and gently wraps itself around the reader. The
brutal and unspeakable horrors and injustices of the U.S. judicial
and prison systems are pitted against one man's humanity---and this
man's humanity triumphs. His human triumph translates into our own.

This book should be read and reread. It is a book that we ourselves
should turn to repeatedly for encouragement, and it should be put
forth as an example to our youth be they Black, Brown, White, Red, or Yellow.

As Marion Brown former member of the Black Panther Party and
Co-Founder of the A3 (Angola 3) Support Committee aptly wrote
concerning the resilience of Robert King Wilkerson: "From the moment
of his release, he has worked tirelessly to spread the word about the
innocence and the continued plight of his two remaining comrades,
both held in solitary confinement for thirty-six years. Upon his
release King was quoted as saying, 'I may be free from Angola, but
Angola will never be free of me!'"

Get this book, read it, and carry on in the struggle!

In these times when the black emperor of the U.S. Empire muses about
and proposes instituting "preventive detention" of people in this
nation against whom there is insufficient evidence to charge and/or
detain (reference article titled, Facts and Myths About Obama's
Preventive Detention Proposal by Glenn Greenwald, dated May 22, 2009
at "Salon.com;" and an article titled, Obama Is Said To Consider
Preventive Detention Plan by Sheryl Gay Stolberg, May 20, 2009, The
New York Times), it is critical to understand what imprisonment
really means. Will we now allow the empire to blatantly imprison the
innocent?! Think about it. Think about the opportunity for legalized
and massive government and judicial abuse that this Obama proposal is
really all about.

Struggle for systemic change.

Onward then my sisters and brothers!!! Onward…..

.

Better Back When [Bud Shrake / Austin]

Better Back When

http://www.texasobserver.org/article.php?aid=3064

Brad Tyer
May 29, 2009

Bud Shrake wrote, in the December 27, 1974, issue of this magazine,
about "The Screwing Up of Austin." Prefacing the story 35 years later
for Land of the Permanent Wave: An Edwin "Bud" Shrake Reader, he
described the syndrome that led him­as it has led so many others­to write it.

"No matter what year you moved to Austin, you just missed it.
Somebody will tell you this was a really great place to live until
shortly before you arrived. This was my pass at telling how much
better it used to be. ... And by the way, it did used to be better."

In the piece, Shrake and buddy Willie Nelson hatch a plan to cap the
population at 250,000­a number the town had yet to top in 1974. No
kidding Austin was better then.

As Shrake saw, at least in retrospect, the serial impulse to wax
nostalgic about Austin is more than a syndrome­it's almost a civic
prerogative. Austinites have always considered themselves the state's
coolest cats, and that assessment requires an immediate past in which
things were ostensibly cooler still, lest some underindoctrinated
newcomer take a close look around and call bullshit on the rampant
self-congratulation.

I was from Houston, and I disdained Austinites­smug self-satisfied
m@%h#!f*$#ers­even more than I loathed Dallasites, who were supposed
to be some sort of rival to Houston, about which pissing match who
could possibly care? Dallas was invisible to anyone I knew in
Houston, no threat to anything. Smug m@%h#!f*$#ers patting themselves
on the back about the good life in Austin, though­that was annoying.

Still, when I left Texas for the latest last time, I told myself and
others that if I ever came back, I'd be coming back to Austin. And
sure enough. Because the smug m@%h#!f*$#ers were right.

But Austin­as even the greenest newcomers can see­ain't what it used
to be. Austin was cooler then. Way back when, when Shrake and his
running buddies ruled the roost. That was already clear by 1974, when
Shrake bemoaned the passing of the glory days, and it was made clear
again when Shrake died on May 8. All the old stories came out for a
fresh polish.

It's a familiar parade of anecdotes: Shrake's early days at the Fort
Worth Press fraternizing with friend and competitor Gary Cartwright
(who ended up at Texas Monthly); his salad days as an elbow-rubbing
star sports columnist in Dallas; his carte blanche excesses during
New Journalism's heyday at Sports Illustrated; and his favored-nation
status at Willie Morris' Harper's.

Shrake's buddies constituted a who's who of A-Team bohemians (Dennis
Hopper, George Plimpton, Norman Mailer) and the best, brightest and
drunkest that Austin had to offer (Darrell Royal, Willie Nelson,
Billy Lee Brammer, Jerry Jeff Walker, Larry L. King). The ­latter
crowd, plus a revolving cast of simpaticos including sportswriter Dan
Jenkins and wide receiver-turned-novelist Peter Gent, self-styled a
clique called Mad Dog Inc., which set up camp in an office over
Austin's redneck rock epicenter, the long- and loudly lamented
Armadillo World Headquarters, and began providing "indefinable
services to mankind," which seems to have amounted mostly to
popularizing the legends developing in their own minds.

Austin's Mad Dog mythology even spawned its own bibliography: Jay
Dunston Milner's Confessions of a Maddog: A Romp through the
High-Flying Texas Music and Literary Era of the Fifties to the
Seventies; Steven L. Davis' Texas Literary Outlaws: Six Writers in
the Sixties and Beyond; and Jan Reid's The Improbable Rise of Redneck
Rock. All are required reading if you want to know how much cooler
Austin was 50, 40, even just 30 years ago.

Shrake was at the center of it all, tall, good looking, and possessed
of a hard-partying stamina that's only partly explained by a
decade-plus cocaine habit. The story goes that even legendary
self-abuser Hunter S. Thompson couldn't hang with the Austin crowd,
passing out after a mere 40 hours running with the Mad Dogs during
one oft-retold visit.

But there's nothing more boring than other people's drug stories, and
Shrake cleaned up decades ago (except for, as he didn't hesitate to
admit, the weed). For almost 20 years, Shrake might have been
best-known in Austin as the First Guy, ever-present companion to his
late-life soulmate, Gov. Ann Richards.

It was about the time he took up with Richards, in 1992, that he hit
his lottery-caliber jackpot, co-penning with the titular Austin golf
coach Harvey Penick's Little Red Book, inevitably identified as the
best-selling sports book of all time.

Harvey Penick's Little Red Book, like the Mad Dog mythology, is
composed of anecdotes and aphorisms. By the time it set Shrake free,
he'd already written seven novels, seven filmed screenplays
(including the Willie Nelson-Kris Kristofferson vehicle Songwriter),
and two as-told-to celebrity biographies (of Willie and Oklahoma
Sooners coach Barry Switzer).

Readers who really revere Shrake aren't golfers or even necessarily
football fans, but aficionados of Blessed McGill (1968), Strange
Peaches (1972), and the historical fiction of The Borderland (2000)
and Custer's Brother's Horse (2007).

The fiction, apparently, is what Shrake truly cared about as well.
How else to explain why a man with Shrake's journalistic and
screenwriting résumé, with social skills sufficient to guarantee
dinner-party invitations through the end times, and with a little Zen
golf book that made him financially secure, why that guy took his
windfall and used it to sit at a desk typing for large chunks of the
rest of his life? He didn't drink or smoke or even go out much
anymore. He was reportedly 100 pages into a new novel when he died.
He wrote fiction­whether a major house published it, whether it sold
or not. The man who makes that choice­whatever else he may have
been­is first and foremost a real writer.

You can tell that best not from the inevitable when-we-were-young
remembrances, or from the star-studded funeral procession, but from
reading Shrake's fiction, now largely kept in print by John M. Hardy
Publishing, a small press in Houston.

Strange Peaches is my favorite, for its mean, coolly deliberate and
murderous (as Norman Mailer once praised the prose of Shrake's fellow
Texan, Terry Southern) explication of Dallas' moneyed milieu in the
days prior to the Kennedy assassination. In the book, a Texas native
quits a successful TV show on which he plays a gin-yew-wine
six-shooting cowboy and returns home, long-haired and strung out on
Dexedrine, to make a documentary about the true state of Texas. The
plot and dialog ("'God dawg, pussy has ruint his brain,' Billy Bob
Teagarden said ...") are artifacts of their time, but it was an
important time, and nobody knew its contours as well as Shrake. Larry
McMurtry considered the writer of Strange Peaches "far superior to
his drinking buddies," and Shrake himself considered his best novels
underrated. In the last substantive interview of his life, Shrake
told Observer contributor Brant Bingamon, "Peaches and [Blessed]
McGill are definitely overlooked, and yet I seem to find myself being
asked about them constantly by discerning people." They may not
escape the Texas wing of the canon, but both books are firmly ensconced there.

I didn't know Bud Shrake. I exchanged a few e-mails trying
unsuccessfully to get him to write something, anything, for us. He
was gracious, but he wasn't particularly interested. He was already
sick with the lung cancer that finally killed him, and he had other
work to attend.

When he spoke at the book-release party for Land of the Permanent
Wave at Texas State's Alkek Library, in April last year, I went with
friends to watch. I bought a copy of the book and stood in line.
Shrake signed it:

These memories of
old Austin as seen
in the Observer ­
Best
Bud Shrake

It's a relic now, marking a bygone era and a writer at the end of his
run. But it's nice to have it­and so much else­to remember him by.

.

Mark Dowie on I.F. Stone

Book Review

Mark Dowie on I.F. Stone

http://www.truthdig.com/arts_culture/item/20090528_mark_dowie_on_if_stone/

May 29, 2009
By Mark Dowie

American Radical: The Life and Times of I. F. Stone
By D. D. Guttenplan
Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 592 pages

Every writer, of whatever genre, recalls one or two momentous
encounters with a professional hero or mentor that either shaped
their career, or gave them courage to continue. My most memorable
such experience occurred in 1986 in Amsterdam, where a small group of
leftish European and North American journalists gathered for dinner
after a conference. As the evening unwound, I.F. Stone, known to
almost everyone as "Izzy," whose eyesight was failing, asked if I
would walk him back to his hotel. How could I decline that request?

Through the narrow streets and over the canals of Amsterdam we walked
in silence, Izzy no doubt pondering Socrates, whose biography he was
completing; I, more nervous than a kid on his first date, trying to
think of a conversation starter.

The week before I had left for Europe, a right-wing database called
Western Goals had made a file on me available to its corporate
clients. A detective friend, able to hack into just about any data
anywhere, found and gave me the file. Among other things, it
described me as a "radical." I was upset about that, fearing that
such a characterization might limit, even ruin, my budding career.

"That's a badge of honor," Izzy growled. "You should wear it with
pride." What followed was a short dissertation on Edmund Burke, a
conservative philosopher who, among other memorable things, said that
"for every thousand people examining the branches of the tree of
evil, you'll find one examining the roots."

"That's radical," said Izzy. "The Latin for root is radix … same
derivative as radical. That's what we do, isn't it? We examine the
roots of things … so we're radicals. Let them call you what you are,
and get on with your work."

I have since that moment been comfortable calling myself a radical.
So imagine my delight, as a fading investigative reporter, upon being
asked to review a book about I.F. Stone, who, despite a controversial
life and career, was clearly one of the most influential
investigative reporters of our time … a book entitled "American
Radical." I will do my best to be objective, although I can already
hear Izzy advising me to eschew the charade of objectivity, a worthy
idea that in a world of war, injustice and mendacious government, is
simply impossible to attain.

D.D. Guttenplan's vivid and introspective biography contains far more
delightful vignettes and unexpected intersections with true left
luminaries and other global celebrities of the era. "American
Radical: The Life and Times of I.F. Stone" recounts, in amusing
detail, the long and productive life of a shy but clearly brilliant
Jewish boy from rural New Jersey who began his writing career as a
cub reporter, worked harder than most of his peers, penned heated
polemics under various pseudonyms and eventually changed his total
identity to I.F. Stone, the name under which, for two critical
postwar decades, he wrote and published his legendary I.F. Stone's
Weekly newsletter, which became a teething ring for a whole
generation of aspiring left-wing journalists, myself among them.

The book arrives at an appropriate moment in history as the current
and apostate left reheat their debate over the worthiness, skills,
accomplishments and patriotism of this complex, still mysterious
figure in American media. Was Izzy Stone a journalist, or a
propagandist? Was he a communist or an anti-Menshevik socialist, a
spy, or merely a curious reporter willing to talk to anyone who could
offer some insight into Soviet policy and the world of espionage? And
who paid for those lunches?

Born in Philadelphia in 1907 (same year as my father) to
working-class Russian immigrants, a shy and diminutive Isidor fell
head over heels in love with the written word, dropped out of the
University of Pennsylvania, declared himself a reporter and began
working for small-town, blue-collar New Jersey newspapers, eventually
making his way to Philadelphia, then to the New York Post, at the
time a champion of New Deal liberalism, then to The Nation, a
staunchly pro-Soviet journal of opinion, and finally to the nation's
capital, where, under the mantra "all governments lie," he set about
to expose the chronic mendacity of Washington. Along the way he met
and married Esther Roisman and had three children. Esther became his
assistant on The Weekly. As he went about the work of expository
journalism, he seasoned, and as so many aging journalists do, began
to ponder the historical significance of his work and the origins of
his deepest beliefs. He ended his career as an amateur classicist,
writing "The Trial of Socrates," a poignant rumination on the fate of
a heretic.

Guttenplan's 500-page biography is thorough to a fault, covering not
only the endless stream of controversies that surrounded Stone's own
life and work, but also the intertwined social and political
confusions that rocked an America The Weekly tried to make sense of.
The book grapples with every issue that confronted serious
journalists of the time­civil rights, federalism, McCarthyism, wars
in Korea and Vietnam, sexual freedom and the American left's gradual
transformation from stodgy, pro-Soviet communism through democratic
socialism to a vibrant new left libertarianism to which neither Stone
nor his generation of leftists really never took. Any biographer
would be remiss if he didn't weigh in heavily on the question of
Stone's loyalty to his country and his alleged role as a Soviet spy.
And Guttenplan does so, at some length, in drab detail.

I suppose it's harder for my generation to get too worked up over
that tiresome parlor game, although it is still played ad nauseam by
some of my contemporaries, notably Paul Berman and Ron Radosh. And
most of us are less likely than Izzy's contemporaries to care whether
Sacco, Venzetti, Hiss or the Scottsboro Boys were really guilty as
charged, although perhaps we should care more than we do. Even if,
under code-name Blin, Stone did occasionally meet and share names and
phone numbers with KGB agent Oleg Kalugin, who was, remember, posing
as a press attaché, he hardly possessed or could transmit information
damaging to national security, his sole source of documentation being
the Congressional Record and other available government documents­all
public records which any spook could have read without the assistance
of an American reporter.

And as someone who, before Glasnost, frequently dined and exchanged
sources with Tass correspondents, I really can't understand what all
the fuss is about. That was simply part of our work­sharing
information with fellow reporters. So what if it was with people who,
as it turned out, weren't really press attaches? It still wasn't
spying. Nor was it in Stone's case, if there is a case at all. Those
innocent lunches, most of them at Harvey's (J. Edgar Hoover's
favorite restaurant, where Hoover was once seated next to Joe
McCarthy in plain sight of Stone and Kalugin), should never have been
considered treasonous, given the fact that Stone's motivations and
the Russians' were, at the time, both anti-fascist, as was the
expressed foreign policy of the U.S. government. A more reasonable
conclusion would be that Izzy Stone was merely tweaking power.
Otherwise he would have met Kalugin in a parking garage.

I had to wonder, as I read this book, what Izzy would have thought of
it and, even more so, what he would be up to were he alive today.
He'd be blogging, of course, hourly not weekly. And he would
certainly be arguing back against his biographers­and his
hagiographers. But what would he make of Barack Obama and the crisis
that capitalism faces? Surely he would be as glad and surprised as
most of us that an African-American had reached the White House, but
I imagine he would be after the president for allowing Wall Street to
maintain such close ties to the Treasury, and he would be pushing the
administration to accelerate troop withdrawal from Iraq, legislate a
single-payer health care system, appoint some fellow radicals to the
Supreme Court and, of course, he would still be looking for lies …
and finding them.

Would that he were still alive and kicking.
--

Mark Dowie, a founder of Mother Jones magazine, is an award-winning
journalist and author of several books, including "Losing Ground:
American Environmentalism at the Close of the Twentieth Century,"
"American Foundations: An Investigative History" and the
just-published "Conservation Refugees: The Hundred-Year Conflict
Between Global Conservation and Native Peoples" (MIT Press).

.

Book Review: 'The Red Squad' by E.M. Broner

BOOK REVIEW

'The Red Squad' by E.M. Broner

http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/news/arts/la-et-book29-2009may29,0,3418343.story

The author brings wit and humor to the story of a group of friends in
post-2001 America looking back on their activist ways in the 1960s.

By Amy Wallen
May 29, 2009

Does history repeat itself, or would it be better described as a tape
loop on which we play our solo? In "The Red Squad" by E.M. Broner,
Anka Pappas receives an envelope of surveillance records of her
antiwar activities during the Vietnam War. Suddenly we rewind to the
late 1960s, but with the present day spliced in.

Anka experiences a series of flashbacks to the days when she and her
ABD (all but dissertation) colleagues at a Detroit university shared
an office that they called the Bullpen. In addition to working on
their dissertations, they taught and worked for the underground,
which transported conscientious objectors across the Canadian border.
They celebrated dissertation completion, the music of the Haight and
Motown, all the while laughing at their egregious students.

Anka had one particular student that Broner uses as court jester --
during the flashbacks we read how the Bullpenners often requested a
"Mr. Berger story."

She indulged them with this student's errors in his composition
class, such as the first line of his story, "It was a warm, genital
evening." Broner's humor and cynicism when comparing Berger to our
most recent two-term president and his malapropisms are a delight and
a good break from the heaviness of the theme, which is "the forever
war -- the one that doesn't end."

The Bullpenners' bond tightened both through shared support and
strained relationships. Broner also presents us with the many social
issues of race, culture, aging and generational differences in "The
Red Squad's" Bullpenners. Anka pines for Kevin, a Jesuit who wants to
break his vows and who seems more interested in the wife of another
colleague. Jack Bernstein, whose bumper sticker reads "Israel Is
Real," goes to live on a kibbutz and wants Anka to join him. Ron
Ivory, an African American already awarded tenure and thus eligible
for a private office, has his desk shoved up against theirs due to
lack of space. Another, Noble O'Dwyer, is arrested, then disappears
while out on bail. One by one they all leave the Bullpen, whether by
attrition through the university, or questionable behavior or their
own choice -- but all these characters reappear at the story's end
when one Bullpenner is identified as a fugitive Weatherman and the
rest reunite for his support.

Broner weaves these flashbacks with Anka's present-day life as a
professor at a different university but with the same activist
energy: She protests another misguided war -- the one in Iraq.

When Anka gets arrested for protesting with the Student Black Caucus,
she meets in jail the Gray Brigade, gray-haired, osteoporosis-ridden
women with sensible shoes who provide a litany of protests they've
participated in throughout their lifetimes -- starting in the 1950s
with the Korean War and moving on to the Vietnam War, atrocities in
Central America and the Cold War and on into our current day.

In writing of the college students Anka first taught from long ago,
Broner describes how they are idealists and antiwar as well as right
thinkers working for the conservative media. They include an
overzealous African American student who takes one of Anka's class
assignments very seriously (much to his own detriment) and a Vietnam
vet poet who goes by the monikers Fearless Phil and then Fearful Phil
as he learns to let down his guard.

Anka's students in the present day, however, are apathetic and don't
have to worry about the draft. When she tells her current students a
tale about her past life, about how one of the Bullpenners was
arrested and eventually fired because he'd gone to meet with a
student in his home where someone was smoking marijuana, the
unsympathetic response was, "They should have met publicly at a Starbucks."

Broner's snapshot-style in "The Red Squad" superbly ties together the
liberals and the conservatives, the passionate and apathetic, across
all genres of society in both the past and the present -- history as
prequel, sequel, rerun. As the author writes: "We go on with our
shared lives." Her novel delivers the message that we may all be
Fearful or Fearless Phil at times, feeling as if we are crazy
watching the endless war story rewound and replayed, but we still
have hope: Our own lives possess a separate rhythm, and we always
have creative authority over them.

.

Court Says Christiania Residents Have No Right to It

Danish Court Says Christiania Residents Have No Right to It

http://stopthedrugwar.org/chronicle/587/denmark_christiania_suffers_legal_setback

5/29/09

A Danish court has ruled that the residents of Copenhagen's
Christiania neighborhood have no right to use the property they have
called home since 1971. The ruling opens the way for the government
to regain control of the hippie enclave.

Nearly 40 years ago, Copenhagen counterculture activists invaded a
disused former naval base and created the self-governing community of
Christiania in the heart of the city. More than 900 residents lived
an anarchic, self-governing existence, complete with the famous
Pusher Street, where cannabis merchants openly sold their wares.

But in 2004, the Danish government moved to reassert control over
Christiania with an eye to redeveloping the property. It has also
forced the shutdown of Pusher Street, resulting in clashes with
police. But residents didn't respond only with rocks; they filed a
lawsuit in 2006 seeking to block the government from reasserting control.

On Tuesday, the Danish Eastern High Court dismissed the lawsuit. But
residents had expected that ruling, Christiania spokesman Thomas
Ertman told the Associated Press. "I believe that we will appeal the
case" to Denmark's highest court, the Supreme Court, he said.

"No Danes are above the law, neither are the residents of
Christiania," said Peter Christensen, a senior member of the ruling
Liberal Party. "I am very satisfied that the ruling came out this way."

.

Rain showers fans with Beatles hits

Rain showers fans with Beatles hits

http://www.nwanews.com/adg/News/260657/

BY MICHELLE PARKS
May 28, 2009

FAYETTEVILLE - So that's what it could have been like to see The Beatles.

Rain, a Beatles tribute band, on Tuesday performed the first of eight
shows, which continue through Sunday, at the Walton Arts Center.

Much more than a concert, and much more than a tribute band, these
guys took the audience on a multidimensional trip back in time. And
it was one of the most entertaining shows to grace the arts center's
stage in its 17-year history.

The show took the audience through the Beatles' career - starting
with their first U.S. performance on The Ed Sullivan Show in 1964.
The members of Rain approached their incredible impression - with
vocals, instruments, looks and mannerisms - with great attention to
detail. But they didn't let that focus restrict their vocals or
instrumentation.

There was a bit of a courtship between the band - David Leon as John
Lennon, Joey Curatolo as Paul McCartney, Tom Teeley as George
Harrison and Joe Bologna as Ringo Starr - and the audience. (Mark
Lewis, the manager, played keyboards and percussion subtly on stage).
By the end of the night, they were in love with each other.

The crowd bought in to the suspended belief of these guys, and the
band proved the lasting power of The Beatles' music. In this two-hour
show, it was fascinating to see their music and looks mature and
evolve. It was interesting to see the distribution of lead and backup
vocals and instrumentation on various songs.

A multimedia presentation made use of screens at the back and sides
of the stage. In between five scene and costume changes, the screens
showed footage of Beatles concerts, but with Rain members inserted as
the band.

By using a live camera projection, images of the arts center crowd
were mixed in with those of actual Beatles concerts, with fans
crying, fainting and screaming.

A fascinating video with psychedelic graphics accompanied "Eleanor
Rigby," one of the better of the night's some 30 songs.

When choosing from the prolific band's songs, a few would be
must-haves: "I Want to Hold Your Hand," "A Hard Day's Night,"
"Imagine," "Strawberry Fields Forever." They did those, but also
presented a range of tunes: "Hello Goodbye," "I Am the Walrus" and
"Norwegian Wood." Three of them played lovely acoustic guitars on
"Mother Nature's Son."

Many in the crowd weren't alive when The Beatles made their last
concert tour in 1966, before Sgt. Pepper's Lonely Hearts Club Band
and Abbey Road were recorded. Still, they were all fans.

The crowd softly sang along to "Yesterday," which Curatolo performed
perfectly with an acoustic guitar. They clapped along to "Day
Tripper." The band's harmony came through clear on "Twist and Shout."

"A Day in the Life," with Leon on vocals and keyboard, had an eerie
feeling. The music got loud and chaotic, then simple and calm again
as a white spotlight shined on him.

Teeley sang great vocals on "While My Guitar Gently Weeps," then
switched to an electric guitar midway and rocked out. They wound
things down with "Come Together," "Give Peace a Chance" and "The End."

During the encore, a crowd of people in suits, shorts, tie-dyed
shirts and cowboy hats and with piercings, dreadlocks and gray hair
stood together, swaying and singing along to "Imagine" and "Let It Be."

Once Curatolo uttered "Hey Jude," the crowd took off with the rest of
the first line, in what turned in to an extended singalong.

The show brought to life the emotional, thought-provoking
storytelling songs of a revered band that always spoke to its time -
songs that still ring true. And it left some wondering what the
original Fab Four would have to say today.

.

Friday, May 29, 2009

Former Black Panther: There Are Political Prisoners in America

Former Black Panther: "There Are Political Prisoners in America as Well"

http://www.alternet.org/rights/140242/former_black_panther:_%22there_are_political_prisoners_in_america_as_well%22/

By Emily Wilson
May 26, 2009.

What an Irish hunger striker and a former Black Panther can teach us
about prisoner resistance.
--

Prisons are, or can be, places to raise political consciousness, says
Dennis O'Hearn, the author of Nothing But an Unfinished Song, a
biography of Bobby Sands, the 27-year-old who died leading a hunger
strike in Long Kesh, a prison in Northern Ireland. A new movie about
Sands' final days, Hunger, recently won an award for first-time
filmakers at the Cannes Film Festival.

Sands, who was serving a 14-year sentence for possessing firearms,
demanded the right to be treated as a political prisoner, says
O'Hearn, who appeared at an event about political prisoners in San
Francisco with Andrej Grubacic, a professor of sociology at the
University of San Francisco and the co-author of Wobblies &
Zapatistas: Conversations On Anarchism, Marxism, and Radical History,
and Robert Hillary King, one of the Angola 3. King spent more than 30
years in prison before his conviction was overturned in 2001, and he
has written a new autobiography about his experiences, From the
Bottom of the Heap: The Autobiography of Black Panther Robert Hillary King.

King says he, like Sands, became an activist in response to the
oppression in prison.

"Prison is another way to perpetuate slavery," King says. "They're
connected. A lot of people think legality and morality are the same
thing, but they're not. Prisons are immoral."

While in Angola, a Louisiana prison built on a former slave
plantation, King joined the Black Panther Party, with the other two
members that make up the Angola 3, Herbert Wallace and Albert
Woodfox. King says they felt morally obligated to do something about
the conditions in Angola, considered in the 70s the worst prison in
the country.

"There were 72 of us in a space made for 40," King says. "There were
rats, roaches and horrible food. There was a system of sexual slavery
that was accepted. Just because you're in prison doesn't mean you're
not a human being."

King says because he, Wallace and Woodfox tried to organize other
prisoners, they were seen as threats to the administration and framed
- he for the murder of a fellow inmate, and Wallace and Woodfox for
the murder of prison guard Brent Miller. They were kept in their 6 by
9 cells for 23 hours a day.

In spite being separated, King says they talked to one another from
cell to cell and kept trying to educate themselves and others. He
says their efforts led to changes in how prisoners were fed.
Officials had been sliding the food under the door or leaving it
outside in the hallway. King said this was dehumanizing and through
hunger strikes got the prison officials to cut a hole in the bars to
slide plates through. Also, King says, once they became politically
conscious, they resisted the guards' standard anal searches. They
filed a writ and the court ruled in their favor that these searches
were unjustified.

"There are many parallels between Bobby Sands and Robert," O'Hearn
said. "The strip searches and the inhumane conditions."

Like King, Sands and his fellow prisoners communicated with one
another even though they were locked in separate cells. O'Hearn says
they told stories, sang songs and learned the Irish language orally.

"It's so important the joy of the struggle, not just the hardship of
struggle," O'Hearn said.

Grubacic, an anarchist from the Balkans, says he is interested in how
people organize themselves in prison. From his co-author on Wobblies
and Zapatistas, Staughton Lynd, Grubacic learned about the Lucasville
5, a group that took over a prison in Youngstown, Ohio, for 11 days.
The group was made up of black militants and members of the Aryan
Brotherhood, who spray painted slogans such as "Convict race" on the
walls of the prison.

"Some of the most beautiful examples of American democracy are not
found in and around the White House, but in Lucasville," Grubacic
says. "Convicts developed a system of democracy to fight for a
different world."

The discussion focused on political prisoners was part of a week of
events discussing various revolutions throughout the world in 1968
and the legacy of those movements. O'Hearn, who along with the
biography of Sands, wrote the introduction to Grubacic's book, said
prison activists were part of the shift in perspective in the 60s.

"The old idea was wait till you overthrow the state and take power,"
he said. "But in the 60's social activists felt the important thing
was to create kind of state they wanted."

Ramsey Kanaan founded PM Press, the publisher of King's book, From
the Bottom of the Heap. He says King's experiences as a Black Panther
are an important part of the struggles of the 60s.

"Talking about '68 is kind of a metaphor," he says. "Sixty-eight was
part of a river that didn't appear out of nowhere and didn't
disappear into nowhere. Prisoner struggles are part of that stream."

Kanaan points out that the prison population in the U.S. has more
than tripled since the 60s.

Rose Braz, director of Critical Resistance, which advocates for
prison reform, says prison is a way for the state to crack down on dissent.

"I think the reality is the U.S. has used prisons as a catchall
response to social and economic problems," she says.

The way to change that is not just to talk to people with different
points of view, but to listen as well, says Grubacic. Grubacic says
he and others from the university in Belgrade, who opposed the former
president of Yugoslavia, Slobodan Milosevic, went to talk with
factory workers in the south who supported Milosevic.

"We exchanged ideas, we exchanged skills and experience," he says.
"Listening is a political tool. This is the way to build a movement."

Robert Hillary King: "There are political prisoners in America as well."

Robert Hillary King went into Louisiana's Angola Prison in 1970,
accused of armed robbery. He was sentenced to 35 years, and after
escaping, eight more years were added on to his sentence. For most of
his time at Angola, considered one of the worst prisons in the
nation, he was in a 9 by 6 cell for 23 hours a day. While he was
there, he, along with Herbert Wallace and Albert Woodfox, created a
prison chapter of the Black Panther Party. Known as the Angola 3, the
men were all given life sentences: King for allegedly killing another
inmate, while Woodfox and Wallace were accused of killing a prison
guard. Woodfox had a hearing at the beginning of March to decide
whether to uphold a federal judge's ruling overturning his
conviction. The court may take between four weeks and six months to
release a ruling.

King was exonerated in 2001. After being displaced by Hurricane
Katrina, he now lives in Austin, TX, where he continues to work for
Wallace and Woodfox's release and travels widely to speak about
prison conditions. He recently came out with a book about his
experiences, From the Bottom of the Heap. Alternet's Emily Wilson
caught up with him when he was in San Francisco speaking on a panel
about political prisoners.

Emily Wilson: How did you get a life sentence at Angola?

Robert Hillary King: They were locking up all the so-called black
militants and in 1974, on the tier I lived on which was called B
Tier, an inmate was killed in self-defense by another inmate and they
indicted 11 people. It was a blanket indictment. A couple of weeks
later it was down to two people and I was one of them. Without any
corroborating evidence I was found guilty. They accepted the
inconsistent testimony of an individual who made up his testimony,
was given a gun, and issued a transfer to minimum status within the
prison. They got him to say I participated. They also got another
individual to say I participated, but his testimony was impeached
within the first trial.

Both of them went home and subsequently returned to prison and they
contacted me to say they wanted to set the record straight, and they
had lied. The one who had impeached, the warden had prepared his
testimony for him and, the other person just took advantage by
implicating me because the warden wanted him to implicate me, and I
was found guilty and given a life sentence.

EW: Why did you first join the Black Panther Party?

RHK: The Black Panther Party articulated things for me I really
couldn't at the time. I began to feel alienated from the system. I
had taken it for granted like everybody else that there were civil
rights in this country and I was protected by these rights and I was
naively believing that despite the fact that I had witnessed racism
and discrimination all of my life. I still had hope and belief and
belief in the ideas of the system.

After coming into contact with the Black Panther Party and some of
their ideology and not having been able to articulate some of what
they were saying but feeling it, I felt kinship and it was easy to
adopt some of their ideology, which I felt was pretty humanistic.

I was in prison when I first heard about it. I was in the New Orleans
Parish, and I had just been given a 35-year sentence. I heard about
them, but it wasn't until I escaped and was recaptured that I came
into contact with the Black Panther Party. I had heard about them,
but I did not know they were in New Orleans. Some of them were
arrested in a so called shootout and they came in and they placed a
couple of them in the tier I was being kept on, so I began to find
out more and more about the Black Panther Party. Of course there were
people saying the same thing long before the Black Panthers, but I
really didn't hear it. You know, the protests, the Freedom Riders,
people trying to acquire the right to vote, civil rights, all of
these things eventually connected, but I was not able to connect the
dots until I heard the Black Panther Party, so I was attracted.

EW: How could you organize and create a community in prison?

RHK: Herman and Albert were responsible for that; I give them all the
credit along with some others in the Black Panther Party. They
started political education classes and started passively protesting
the work conditions, which were 17 hours a day. They tried to hold
political discussion and political education classes that would
instill hope in the prisoners. It was a passive protest. You know,
work stoppage and food stoppage. Not eating any food or not serving
food in the kitchen so that they could get the attention of the
administration.

Herman and Albert were the ones who initiated going on the yard and
holding political discussion with other inmates. When I came on,
Herman and Albert were in the cells and we continued to teach
political education classes from the cells and to educate ourselves
and people on the tier.

We would talk from cell to cell or write thing up and make fliers. We
had access to people who were in minimum custody so we would get on
the good side of them and get them to bring fliers down the walk. We
were not only able to communicate between ourselves on the tiers, but
we were able to reach out to people in surrounding areas as well.

EW: What are some of the things you accomplished?

RHK: We were able to do some things like change the practice of how
they fed us. We engaged in not eating; we staged a hunger strike. We
had tried to negotiate with prison officials stating that the way
they fed us was dehumanizing and unsanitary and we felt it should be
upgraded, but we were told this was the way they did it and this was
prison. We understood that but being political conscious and
aware, we began to see things and recognize that just because we
were in prison did not mean we were not human beings, so we took a
different approach to how we were treated. We decided to go on a
hunger strike and it took 18 months, but eventually they stopped
feeding us in that manner.

What they were doing was throwing it under the door or sliding it
under the door, and sometimes they would leave it outside the door.
Flies and rats and roaches and everything else ran through it. They
began to cut food slots in the bars for us, and actually now all over
prison they cut food slots.

Another thing they were doing was engaging in dehumanizing body
cavity searches that served no criminological purpose. We decided to
change this practice, so we decided not to submit. In other words, we
wouldn't refuse a shake down. I would raise my hand, raise my feet,
open my mouth and so forth, that is OK. But I was in the cell 23, 24
hours a day sometimes, and we did not come into contact with anybody,
and we had to go through an anal search just out after being
handcuffed. It was illogical. So we decided if they wanted a body
cavity search, they had to force us.

But a writ was filed and the 19th District Court ruled in our favor
that a routine anal search was unjustified and that was stopped. And
as a result of people struggling and the Black Panther Party coming
into the prison, there was a federal oversight of the prison for like
25 years. It was relinquished only about 1998 or 2000 by a federal
jury. The prison was considered in 1972 one of the worst prisons in
the nation.

We made some changes, but the idea was not to beautify or make
prisons more livable. The ultimate goal was to get Herman and Albert
and myself out of prison. The bar has always been raised to that degree.

EW: You say in your book prison is a continuation of slavery. Why do
you say that?

RHK: I don't think the 13th Amendment abolished slavery. It just made
a transition from one form to another. It was considered legal to own
slaves but even thought it was legal to own slaves it wasn't till
people began to see the moral repugnance of owning slaves, that
things changed, till there was a moral outrage. I see the difference
between legality and morality. Some people think if something is
legal, it's moral, but that's not so. A lot of people can be legally
guilty but morally innocent. People can be legally innocent of a
crime and legally innocent and can go to their death.

With this mindset, legality seems to take precedence over morality. I
began to make an assessment of the 13th amendment and the wording of
it and it just seems to be poppycock. You know, "Slavery and
involuntarily servitude shall not exist on these shores" and people
say "Well, the 13th amendment abolished slavery." Well, no, not so.
You have to read the rest. It says unless of course, if you have been
duly convicted of a crime.

EW: How did you keep going locked up for 23 hours a day? Were you
confident you would get out some day?

RHK: I hoped that I would get out. Also I felt that I could die in
prison. It went beyond hope. I did some things to activate my
release. I got into the law and I kept my own case alive, and
subsequently Herman and Albert's. They were closing doors within the
legal system, and even though I felt the legal system was
hypocritical, I also knew there could be some legal loopholes, and so
along with Herman and Albert we kept hammering at it. We looked at
our cases, I read Albert's transcript and my own transcript, and we
got some people on board who had heard about the case as a result of
Albert getting a new trial. Some activists got others involved, and
it took a while, but Albert should be getting out of prison at some
point because all the evidence against him has been undermined. And
whatever happens in Albert's case should happen in Herman's as well
because they are linked.

EW: What is it you are doing now for prison reform?

RHK: I've been to five different continents and over a dozen
countries talking about the Angola 3 case and trying to make a
connection that prison America is really slavery. There are political
prisoners in America as well. I was in prison for 31 years for a
crime I didn't commit, 29 in solitary. I think it's incumbent on me
to try to do my best to try and expose the things I saw and
witnessed. I kind of see the connection of not just Herman and Albert
and our struggle, but I believe the struggle of people generally and
the struggle of African people. I think there's a connection. and the
connection runs deep. In my book and in my lifestyle, I'm trying to
show the connection runs much deeper than the eye can see. I hope
people will get to see the system and how it really operates.
--

Emily Wilson is a freelance writer and teaches basic skills at City
College of San Francisco.

.

Montreal bed-in for peace was 40 years ago

[3 items]

John Lennon and Yoko Ono Montreal bed-in for peace was 40 years ago

http://www.google.com/hostednews/canadianpress/article/ALeqM5hlp17B8hJeBsq7MOtKy30vDGAshg

By Nelson Wyatt
5/26/09

MONTREAL ­ The hotel room where John Lennon and Yoko Ono created a
watershed moment for the peace movement at the height of the Vietnam
War is a little smaller now.

Part of the Queen Elizabeth Hotel suite, which has a gold plaque on
the door noting its history, went to the installation of a panoramic
elevator on the floor.

But that hasn't dimmed the aura of the place where the ex-Beatle and
Ono staged their bed-in for peace between May 26 and June 2, 1969,
and recorded the iconic antiwar anthem "Give Peace a Chance" the day
before they left.

"The furniture has changed because of course it's 40 years ago and we
do renovate every five to 10 years," hotel spokeswoman Joanne
Papineau said as she gave a tour of room 1742 on Tuesday.

Pictures of Lennon and Ono during the bed-in dot the walls. Sunlight
floods in from the large window in the sitting room where Lennon
positioned the couple's mattress and held court with throngs of people in 1969.

Papineau leafs through a security log book from the visit, which
notes the couple's room service orders - a mix of British and
Japanese food - and a request for an extra large comb plus a cage for
a white mouse.

"They were throwing (flower) petals into the air a few times a day so
we had to keep vacuuming the floor," she said with a chuckle.

"There were 200 'fellow Beatles' who were running around in the lobby
so you see it was a bit of a circus and guests were not always so happy."

The Queen E, as the landmark hotel is nicknamed, didn't boast about
holding the event at the time.

"It created a lot of problems with guests," Papineau said. "They
didn't talk about it for a while but guests wanted to see where it happened."

There was a spike in interest after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist
attacks in the United States when Lennon's message of peace was given
increased resonance.

Now, many fans of Lennon and the Beatles want to book the room.
Others reserve it for romantic getaways.

"Guests love it," Papineau said of the room. "A lot of them feel a
presence. They say there's a special vibration."

Now the hotel - which has since been renamed the Fairmont Queen
Elizabeth - is offering an "Imagine" anniversary package for guests.

That gets customers a CD featuring "Give Peace a Chance" and a copy
of the song's lyrics, as well as breakfast in bed for two. A night's
stay in the room runs $599.

There's also a hotel window display, replicas of the couple's pyjamas
for sale and a Yoko tribute cocktail. People can also sign a peace
book that will be given to Ono.

The bed-in is also being marked with the "Imagine: The Peace Ballad
of John & Yoko" exhibit at the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts as well
as with 17-second peace messages from Ono broadcast on some city
subway trains three times a day.

Ellis Steinberg got a chance to speak to Ono recently when she made
her daily random phone call to the museum exhibit. He had just asked
a museum guard when she usually calls when the phone rang.

"I was excited as I've ever been," he said. "She's, like, 'Hi.' It
sounded exactly like I would have expected her to sound, just like
all the times I've seen her on TV."

The two exchanged pleasantries - "We asked each other how we were
doing. I was good, she was good" - and Steinberg thanked her for
spreading her message of peace.

"She said, 'Oh, you know, we try. It's the least we can do.'

"We spoke for a little bit and she was telling me how the Queen
Elizabeth wasn't their first choice. It was their third or fourth choice."

Ono didn't want to talk about reports of drug use by her and Lennon
at the time of the bed-in - "She kind of ignored the question" - so
Steinberg asked if he could come to New York and play chess with her sometime.

"She laughed and politely declined."

--------

John Lennon and Yoko Ono uncovered

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/newstopics/celebritynews/5389587/John-Lennon-and-Yoko-Ono-uncovered.html

Forty years ago, John Lennon and Yoko Ono grabbed the world's
attention with their Bed In for Peace at Montreal's Queen Elizabeth Hotel.

26 May 2009

The iconic couple, who had only been married a few months, staged the
eight-day event to protest America's involvement in the Vietnam war.

Photo-journalist Gerry Deiter was assigned by Life Magazine to
document the "happening" in the hotel suite, and stayed for the
duration of the event capturing hundreds of images of the couple
singing, composing, visiting with friends and talking to the media.

Lennon and Ono spoke to some 150 journalists during the press
conferences they held daily from their bed. Lennon wrote the song
Give Peace a Chance during the "bed-in" and recorded it in the hotel
suite. More than fifty friends, fans, writers, actors, artists and
musicians participated in the recording.

Deiter chose not to release his memorable and intimate photographs to
the public until after Lennon's unexpected and tragic death in December, 1980.

The newly released images now form part of an exhibition, Give Peace
A Chance: John Lennon and Yoko Ono's Bed-In For Peace, showing at The
Beatles Story in Liverpool

--------

Also, see:

A Globe Books exclusive

It was 40 years ago today...

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/books/it-was-40-years-ago-today/article1153877/

Jerry Levitan showed the moxie of a seasoned journalist when, at age
14, he found John Lennon in a Toronto hotel room and got the Beatles
legend to agree to a taped interview. Levitan has now released a book
about the adventure, complete with a DVD containing the entire interview.

[Continued at URL above.]

.

Relix Returns from the Dead

Relix Returns from the Dead

http://www.foliomag.com/2009/relix-returns-dead

Investment group, former employees acquire music magazine on brink of folding.

By Dylan Stableford
05/03/2009

Relix magazine was launched in 1974 as a handmade fanzine for Deadheads.

Now, it's returning from the dead.

Three months after its publisher, Zenbu Media, put Relix­as well as a
pair of metal magazines, Metal Edge and Metal Maniacs­on temporary
hiatus, a group of investors led by Peter Shapiro­a former New York
nightclub owner and concert producer well-known in the so-called jam
band scene­and a core group of the magazine's employees have acquired
Relix and a pair of related Web sites from Zenbu founder Steve Bernstein.

"I thought there was a good chance we were done," Josh Baron, Relix's
editor, told FOLIO:.

Financial terms of the deal were not disclosed. (Zenbu is said to be
in discussions to sell its metal magazines; the planned launch of a
new country music magazine appears to have been scrapped.)

Relix, with a frequency of eight-times per year, carries a
circulation of 102,000. The Web sites, Relix.com and Jambands.com,
carry even more.

"We're not going to miss an issue," said senior vice president Rachel
Seiden, Baron's fiancée and a former Condé Nast executive who
migrated to Zenbu two years ago. "I couldn't fathom Relix going
anywhere. It's like the New Yorker­these are institutions."

For the magazine's fans, the relaunch comes at a heady time. The
92-page June issue, redesigned by Andy Turnbull, features the rock
band Phish­returning from its own hiatus­on the cover. And ad pages,
at least for this particular issue, are actually up over last year.

"This is a scene that's healthy," said Shapiro, who owned a minority
stake in Zenbu before he bought Relix and remains Bernstein's
business partner on a number of other projects, including the Green
Apple Music Festival. "Live music isn't going anywhere. And with
record stores closing, more and more musicians are selling music
directly to their fans­the magazine is a mechanism to reach them."

Such ads "lend themselves to Relix more than Rolling Stone," Shapiro
said, adding: "We don't have six ads from Detroit in every issue."

The economy has not been kind to general interest music magazines­or
niche ones, for that matter. Blender, No Depression, Harp, Resonance,
CCM, Mass Appeal and King have all folded their print titles within
the past two years­while others appear to be on life support.

'More Rolling Stone than Rolling Stone'

Shapiro­who once owned Wetlands, a famed New York rock club and
produced the Jammy Awards, the jam-band equivalent of the
Grammys­says he wants to create the "vibe of Rolling Stone in
1974"­both in terms of editorial coverage and, perhaps more
importantly, "corporate" culture. (He pointed out that his first day
in the office included a live performance by the Dears.)

Relix will remain in Zenbu's Manhattan offices, subsidizing it by
renting the space vacated by Metal Edge and Metal Maniacs to small,
like-minded entertainment companies, including Bob Weir's manager.

Shapiro will serve as publisher of the newly-formed Relix Media
Group, Seiden as associate publisher. Baron will remain in the top editor slot.

The rest of the executive team will include Dean Budnick, senior vice
president of digital; Mike Greenhaus, vice president and executive
editor; chief financial officer Dale Hirschman; and sales and
marketing VP Cole Boyle.

All are veterans of the magazine­and all are taking salary cuts,
roughly 15 percent, to relaunch Relix.

"If we didn't see a real business value, we would've walked away,"
said Baron. "This isn't a case of putting a Band-Aid on a magazine.
We think we can increase ad revenue, circulation, marketshare. What
we had been doing for the last eight years­we weren't done yet."

.

The Silence of MoveOn [by Tom Hayden]

The Silence of MoveOn

http://www.thenation.com/doc/20090608/hayden

By Tom Hayden
May 26, 2009

The most powerful grassroots organization of the peace movement,
MoveOn, remains silent as the American wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and
Pakistan simmer or escalate.

When he met with Obama in February, Jason Ruben, executive director
of MoveOn, told the president it was "the moment to go big," then
indicated that MoveOn would not oppose the $94 billion war
supplemental request, nor the 21,000 additional troops to
Afghanistan, nor the increased civilian casualties from the mounting
number of Predator attacks.

What was MoveOn's explanation for abandoning the peace movement in a
meeting with a president the peace movement was key to electing?
According to Ruben and MoveOn, it was the preference of its millions
of members, as ascertained by house meetings and polls.

The evidence, however, is otherwise. Last December 17, 48.3 percent
of MoveOn members listed "end the war in Iraq" as a 2009 goal, after
healthcare (64.9 percent), economic recovery and job creation (62.1
percent) and building a green economy/stopping climate change (49.6
percent--only 1.5 percent above Iraq.) This was at a moment when most
Americans believed the Iraq War was ending. Afghanistan and Pakistan
were not listed among top goals which members could vote on.

Then on May 22 MoveOn surveyed its members once again, listing ten
possible campaigns for the organization. "Keep up the pressure to the
end the war in Iraq" was listed ninth among the options.

Again, Afghanistan and Pakistan were not on the MoveOn list of options.

Nor was Guantánamo nor the administration's torture policies.
("Investigate the Bush Administration" was the first option.)

MoveOn is supposed to be an Internet version of participatory
democracy, but the organization's decision-making structure
apparently assures that the membership is voiceless on the question
of these long wars.

What if they included an option like "demanding a diplomatic
settlement and opposing a quagmire in Afghanistan and Pakistan"? Or
"shifting from a priority on military spending to civilian spending
on food, medicine and schools?"

This is no small matter. MoveOn has collected a privately held list
of 5 million names, most of them strong peace advocates. The
organization's membership contributed an unprecedented $180 million
for the federal election cycle in 2004-2006. Those resources, now
squelched or sequestered, mean that the most vital organization in
the American peace movement is missing in action.

What to do? There is no point raving and ranting against MoveOn. The
only path is in organizing a dialogue with the membership, over the
Internet, and having faith that their voices will turn the
organization to oppose these escalating occupations. The same
approach is necessary towards other vital organs of the peace
movement including rank-and-file Democrat activists and the
post-election Obama organization (Organizing for America) through a
persistent, bottom-up campaign to renew the peace movement as a
powerful force in civil society.

This is not a simple matter of an organizational oligarchy
manipulating its membership, although the avoidance by MoveOn's
leadership is a troubling sign. There is genuine confusion over
Afghanistan and Pakistan among the rank and file. The economic crisis
has averted attention away from the battlefront. Many who voted for
Obama understandably will give him the benefit of the doubt, for now.

Silence sends a message. The de facto MoveOn support for the $94
billion war supplemental reverberates up the ladder of power. Feeling
no pressure, Congressional leadership has abdicated its critical
oversight function over the expanding wars, not even allowing members
to vote for a December report on possible exit strategies. In the
end, a gutsy sixty voted against HR 2346 on May 14, but many defected
to vote for the war spending, including Neil Abercrombie, Jerry
Nadler, David Obey, Xavier Becerra, Lois Capps, Maurice Hinchey,
Jesse Jackson, Sheila Jackson-Lee, Patrick Kennedy, Charles Rangel,
Lucille Roybal-Allard, Loretta Sanchez, Rosa De Lauro, Bennie
Thompson, Jerry McNerney, Robert Wexler and Henry Waxman. (Bill
Delahunt, Linda Sanchez and Pete Stark were not recorded.)

If there were significant pressures from networks like MoveOn in
their Congressional districts, the opposition vote might have approached 85.

Appropriations chair David Obey in essence granted Obama a one-year
pass to show results in Afghanistan. If the war appears to be a
quagmire by then, he claimed, the Democrats will become more
critical. Speaker Nancy Pelosi delivered the same message; according
to the Washington Examiner, May 6: "There won't be any more war
supplementals, so my message to my members is, this is it." Pelosi's
words were carefully parsed, saying that the White House would not be
allowed another supplemental form of appropriation, which is
different from an actual pledge to oppose war funding.

This one-year pass means that the grassroots peace movement has a few
months to light a fire and reawaken pressure from below on the
Congress and president. In the meantime, here are some predictions
for the coming year:

• Iraq: Will Obama keep his pledge to withdraw combat forces from
Iraq on a sixteen-month timetable, and all forces by 2011? At this
point, the pace is slowing, and the deadline being somewhat extended,
under pressure from US commanders on the ground. Sunnis are
threatening to resume their insurgency if the al-Maliki regime fails
to incorporate them into the political and security structures. The
president insists however, that he is only making adjustments to a
timetable that is on track. Prognosis: Precarious.

• Afghanistan: Will the Obama troop escalation deepen the quagmire or
become a successful surge against the Taliban by next year? Another
21,000 troops and advisers are on their way to the battlefield.
Civilian casualties are mounting, causing the besieged Karzai
government to complain. Preventive detention of Afghans will only
expand. US deaths, now over 600, are sure to increase this summer.
Taliban may hold out and redeploy in order to stretch US forces thin.
Prognosis: Escalation into quagmire.

• Pakistan: US policies have driven Al Qaeda from Afghanistan into
Pakistan's tribal areas, where the United States is attacking with
Predators and turning Pakistan's US-funded armed forces towards
counterinsurgency. Public opinion is being inflamed against the US
intervention. Prognosis: An expanding American war in Pakistan with
greater threats to American security.

• Iran: With or without US complicity, Israel may attack Iran early
next year, with unforeseeable consequences in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Prognosis: Crisis will intensify.

• Global: The United States will fail to attract more combat troops
to fight in Afghanistan and Pakistan from Europe or elsewhere,
causing pressure to increase for a non-military negotiated solution.
Prognosis: Obama still popular, US still isolated.

• Budget priorities: Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan will deeply
threaten the administration's ability to succeed on the domestic
front with stimulus spending, healthcare, education and alternative
energy. Prognosis: false hope for "guns and butter" all over again.
--

About Tom Hayden

Tom Hayden is the author of The Other Side (1966, with Staughton
Lynd), The Love of Possession Is a Disease With Them (1972), Ending
the War in Iraq (2007) and Writings for a Democratic Society: The Tom
Hayden Reader (2008).

.

Who Wrote Dreams and Why It Matters

[3 articles]

Who Wrote Dreams and Why It Matters

http://www.americanthinker.com/2009/05/who_wrote_dreams_and_why_it_ma_1.html

By Jack Cashill
May 24, 2009

While waiting for America's publishers to find their nerve, I had put
my research into the authorship of Barack Obama's 1995 memoir Dreams
From My Father on the back shelf. But then I heard Chris Matthews.

The Hardball host was weighing in on the subject of Sarah Palin's new
book deal. "Sarah Palin - now don't laugh - is writing a book,"
sneered Matthews. "Not just reading a book, writing a book."

"Actually in the word of the publisher she's "collaborating" on a
book," Matthews continued. "What an embarrassment! It's one of these
'I told you,' books that jocks do. You know she's already declared, I
mean, why they do it like this? 'She can't write, we got a
collaborator for her.'"

I dedicate what follows to Matthews and those willfully blind souls
like him. It is a work in progress, a collective one at that, aided
and abetted by nearly a score of volunteer co-conspirators from
Hawaii to Ohio to Israel to Australia. The thesis is simple enough:
Barack Obama needed substantial help to write his 1995 memoir, Dreams
From My Father. Moreover, unlike Sarah Palin, Obama chose to
conceal the identity of his collaborator and not without good reason.
To admit that he needed a collaborator would have undercut his
campaign for president and to reveal the name of that collaborator
would have ended it.

My involvement in this occasionally harrowing literary adventure
began in July 2008, entirely innocently. A friend sent me some short
excerpts from Dreams and asked if they were as radical as they
sounded. I bought the book, located the excerpts, and reported back
that, in context, the excerpts were not particularly troubling.

But I did notice something else. The book was much too well written.
I had seen enough of Obama's interviews to know that he did not speak
with anywhere near the verbal sophistication on display in Dreams.

About six weeks later, for entirely unrelated reasons, I picked up a
copy of Bill Ayers 2001 memoir, Fugitive Days. Ayers, I discovered,
writes very well and very much like "Obama."

In mid-September, after considerable digging, I wrote a few
speculative articles for American Thinker and other online journals
and discovered that I was not alone in my suspicions.

Looking for some scientific verification, I consulted Patrick Juola
of Duquesne, a leading authority in the field of literary
forensics. Juola, however, advised me against relying on computer
analysis on a subject this sensitive. "The accuracy just isn't
there," he told me. He encouraged me instead "to do what you're
already doing . . . good old-fashioned literary detective work." I
took his advice.

The first question I had to resolve was whether the 33 year-old
Barack Obama was capable of writing what Time Magazine has called
"the best-written memoir ever produced by an American
politician." The answer is almost assuredly "no."

In his bestselling study of success, Outliers, Malcolm Gladwell
painstakingly lays out what he calls the "ten-thousand-hour
rule." Gladwell quotes neurologist Daniel Levitin to the effect that
"ten thousand hours of practice [in any subject] is required to
achieve the level of mastery associated with being a world-class
expert" and cites example after example to make his case.

Obama appears to have lopped about 9900 hours off that standard. In
Dreams, he speaks of writing only the occasional journal entry and
some "very bad poetry." He does not sell himself short on the
poetry. From his undergraduate poem, "Underground":

Under water grottos, caverns
Filled with apes
That eat figs.
Stepping on the figs
That the apes
Eat, they crunch.
The apes howl, bare
Their fangs, dance . . .

If possible, Obama's early prose showed less promise than his
poetry. Although the Obama camp has been notoriously shy about
releasing proof of Obama's assumed genius-SAT scores, LSAT scores,
transcripts, theses-I was able to unearth three essays in print that
predate Dreams.

In March 1983, Obama wrote an 1800-word article, "Breaking the War
Mentality," for Columbia University's weekly news magazine,
Sundial. Five years later, he wrote an essay titled "Why Organize,"
which was reprinted in a 1990 book called After Alinsky: Community
Organizing in Illinois.

In the Sundial article there are an appalling five sentences in which
the subject noun does not agree with the verb. In some sentences,
like the following, the punctuation and word selection are as random
as the grammar: "The belief that moribund institutions, rather than
individuals are at the root of the problem, keep SAM's energies alive."

Although "Why Organize" seems to be better edited, in neither of
these two clunky essays does Obama turn a single phrase that is
clever, concise, or even vaguely memorable. In 1990, he wrote an
unsigned student case comment for the Harvard Law Review. The prose
here, although reasonably well edited, is even more dull and leaden.

It was not Obama's style but his election as the first black
president of the Harvard Law Review in 1990-more of a popularity than
a literary contest-that netted him a roughly $125,000 advance for a
proposed book. According to a 2006 article by liberal publisher
Peter Osnos, Simon & Schuster canceled the contract when Obama could
not deliver, despite a sojourn to Bali to help him write.

It was about this time that Bill Ayers entered the picture. "I met
[Obama] sometime in the mid-1990s." he would later tell Salon. "And
everyone who knew him thought that he was politically ambitious. For
the first two years, I thought, his ambition is so huge that he wants
to be mayor of Chicago."

Obama needed help, and Ayers had the means, the motive, and the
ability to provide it. Unlike Obama, he has a well-established paper
trail. He co-authored the 1974 tract, "Prairie Fire: The Politics
of Revolutionary Anti-Imperialism, in which book, by the way, he
misspells Frantz Fanon's first name as "Franz" just as Obama does in
Dreams, and nearly twenty books thereafter as writer and editor.

Ayers, we know, provided an informal editing service for like-minded
friends in the neighborhood. Aspiring radical Rashid Khalidi attests
to this in the acknowledgements in his 2004 book, Resurrecting
Empire. "Bill was particularly generous in letting me use his
family's dining room table to do some writing for the project."
Khalidi did not need the table. He had one of his own. He needed
the help. Having no political ambitions, Khalidi was willing to
acknowledge it.

Dreams was published in June 1995. That same year, Ayers was busy
fueling the ambitions of his young protégé, first with an appointment
to the chair of the Chicago Annenberg Challenge grant and later with
a fundraiser in his Chicago home. Ayers admits that his "imagination
ran out of steam." He thought he was launching a mayor that he could
exploit, even control, not a president, who would move quickly beyond
his grasp.

After Dreams was published in 1995, Obama's typewriter fell silent
once again. He contributed not one signed word to any law journal or
other publication of note until his unexceptional and conspicuously
ghosted 2006 book, Audacity of Hope. Obama was not a writer. As his
lame inaugural address proved, he still isn't.

It is possible that Obama actually met Ayers in New York in the early
1980s. In his brief New York sojourn, he often seems to be
channeling the thoughts and experiences of the world weary Ayers who
lived in New York the same years as Obama. "Like a tourist, I watched
the range of human possibility on display," writes Obama in Dreams,
"trying to trace out my future in the lives of the people I saw,
looking for some opening through which I could re-enter."

Re-enter? This seems more the reflection of a soon to be ex-fugitive
than that of a Columbia undergrad. It is in New York too that Obama
feels himself living "behind enemy lines," the exact phrase that
Ayers uses to describe his life in the underground.

The opening scene of Dreams takes place in the early 1980s in and
around Obama's New York City apartment with its "slanting"
floors. As the scene unfolds, Obama is making breakfast "with coffee
on the stove and two eggs in the skillet." In Fugitive Days, Ayers
inhabits an apartment with "sloping floors." He too cooks a lot --
his books are rich with often sensual food imagery -- and uses a
"skillet," a southern regionalism.

Obama tells the reader that the buzzer downstairs did not work and
that visitors had to call from a pay phone at the corner gas
station. There, "A black Doberman the size of a wolf paced through
the night in vigilant patrol, its jaws clamped around an empty beer bottle."

Fugitive Days opens at a pay phone. (Unless specified otherwise, all
Ayers' references will be to Fugitive Days and Obama's to Dreams).
Ayers spent much of his underground years waiting at pay phones. He
writes about pay phones with the loving detail art critics reserve
for Picassos. The vivid image of the Doberman almost assuredly comes
from his experience. Obama had no reason to use that pay phone, if
it even existed.

Obama shared his apartment with a roommate, who would scream "with
impressive rage" at "white people" whose dogs pooped on their
sidewalks. Adds Obama, ""We'd laugh at the faces of both master and
beast, grim and unapologetic as they hunkered down to do the deed."

Both Ayers and Obama speak of "rage" the way that Eskimos do of snow
-- in so many varieties, so often, that they feel the need to qualify
it, here as "impressive rage," elsewhere in Dreams as "suppressed
rage" or "coil of rage," and in Fugitive Days as "justifiable rage,"
"uncontrollable rage," "blind rage," "and, of course, "Days of Rage."

Another note of interest is that all of the distinctive words in the
sentence above -- "master," "beast," "grim," "unapologetic," and
"deed," as well as the phrase "hunkered down" -- appear in Fugitive Days.

In the opening pages, Obama makes an exception to his unlikely New
York "solitude" for an elderly neighbor, a "stooped" gentleman who
wore a "fedora." In Fugitive Days, it was Ayers' grandfather who is
"stooped" and a helpful stranger who wears a "fedora."

One day, Obama's roommate finds his neighbor dead, "crumpled up on
the third-floor landing, his eyes wide open, his limbs stiff and
curled up like a baby's." Ayers tells of watching his mother die,
"eyes half open, curled up and panting." In both cases, the eyes are
"open" and the body is "curled up."

On the neighbor's mantelpiece, Obama reports seeing "the faded
portrait of a woman with heavy eyebrows and a gentle smile." There
are seven references to "eyebrows" in Dreams -- heavy ones, bushy
ones, wispy ones, and six in Fugitive Days -- bushy ones, flaring
ones, arched ones, black ones.

Who writes about eyebrows? In the lengthy excerpts that I have
gathered from a half dozen other contemporary political memoirs --
150,000 words in all -- there is no mention of "eyebrows" at
all. Nor is there anyone or anything "stooped," "curled,"
"crumpled," "hunkered down," or wearing a "fedora."

At the climax of the opening sequence, Obama receives a phone
call. It comes from an African aunt. "Listen, Barry, your father is
dead," she tells him. Obama has a hard time understanding. "Can you
hear me?" she repeats. "I say, your father is dead." The line is cut,
and the conversation ends abruptly.

The opening sequence of Fugitive Days climaxes in nearly identical
fashion. This phone call comes from Ayers' future wife, Bernardine
Dohrn. "Diana is dead," says Dohrn of Ayers' lover Diana Oughton,
killed in a bomb blast. Ayers has a hard time understanding. "Diana
is dead," she "repeats slowly." Ayers drops the line, and the
conversation ends abruptly.

At the conclusion of Dreams' opening scene, a stunned Obama "sat down
on the couch, smelling eggs burn in the kitchen, staring at cracks in
the plaster, trying to measure my loss." This passage features
Obama's signature rhetorical flourish, the triple parallel without a
joining conjunction. There are scores of such examples throughout
Dreams, perhaps hundreds:

"...the mixed blood, the divided soul, the ghostly image of the
tragic mulatto trapped between two worlds."

"Her face powdered, her hips girdled, her thinning hair bolstered,
she would board the six-thirty bus to arrive at her downtown office
before anyone else."

"...his eyes were closed, his head leaning against the back of his
chair, his big wrinkled face like a carving stone."

As it happens, Ayers' signature rhetorical flourish, likely cribbed
from Joseph Conrad, is the triple parallel without a joining
conjunction. There are scores of such examples throughout Fugitive
Days, perhaps hundreds:

"He inhabited an anarchic solitude-disconnected, smart,obsessive."

"We swarmed over and around that car, smashing windows, slashing
tires, trashing lights and fenders-it seemed the only conceivable thing to do."

"...trees are shattered, doors ripped from their hinges, shorelines
rearranged."

More intriguing still, Obama seems to borrow the one girlfriend in
the oddly sexless Dreams from Ayers' experience. "There was a woman
in New York that I loved," he tells his half-sister years after the
fact. "She was white. She had dark hair, and specks of green in her eyes."

The woman of Obama's memory evokes images of Diana Oughton. As her
FBI files attest, Oughton had brown hair and green eyes. The two
women shared similar family backgrounds as well. In fact, they
seemed to have grown up on the very same estate.

"The house was very old, her grandfather's house," Obama writes of
his girlfriend's country home. "He had inherited it from his
grandfather." According to a Time Magazine article written soon after
her death, Oughton "brought Bill Ayers and other radicals" to the
family homestead in Dwight, Illinois. The main house on the Oughton
estate, a 20-room Victorian mansion, was built by Oughton's father's
grandfather.

The carriage house, in which Oughton lived as a child, now serves as
a public library. It may have already seemed like one when Ayers
visited, an impression that finds its way into Obama's memory of a
library "filled with old books and pictures of the famous people [the
grandfather] had known-presidents, diplomats, industrialists."

"It was autumn, beautiful, with woods all around us," Obama writes of
his visit to his girlfriend's country home, "and we paddled a canoe
across this round, icy lake full of small gold leaves that collected
along the shore." As can be seen from aerial photos even today, the
Oughton estate also has a small lake and is surrounded by woods.

Curiously, Obama tells the story of this past love while cutting "two
green peppers." In his 1997 book, A Kind And Just Parent, Ayers
specifically links "green peppers" with "saltpeter" and other
substances that scare young men with the threat of impotence. Go figure.

Ayers lived a considerably more adventurous life than Obama,
beginning with his youthful days as a merchant seaman in the North
Atlantic. "I realized that no one else could ever know this singular
experience," Ayers writes. Yet much of the nautical language that
flows through Fugitive Days flows through Obama's earth-bound memoir.

Although there are only the briefest of literal sea experiences in
Dreams, the following words appear in both Dreams and in Ayers' work:
fog, mist, ships, seas, boats, oceans, calms, captains, charts, first
mates, storms, streams, wind, waves, anchors, barges, horizons,
ports, panoramas, moorings, tides, currents, and things howling,
fluttering, knotted, ragged, tangled, and murky.

My own memoir on race, Sucker Punch, offers a useful control. It
makes no reference at all, metaphorical or otherwise, to any of the
above words save "current" and "tides." Yet I have spent a good chunk
of every summer of my life at the ocean and many a day on a boat.

Ayers equates the flow of water with that of language. "The debates
swam above and around and through us," he writes. "The confrontation
in the [Student Union] flowed like a swollen river in to the
teach-in, carrying me along the cascading waters from room to room,
hall to hall, bouncing off boulders."

In Dreams, Obama makes the very same equation. "I heard all our
voices begin to run together, the sound of three generations tumbling
over each other like the currents of a slow-moving stream," he
writes, "my questions like rocks roiling the water, the breaks in
memory separating the currents, but always the voices returning to
that single course, a single story."

For the one and only time in his career, Obama writes in the language
of postmodernism, a language the academic Ayers has mastered. Ayers
describes Fugitive Days as "a memory book," one that deliberately
blurs facts and changes identities and makes no claims at history. In
Dreams, Obama admits, some characters are composites. Some appear out
of precise chronology. Names have been changed.

Ayers seems consumed with lies, lying and what he calls "our
constructed reality." The Obama of Dreams says much the same and in
much the same language. "But another part of me knew that what I was
telling them was a lie," he writes, "something I'd constructed from
the scraps of information I'd picked up from my mother."

That they both speak of "narratives," "traps," "contradictions,"
"intimacies," and "journeys" is not exceptional. That is standard
postmodern patois. What is exceptional is their shared use of
advanced postmodern slang -- the "fictions" into which they and
others force their lives, the "grooves" into which they have fallen,
the "poses" they assume, and even the "stitched together" nature of
the lives they or their relatives lead.

More convincing still are those complex tropes in Dreams that appear,
only slightly altered, in Ayers' books. In his 1993 book, To Teach,
Ayers writes, "Education is for self-activating explorers of life,
for those who would challenge fate, for doers and activists, for
citizens." "Training," on the other hand, "is for slaves, for loyal
subjects, for tractable employees, for willing consumers, for
obedient soldiers."

In Dreams, these thoughts find colloquial expression in the person of
"Frank," the real life poet, pornographer and Stalinist, Frank
Marshall Davis. "Understand something, boy," Frank tells the
college-bound Obama. "You're not going to college to get educated.
You're going there to get trained." Both authors make the point that
"training" strips the individual of his racial identity.

In To Teach, Ayers recounts the story of an ambitious teacher who
takes her students out to the streets of New York to learn about its
culture and history. These students ask to see the nearby Hudson
River. When they get to the river's edge, one student says, " Look,
the river is flowing up." A second student says, "No, it has to flow
south-down." Upon further research, the teacher discovers "that the
Hudson River is a tidal river, that it flows both north and south,
and they had visited the exact spot where the tide stops its northward push."

In Dreams, written two years later, Obama takes an unlikely detour to
the exact spot on the parallel East River where the north-flowing
tide meets the south-flowing river. There, improbably, a young black
boy approaches this strange man and asks, "You know why sometimes the
river runs that way and then sometimes it goes this way?" Obama
tells the boy it "had to do with the tides."

For the literary left, the fact that Ayers helped Obama would be a
less troubling revelation than that Obama needed help at all. They
have built a foundational myth around his genius, a genius that can
be located only in Dreams. The dark side of the Democrat genius
mythology, of course, is the Republican dunce mythology of which
Sarah Palin and George Bush are the most recent victims.

There is thus a logic to the left's willful blindness. Why the
literary right has accepted this charade continues to baffle me.
--

Video: The Washington Times asks Ayers about his "collaboration" with
Obama on "Dreams From My Father."
http://www.thefoxnation.com/politics/2009/05/19/bill-ayers-back-and-hurls-insult-reporter
--

Jack Cashill has written six books this decade, one of which,
"Hoodwinked," dealt with literary fraud. Cashill has also served as
"literary doctor" on several other books, two of which were best
sellers by household names. He has a Ph.D. in American studies from
Purdue University.

--------

The Washington Times Asks Bill Ayers if He Wrote Obama's First Book

http://washingtonindependent.com/43733/washington-times-asks-bill-ayers-if-he-wrote-obamas-first-book

By David Weigel
5/20/09

Kerry Picket of The Washington Times trekked to Baltimore to hear
former Weatherman Bill Ayers speak yesterday and sparked an exchange
that the paper is teasing on its op-ed page with a lot of huffing
about Ayers's terrorist past ("His radicalism and chosen profession
bring to mind Oscar Wilde's quip that, 'Everybody who is incapable of
learning has taken to teaching.'"). Curiously, the paper doesn't
mention what Picket actually asked Ayers about ­ the conspiracy
theory that he ghost-wrote President Obama's first book, "Dreams From
My Father."

From the video, after Picket asks Ayers a few times about what the
president thinks of his new book:

WASHINGTON TIMES: I'm just curious whether or not your publisher has
sent a copy to President Obama.

AYERS: Have you gotten any feedback on your writings from the
president? (Laughter)

WASHINGTON TIMES: Considering you may have had a collaboration with
"Dreams of (sic) My Father."

AYERS: I never had a collaboration. No.

WASHINGTON TIMES: No?

AYERS: That's a myth.

The idea that Ayers wrote Obama's first memoir was popularized by
conservative author Jack Cashill on the conspiracy site
WorldNetDaily, one of the hubs of the discredited theory that Obama
was not born in Hawaii. Cashill's investigation is a funny read, full
of "proof" like Obama's use of a nautical metaphor and asides such
"in Obama, alas, Ayers may have found a much more lethal weapon to
use against the 'marauding monster' called America than any pipe bomb
he could have ever built." The most traction this has gotten in the
mainstream conservative press was an October blog post by National
Review contributer Andy McCarthy, in which he credited Cashill for
raising "significant questions about whether Obama is the rara avis
he's portrayed to be."

For The Washington Times, these are still "significant questions."

--------

Did Bill Ayers Help Obama Write "Dreams Of My Father"?

http://www.kxmc.com/News/Nation/379988.asp

May 24 2009

After hearing leftists mock Sarah Palin for daring to write a book
about her experiences running on a Presidential ticket, and using a
fully acknowledged collaborator to do it, Jack Cashill at the
American Thinker decided to take a closer look at Obama's book Dreams
of my Father. His conclusion? It's pretty clear that Bill Ayers
collaborated with Obama on it.
http://www.americanthinker.com/2009/05/who_wrote_dreams_and_why_it_ma_1.html

It's a long article that's worth reading in total, but here's a taste:

More convincing still are those complex tropes in Dreams that appear,
only slightly altered, in Ayers' books. ...

In To Teach, Ayers recounts the story of an ambitious teacher who
takes her students out to the streets of New York to learn about its
culture and history. These students ask to see the nearby Hudson
River. When they get to the river's edge, one student says, " Look,
the river is flowing up." A second student says, "No, it has to flow
south-down." Upon further research, the teacher discovers "that the
Hudson River is a tidal river, that it flows both north and south,
and they had visited the exact spot where the tide stops its northward push."

In Dreams, written two years later, Obama takes an unlikely detour to
the exact spot on the parallel East River where the north-flowing
tide meets the south-flowing river. There, improbably, a young black
boy approaches this strange man and asks, "You know why sometimes the
river runs that way and then sometimes it goes this way?" Obama
tells the boy it "had to do with the tides."

Personally, I don't really care if Obama did collaborate with Bill
Ayers on his book. Of course, given how toxic Ayers is politically
and how extensively Obama seems to have claimed Ayers' experiences as
his own, the reality of that much-hyped book doesn't reflect well on
Obama himself. But whatever.

My real problem is how often Obama is touted as this heady
intellectual, this cultured and philosophic man, when he so clearly
isn't. It is liberal dogma that liberals are intellectuals and
conservatives are ignorant rubes, but that seems to have more to do
with the insecurities of liberals than reality.

.