Tuesday, September 29, 2009

Antioch College alumni plan to save their school

Hometown U.S.A.: Yellow Springs, Ohio

Antioch College alumni plan to save their school

http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/nation/la-na-hometown-antioch2-2009sep02,0,7557481.story

Graduates of the activist school, which closed because of financial
problems, have raised more than $6 million to buy the 1,300-acre
campus and bring in a new freshman class.

by P.J. Huffstutter
September 2, 2009

Reporting from Yellow Springs, Ohio - Lawn signs and bumper stickers
around town still rally support for Antioch College -- an academic
icon of the 1960s counterculture and the civil rights and antiwar
movements that ran out of money and closed more than a year ago.

The dream of bringing the college back has never wavered among the
residents of this Ohio village of 3,800. The school and its owner,
Antioch University, were among the largest employers in Yellow
Springs, and many alumni have never left: At least 1 in 5 people
attended the college or had family that did.

"I haven't talked to anyone who doesn't want the college back," said
Tom Gray, owner of Tom's Market, the village's grocery store. "It's a
part of the town's identity. Losing it was like losing a limb."

A group of alumni has raised nearly $6.2 million to purchase the
1,300-acre campus and plans to open the school again in 2011 with a
freshman class of 120.

The deal is expected to close by the end of the week. The college
will retain the Antioch name but will no longer be part of the
Antioch University network, which includes campuses in Culver City;
Santa Barbara; Keene, N.H.; and Seattle.

"There's a lot of pride here in Yellow Springs being a college town,
and a lot of relief that it's going to stay a college town," said
Aimee Mayurama, 36, a village native who graduated in 1995 with a
degree in environmental science. She's been named director of alumni
relations for Antioch College Continuation Corp., the nonprofit group
formed to take control of the school.

The group has raised $10 million more this year to help get classes
up and running -- a sum gathered from change tossed into buckets at
local fairs, donations from unemployed former students and heftier
checks written by wealthy donors.

Still, there's much work to be done.

Faculty must be hired, and the school must be solvent enough to
instill confidence among future donors and would-be creditors.
Organizers want to raise an additional $40 million to help establish
a strong operating budget.

"Everyone wants to know what's coming," said Matthew Derr, the chief
transition officer for Antioch College Continuation Corp.

Derr, 42, who graduated in 1989 with a history degree, added, "What
they really want to know is, can the institution be financially
perpetuated? Or will it fail again?"

The campus needs to be physically overhauled. Even before the college
closed in June 2008, it had suffered from years of neglect.

Many of the school's structures have crumbling mortar or missing
chunks of brick. Animals have nested in some of the dormitories. Over
the last winter, water pipes burst and flooded the Main Building and
South Hall -- both listed on the National Register of Historic Places.

Antioch College, founded in 1852, was one of the nation's first
coeducational institutions of higher education. It was the first to
name a woman as a full professor. Set in a village that was one of
the final stops on the Underground Railroad, the school was one of
the first to eliminate race as an admission requirement.

Its first president was congressman and education reformer Horace
Mann, and its alumni include civil rights activist Coretta Scott
King, actor Cliff Robertson, screenwriter Rod Serling, biologist
Stephen Jay Gould, playwright Herb Gardner and Nobel Prize-winning
scientist Mario Capecchi.

The school became known for educating artists, activists and
nonprofit organizers. By the 1960s, the college -- as well as the
village -- had evolved into a haven for radical thinkers and social
reformists, surrounded by the cornfields of conservative western Ohio.

But the school's financial woes mounted steadily from the 1970s. Its
endowments shriveled.

When news came in 2007 that the campus would close, enrollment had
plummeted to less than 300, down from a peak of more than 2,000.

Village officials said 716 people lost their jobs when the college
closed, which led to a 16% drop in the town's tax revenue.

The recession only made things worse. Tourists continued to flock
here, drawn by the community's Berkeley-like culture and downtown
lined with organic food cafes and New Age spas, but they spent less.

Now, as news spreads of the impending sale, there's a tangible
excitement in town. Derr can't step onto Xenia Avenue, the village's
main street, without being stopped and peppered with questions.

"When's it going to open?" hollered one person walking out of the post office.

Lee Morgan, a village native and grandson of former Antioch College
President Arthur Morgan, said it was heartening to see how much the
college meant to the town.

When the college closed, "people in the village started to ask, 'Is
this really that important?' " he said. "The answer was yes."
--

p.j.huffstutter@latimes.com

.

Passion still burns in revolutionary [Emory Douglas]

[2 articles]

Passion still burns in revolutionary

http://www.odt.co.nz/entertainment/arts/71942/passion-still-burns-revolutionary

By Chris Morris
Aug 2009

The revolutionary spirit of Black Panther artist Emory Douglas was on
show in his art work and his arguments at the Dunedin Public Art
Gallery on Saturday.

Mr Douglas - the first and only Minister of Culture for the Black
Panther movement - is the Elam International Artist in Residence at
the University of Auckland.

He was in Dunedin for a presentation of his work spanning the
turbulent period of United States history in the 1960s and 1970s.

Mr Douglas explained the thinking behind his images, many of which
adorned The Black Panther newspaper during the civil rights movement
and took aim at police, politicians and poverty in the United States,
as well as conflicts from Vietnam to the Middle East.

Some of Mr Douglas' works used humour to underscore messages of
solidarity and justice, while others were brutal in their directness.

Former US president Richard Nixon was shown in one image with a
swastika on his forehead, standing in front of Nazi leader Adolf
Hitler and under the title "class brothers".

Mr Douglas detailed the violence and fear of the period, but also the
success of some of the Black Panther social programmes, including
early-morning breakfasts cooked by party members for impoverished
children to eat before school.

"We said children need to go to school not on an empty stomach. We
were feeding hungry children all over the country. We were feeding
more hungry children than the US Government," he said.

It appeared Mr Douglas had lost little of his revolutionary passion
as he explained the thinking behind an image attacking private-sector
involvement in the US penal system.

In the US, the system created an incentive for private companies to
keep prisoners lining up to be locked up, in turn creating a profit
motive for innocent people to be framed, he argued.

"It's about profit," he said, prompting a cry of "right on" from the audience.

Told by a member of the audience New Zealand's Government favoured
some private-sector involvement in prisons, Mr Douglas was quick in
his response.

"Well, you have got to do something about it," he said.
--

chris.morris@odt.co.nz

--------

Black Panther artist on visit

http://www.odt.co.nz/news/dunedin/71785/black-panther-artist-visit

By Sarah Harvey
29 Aug 2009

For Dunedin woman Mere Montgomery, today is the chance to meet one of
the men behind a movement which has helped shape her life.

Emory Douglas, the official artist of the United States' Black
Panther Party and its first and only Minister of Culture, is in
Dunedin today to speak at the Dunedin Public Art Gallery about the
art of revolution.

Mr Douglas is the Elam International Artist in Residence at The
University of Auckland.

In the 1970s Mrs Montgomery became involved with the New Zealand
Polynesian Panthers, a group which sought to emulate the work done in
the social justice area by its American counterpart.

When the group started in Auckland, Mrs Montgomery, who now works for
a Government social work agency, was still in high school, but was
acutely aware of the social injustice which faced many Pacific Island
immigrants to New Zealand.

The group set up homework centres to help disadvantaged youth from,
what were at the time, the poor suburbs of Grey Lynn and Ponsonby.

It accessed legal aid, before legal aid was officially set up, took
elderly women to visit family and visited prisoners at Mt Eden and Paremoremo.

In 1973 Mrs Montgomery moved to Dunedin to study law and started the
Dunedin Polynesian Panthers, becoming distracted from her degree with
the pull towards social justice.

The group had about 10 dedicated members who would visit prisoners,
organise legal aid and who set up an education centre in Burns Hall.

Mrs Montgomery said Maori and Pacific Islanders in Dunedin soon came
to recognise her "afro" hair and that she was the woman to go to for help.

She said the group was aware it was watched by the SIS and
scrutinised by police, who would make friends with her pakeha
flatmates so they could get close to her.

People accused her of inciting "racial disharmony" but she became
known as an advocate for people throughout the city.

The group "petered out" when Mrs Montgomery was married.

Emory Douglas and Fiona Jack of the Elam School of Art, University of
Auckland, will speak at 3pm today.

.

No Silk Jammies for Her [Christie Hefner]

Generation B

No Silk Jammies for Her

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/27/fashion/27genb.html

By MICHAEL WINERIP
Published: September 25, 2009

LAST January, when Victor S. Navasky, chairman of the Columbia
Journalism Review, was looking to hire a publisher for his magazine,
which serves as an arbiter of journalism ethics, he called Christie Hefner.

Ms. Hefner was retiring as chief executive of Playboy Enterprises
after 20 years. And while it's rare to see Playboy and Columbia
Journalism Review in the same sentence, it made sense to Mr. Navasky.
He had first met Ms. Hefner in 1979. She was heading up promotions
for her father's magazine and recruited Mr. Navasky to serve as a
judge ­ along with Jules Feiffer and Tom Wicker ­ for Playboy's new
Hugh M. Hefner First Amendment Awards.

Over the years, he has been impressed with her balancing act at
Playboy. "She's certainly a liberal feminist and a liberal Democrat,"
said Mr. Navasky, former editor of the liberal Nation. "People would
say, 'so what's she doing putting out a magazine and running clubs
catering to horny men?' But she found a way to make it work
consistent with her values, to serve Playboy and her father and give
them an opportunity to do socially useful things."

Ms. Hefner, 56, and her father, 83, formed a true Boomer/Greatest
Generation partnership. While Dad helped usher in the sexual
revolution, it fell to her to keep his piece of the revolution
afloat. While Hef poses with Playmates a quarter his age, Ms. Hefner
is a legendary networker who called Warren E. Buffett when she
recapitalized the company. While Dad says, "Picasso had his pink
period and blue period, I'm in my blonde period," Ms. Hefner says,
"This is what it looks like from 30,000 feet up," and, "I don't want
it to look like we're seeking sizzle and not steak."

Hugh Hefner created the most successful men's magazine of all time,
but by the 1980s, if his daughter hadn't stepped in, it's clear from
Steven Watts's 2008 biography, "Mr. Playboy," the bunny empire might
have collapsed.

A pivotal moment: On Jan. 11, 1982, Mr. Hefner testified before a New
Jersey commission considering whether to grant the lucrative Playboy
Casino in Atlantic City a permanent license. Accompanied by a
Playmate, Hef performed so miserably ­ he couldn't remember basic
details about his company and later acknowledged he hadn't read the
state report on his casino ­ that Playboy's application was rejected.
The casino had to be sold.

That's when, at 29, Ms. Hefner asked her father to name her Playboy
president. He was relieved, she said. "Hef said, 'I felt like I had
this incredible birthday party and you had to come in and clean up
the day after.' "

As a child, she hardly knew him. Her parents divorced when she was 6,
and she lived with her mother. She and her brother saw their father a
few times a year, at the Playboy mansion. "He'd send a limo for us," she said.

Perhaps it was the divorce, but Ms. Hefner grew up fast, learning to
parent her parents. At 18, when her mother divorced a second time,
Ms. Hefner visited her father. "I said: 'She's never asked you for
anything, but you have to help Mom. You have to buy her a place to
live.' Dad bought her a town house."

After graduating summa cum laude from Brandeis, she planned to go to
law school, when her father suggested she first get some work
experience at Playboy.

She stayed 33 years, building a profitable Internet operation and
creating a $1 billion brand licensing division that is the company's
biggest profit maker. While Hef bragged about not crossing the line
into hard porn, she did, buying Spice TV and Club Jenna and defending
the move as business.

Under her direction, Playboy was profitable in good times and has
survived in these bad times for print media. As her role grew, he cut
back, becoming chief creative officer. "He once said to me, 'I want
you to know I sleep better at night because you're in this position.'
At the time I wasn't sleeping because I was worried about all the
people whose jobs were threatened if I made the wrong decisions. At
least one of us was sleeping."

Her father lent his support to causes like birth control and abortion
rights, but activism was at her core. She campaigned for the Equal
Rights Amendment and gay rights and was chairwoman of a drive that
raised $30 million for an AIDS treatment and research clinic in
Chicago. Gloria Steinem, who made sport of attacking Hef ("a woman
reading Playboy," she once said, "feels a little like a Jew reading a
Nazi manual") brought Ms. Hefner onto the board of Voters for Choice.

Ms. Hefner lives in Chicago and is heavily involved in politics. She
has donated $201,000 to Democrats and liberal causes over the last 30
years, according to federal data collected by the NewsMeat Web site.
"It's not unusual for someone running for Senate in Illinois to come
see me," she said.

For 25 years she was on the board of the Magazine Publishers of
America, and in 2005 arranged for one networking friend, Barack
Obama, to speak at its annual conference.

She was always prompt for interviews for this column. Arriving at
4:30 for one, she apologized. "I promised you an hour and a half, but
I'm going to have to leave at 5 of 6 ­ I have an appointment at the
Four Seasons."

In 2006, Forbes named Ms. Hefner 80th on its list of the world's 100
most powerful women. By 2008, she earned $1.5 million a year in compensation.

Last fall, she decided she had been responsible for Playboy long
enough. She had guided the company through several downturns and
wasn't looking forward to another. "Retrenching and cutting and not
growing ­ to say it's not much fun is an understatement."

On election night last November, she said, she received a call from
Playboy's head of human resources saying they wanted to put together
a celebration to observe her 20th year as chief executive. Instead,
she flew to the Playboy mansion in Los Angeles to tell Dad it was
time for her to go.

She turned down the publisher's position at Columbia, but is helping
Mr. Navasky create a for-profit arm for the Columbia Journalism
Review modeled on the Harvard Business Review, which raises money by
selling case studies and sponsoring conferences. She is networking
with several executives including Cathy Cranston, the business
review's former publisher. The two first networked when Ms. Hefner
was on the magazine association board and Ms. Cranston was with the
Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.

To keep her name before the public, she has been appearing as an
unpaid economic talking head on CNN, Fox and CNBC cable programs.
Though she received $2 million in severance from Playboy, she says
she needs to work. Her Playboy stock, at a high of $36 a share a
decade ago, now sells for $3.

She recently signed a deal with the Canyon Ranch resorts to build a
brand-licensing business for health products modeled on her efforts
with the Playboy brand. Asked if it would be a full-time job, Hef's
daughter said, "I expect it will take up approximately 40 percent of my time."

.

Civil rights heroes mourn Kennedy

[3 articles]

A Fearless Commitment

http://www.newsweek.com/id/214250

By John Lewis | NEWSWEEK
Published Aug 29, 2009
From the magazine issue dated Sep 7, 2009

My dear friend and colleague ted Kennedy will forever be remembered
for his brilliant accomplishments, his compassion, and his humanity.
Certainly that is how I will remember him. But, with a secret smile,
I will also remain grateful to Teddy for something more prosaic: he
once helped me sell a lot of books.

Let me explain. In the summer of 1998 I wrote a memoir, Walking With
the Wind. Ted graciously insisted on hosting a book party for me in
Boston. When I arrived, the large room was packed with people­no one,
especially in Massachusetts, refused an invitation from Senator
Kennedy. He took the microphone and said many warm things about me. I
was greatly moved. He was, of course, a brilliant orator, and to have
that voluminous baritone employed on my behalf was a delight. But it
turned out he was just getting started. After he finished his
remarks, he began working the room, shaking hands, grabbing
shoulders, enveloping the guests in his inescapable hugs. To each
one, he said the same thing: "You cannot leave without buying a copy
of John's book." He said it smiling, but no one walked away believing
he was kidding. I sold and signed many, many books that night­and
went home that evening with a far greater understanding of what has
been called the "Kennedy mystique."

This was the Ted Kennedy I had known for decades. We met in the
1960s, when we were both much younger men. At the time I was a social
activist pushing to advance the cause of civil rights. From his far
loftier perch in the United States Senate, that was Ted's goal, too.
Even then­many years before he would win renown as the Senate's
greatest legislator­he used his power and his skills to move others
in the right direction. He made a fearless commitment to carry on the
work of his two fallen brothers. It was never a matter of if a
civil-rights bill would be signed, but when. Never before and never
since have I known a man of privilege who so fully embraced and
embodied the cause of the poor and disenfranchised.

On any number of occasions, I can remember feeling myself losing
hope, only to hear Ted pushing harder. He had the audacity to believe
that people wanted to do the right thing, even if it meant sometimes
they needed to be given a push. "We will win this fight," he would
say. "We will end this injustice. Everyone will have the right to
vote." His resolve was not only inspiring, it was effective. It was
more than just words. Like his brother Bobby before him, he took his
cause on the road. He traveled to Mississippi and Georgia and all
across the South spreading the word­often in places where neither he,
nor his message of freedom and equality, were welcome. In my times of
darkness and deepest despair, his resolve restored my own.

Years later, I had the pleasure of coming to Washington and working
alongside my friend in the Capitol. It was a true pleasure to watch
Ted negotiate a bill. He seemed to relish these closed-door sessions
most when the odds were against him. He knew what he wanted. He knew
how to get there. He knew when to press, and when to relent. And
always, he did it with good humor. In all the years I knew him, never
once did I see Ted lose his cool. When his voice rose, sometimes to
the point of trembling, it was because the moment called for it. In
persuading his colleagues to see things his way, he did not resort to
threats or arm-twisting. He never talked down to people but instead
raised them by appealing to their better nature. "It is the fair
thing to do," he would say. "It's the right thing to do."

Three years ago, I had the opportunity to work with him when the
Voting Rights Act came up for renewal. There were some who said that
its time had come and gone and that it should be allowed to expire.
Ted helped put together a group of senators and representatives from
both sides of the aisle to make sure that that did not happen. On the
day that the Senate voted to renew the act, he invited me into the
Senate chamber to witness the vote. It passed, of course, and he
proudly presented me with the Senate tally sheet of the vote. We then
walked together to a small room nearby, where he showed me the desk
where President Johnson had signed the original Voting Rights Act in
1965. He had a photographer waiting, and he took our picture at the desk.

That photograph has hung in my home ever since. When I look at him in
that picture, with that ruddy face and renowned Kennedy smile, I am
reminded how blessed I was to have had the pleasure and privilege of
his company.
--

Lewis is a 12-term congressman from Georgia and the former chairman
of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.

--------

On the Death of Ted Kennedy

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/tom-hayden/on-the-death-of-ted-kenne_b_269865.html

Tom Hayden
Former state senator and leader of Sixties peace, justice and
environmental movements
August 26, 200

In his final months, he became the progressive anchor of the Barack
Obama campaign. When I saw them together early in 2008, it was not
easy for Ted Kennedy to oppose the party's favorite, Hillary Clinton,
on behalf of a young tribune of hope. But he did. Ted Kennedy sailed
against the wind.

Were he alive today, we would have a better health care bill than
anything that will emerge from this Congress. Perhaps the Senate
could be shamed into voting for a bill worth of his name, but I am
doubtful. Were he alive today, he surely would have counseled the
president to extract our troops from Afghanistan as rapidly as
possible, just as his brother Robert in 1967 decided to separate
himself from his brother John's earliest Vietnam policy. The
president will miss Ted Kennedy's wisdom amidst all the current
preening and chattering in the newest ranks of the best and the brightest.

Were he alive today, Ted Kennedy would recommend diplomacy toward our
apparent adversaries, just as he supported a US visa to permit Gerry
Adams to enter America in search of an Irish peace. Kennedy favored
the visa against the counsel of the State Department and CIA at the time.

Were he alive today, the Democratic Party would be less likely to
drift away from its progressive legacy in the name of victory at any
price. He was too old and experienced, had suffered through too much,
to fall victim to the latest fads of the ambitious. He knew that the
winds of change always return, even in the slackest tides.

I first met Ted Kennedy in 1962, when he was the kid brother, yet
already a US senator. I hated the system of perks and privileges when
most young men of my generation were facing the grim reaper of the
draft. I thought his brothers were full of progressive possibility,
but too imprisoned in the Democratic machine, too ambitious for
technical fixes. All that began to change when they were deceived by
their own CIA and Joint Chiefs at the Bay of Pigs, and again in South
Vietnam, which led them to consider withdrawal from Southeast Asia
and the horrifying Cold War nuclear arms race. They awakened to the
spirit of the civil rights and student movements too. Then came the
Dallas assassination, then the King assassination, then Bobby's
assassination here in Los Angeles.

The utter madness of it all surely contributed to Teddy's spiral
downward. The miracle was his steady recovery and his eventual
restoration and extension of the Kennedy family legacy. When I last
saw him, during an informal get-together in his Senate office, it was
as if much of his youth, his ironic humor, his fighting spirit, and
his empathy for social movements, had returned.

If we understand Ted Kennedy as the most progressive and effective
member of the United States Senate, whose politics are echoed
generally across the whole Kennedy family, we must draw the
conclusion for our generation and the country as a whole. If either
of the earlier Kennedy brothers had not been murdered, the likelihood
is that American would have evolved steadily in a progressive
direction, without Vietnam, without the black uprisings and
repressions, without Nixon and Watergate, because that was the
trajectory where Ted Kennedy believed his brothers' legacy would be honored.

That is why, as Jack Newfield wrote in 1968, we would become not a
generation of has-beens, but a generation of might-have-beens, while
we were very young.

Ted Kennedy knew at the deepest level that only a new and hopeful
generation of activists might lift America from the life of sorrows
that he, and the rest of us, were forced to endure.

--------

Civil rights heroes mourn Kennedy as one of theirs

http://www.ksro.com/news/article.aspx?id=1350353

By ERRIN HAINES Associated Press Writer
8/28/2009

In the early hours before President Barack Obama's historic
inauguration, U.S. Rep. John Lewis' phone rang. It was Edward Kennedy.

"I'm thinking about you, of how proud you must be and how happy you
must be," Lewis, a lion of the civil rights movement, recalled
hearing the liberal lion of the Senate say on the other end. "I wish
that my brothers, Jack and Bobby, and Dr. King were here to observe
what we are about to observe."

For all the causes championed by Kennedy, who died Tuesday at 77
after nearly half a century in the Senate, he will be remembered in
the South almost exclusively as the man who, in the face of
resentment from many whites, delivered on the promises his brothers
made to help end segregation.

"Of the white Americans who did the most to help the advancement of
civil rights, Ted Kennedy would be on the short list. He may even be
at the top of it," said Douglas Brinkley, a history professor at Rice
University. "He wasn't just for civil rights in the sense of the
movement, but for dignity rights for all people."

And while John F. Kennedy and Robert Kennedy had a tenuous
relationship with civil rights leaders _ particularly the Rev. Martin
Luther King Jr. _ Ted Kennedy was embraced by the civil rights
community, Brinkley said.

"He was our shepherd," Lewis said. "He was our fighter for social
justice, and not just in the traditional sense or for people of
color. He was a champion for those who were left out and left behind."

Barely four months after his oldest brother was assassinated, Edward
Kennedy, then a 32-year-old serving his first term, gave his first
major speech on the Senate floor. Until then, Kennedy had largely
been deferential to his senior colleagues. But after four weeks of
listening to them debate the Civil Rights Act of 1964, he could be
silent no more.

"My brother was the first President of the United States to state
publicly that segregation was wrong," Kennedy said. "His heart and
soul are in this bill. If his life and death had a meaning, it was
that we should not hate but love one another; we should use our
powers not to create conditions of oppression that lead to violence,
but conditions of freedom that lead to peace. It is in that spirit
that I hope the Senate will pass this bill."

It was the opening salvo of the youngest Kennedy son's career-long
efforts on behalf of blacks, which decades later would see him
deliver an endorsement that helped put the first black man in the Oval Office.

"It became clear by 1968 that this was somebody who was colorblind,"
Brinkley said. "He believed in his heart that prejudice was an
abomination. The African-American community fell in love with Ted Kennedy."

Of course, many Southern whites had the opposite reaction to the
Yankee senator, whom they saw as an ultra-leftist threat to their way
of life, Brinkley said.

"Ted Kennedy found the Jim Crow system abhorrent," he said. "He
almost became an ugly parlor joke with the mere mention of his name."

For Kennedy, the movement became personal. After King's assassination
in April 1968 and Robert Kennedy's slaying two months later, Edward
Kennedy remained close to King's widow, Coretta Scott King.

"He'd call her whenever he passed through town," said Andrew Young,
the former mayor of Atlanta and U.S. ambassador to the United Nations
who worked alongside King and other civil rights leaders and knew
Kennedy for decades.

"And she didn't hesitate to call him when there was anything that the
government or that he, personally, could do. I think he became a
family friend."

Young said Kennedy saw his mission as continuing the legacy not only
of his brothers, but of King. Long after the marches and freedom
rides stopped, Kennedy continued to work on issues of equality for
minorities and the poor, pushing for economic opportunity and a
national teachers' corps.

When Young needed support to create the Morehouse School of Medicine,
an institution dedicated to educating primary care physicians who
work in underserved communities, he turned to then-Sen. Herman
Talmadge of Georgia and Kennedy, who considered health care part of
the civil rights agenda.

"I knew if the two of them could agree on it, it would happen," Young
said. "It didn't take a half hour for them to say, 'OK, we can get that done.'"

Kennedy also worked with Coretta Scott King to get a federal holiday
established in her husband's honor.

Martin Luther King III called Kennedy the country's "greatest
statesman in modern times."

"Ted Kennedy was the epitome of a visionary, compassionate and
dedicated public servant who spoke up for those without a voice and
little hope," said King, whose organization, Realizing the Dream
Inc., honored Kennedy earlier this year.

"His life should serve as an example to each of us to reach beyond
our own selfish interests to serve the greater needs of all people," King said.

Charles Evers, who served as the NAACP's field secretary in
Mississippi and whose brother Medgar was killed by a white
supremacist in a slaying that galvanized the movement, said he stayed
in touch with Kennedy through the years.

Evers, now 86, said he took the senator on a tour of some of the
poorest areas of the state in the 1970s and 1980s, including the
Delta region and parts of Jackson.

"He just really wanted to see the ruins of black folk. He said this
is unnecessary, it's un-American because no one is supposed to live
like this," Evers said.

Lewis, D-Ga., worked with Kennedy for 22 years in the halls of
Congress. As he pondered the depth of the nation's loss, Lewis
recalled another personal moment he shared with his colleague.

As a representative with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating
Committee, Lewis had worked for the passage of the Voting Rights Act
of 1965. When the bill was up for reauthorization in the Senate three
years ago, Kennedy invited Lewis to speak on the Senate floor ahead
of the vote.

Afterward, Kennedy took his friend around the corner to a room.
Inside was the desk President Lyndon Johnson used to sign the bill
four decades earlier.

.

Daniel Ellsberg and the Pentagon Papers

Film Review:
The Most Dangerous Man in America:
Daniel Ellsberg and the Pentagon Papers

http://www.filmjournal.com/filmjournal/content_display/reviews/specialty-releases/e3i0d1b247e2040d9db18b8118db69b132a

This straightforward history lesson casts Daniel Ellsberg and his
leaked Pentagon Papers as the first shot in the war that brought down
the Nixon regime.

Sept 1, 2009
By Chris Barsanti

For movie details, please click here.
http://directories.vnuemedia.com/fjiguides/bluesheets/film_display.aspx?mid=10541

After seeing Judith Ehrlich and Rick Goldsmith's earnest, smart
documentary about Daniel Ellsberg and the Pentagon Papers
controversy, viewers not old enough when it unfolded might wonder why
the story has played such a minor role in popular histories of the
era. This informative account deserves more than the very limited
theatrical release it's likely to get.

Ellsberg's story (which he narrates large parts of) is similar to
that of many intellectuals recruited into Washington's cadre of
wunderkinds only to find themselves with the blood of Vietnam all
over their hands. Brilliant and competitive, Ellsberg was a top
policy analyst in the military-industrial complex more interested in
game theory and puzzle-solving than waging war. Symbolically, the
Gulf of Tonkin incident erupted on his very first day at the Pentagon
under Robert McNamara.

From then on, Ellsberg­a lean and professorial type with a David
Strathairn gravity to him­was propelled deeper and deeper into
planning of the war he later came to despise. A true-blue
anti-communist and former Marine, Ellsberg was no desk wonk, but
headed into the South Vietnamese deltas and jungles to dig up data
firsthand, even if it meant going into actual combat. Ellsberg
ultimately learned enough about the war­particularly how badly it was
going and how inhumanely it was being fought­that he couldn't ignore
his doubts any longer.

Though their visuals tend toward hokey reenactments and no-frills
talking-head dialogue, the filmmakers do an astounding job relating
how Ellsberg brought the Pentagon Papers (which laid out in plain
language how the Pentagon and White House had been lying through
their teeth to the public about the war) to light. From smuggling the
thousands of top-secret documents out of the Rand Corporation, to the
breathtaking race to publish them in more newspapers than the
government could get injunctions against (vitriolic audiotapes reveal
a vicious Nixon raging in full splutter, "We've got to get this son
of a bitch!"), it's a thrilling journalistic drama, easily the equal
of Deep Throat.

If nothing else, The Most Dangerous Man in America: Daniel Ellsberg
and the Pentagon Papers (the title comes from Henry Kissinger)
strongly makes the point that without Ellsberg's breach in the dam,
Nixon might never have been paranoid enough to get his team of
plumbers to raid Ellsberg's doctor's office, which laid the
groundwork for their later break-ins at the Watergate.

Although visually a minimally budgeted public television-style
documentary (if only Errol Morris had wanted to tell Ellsberg's story
as a follow-up to The Fog of War), The Most Dangerous Man offers a
brisk and eye-opening approach to recent history.

.

Free Speech Alley rich with history

Free Speech Alley rich with history, creating legacy for student
discourse, debates

http://www.lsureveille.com/news/free-speech-alley-rich-with-history-creating-legacy-for-student-discourse-debates-1.1822325

By Ryan Buxton
August 27, 2009

University students are familiar with the cornerstones of Free Speech
Alley ­ buzzing tables of student organizations passing out flyers,
the easy demeanor of the kind man offering "Jesus Talk" and the
violent messages of damnation from the Consuming Fire Fellowship. But
there was a new sight in the Alley Wednesday.

The newest addition to the Free Speech Alley community is The Vieux
at LSU. Sponsored by the Student Activities Board, it will serve as a
place for students to come together and exchange ideas on issues like
the economy and health care, said Sheela Chockalingam, chair of the
SAB Ideas and Issues Committee.

Though Chockalingam said it wasn't her intention, the program's
format as an organized discussion, rather than the free-for-all
promotion that takes place in the Alley today ­ similar to the
original intention when the first group of students spoke there in 1964.

IN THE BEGINNING

When Free Speech Alley began, it took place in an actual alley
between the Union book store and theatre, said Jeff Duhe, a 1988
University alumnus who became moderator of the Alley during his time.

"Cruelly and ironically, the place where bank machines stand today is
the place where hippies railed against materialism," Duhe said.

Free Speech Alley began as a sponsored event by a Union student
committee, said Shirley Plakidas, Student Union director. A podium
was set out and people took turns standing on it to speak their peace.

"The original atmosphere was one of debate," Plakidas said. "Before
computers and instant access to news, students could listen to the
debates to learn about political issues."

The debates were passionate and often controversial, spanning issues
like the Vietnam War and Communism. "Topics ran the gamut from China
to sexual climaxes," according to a 1967 Daily Reveille article.

With such divisive topics, debate got quite heated. But it was always
a goal of organizers to keep the event in order. A student moderator
limited the time of speeches and decided the order of speakers,
Plakidas said. The official rules were outlined in a 1968 Reveille
editorial: "A sense of fair play should be kept in mind while the
speaker is questioned," and "use of the soapbox is limited to faculty
and students of LSU," the editorial said of the box on which students
would stand as they boasted their opinions.

University administrators also took part in the Alley. James Reddoch,
dean of Student Services in 1964, regularly addressed the crowd in
what he called "Face The Students."

"[Reddoch] would stand before them and answer their questions," said
Maxine Reddoch, his wife. "Some people were respectful, and some were
not. But he always took it well and acted fairly."

Today, Chancellor Michael Martin holds "Chats with the Chancellor" to
communicate with students.

THE EVOLUTION

In the 1970s, a familiar face in the Alley was David Duke, a
University graduate who was active in the Ku Klux Klan. The Baton
Rouge State Times chronicled his "takeover" of the debates, saying he
met "antagonism, friendly debate and boredom with his dogma."

The Alley was not only a place for solemn discourse. Many students
who took the podium did so with a sense of humor, like one student
who satirically promoted his new political party, the International
Sensualist Emergency Committee, which called for "free love and
nickel beer or free beer and nickel love," according to a 1971 Baton
Rouge State Times article.

By the 1980s, the Vietnam War and heated arguments about it had
subsided. But the students in Free Speech Alley had no shortage of
topics to discuss. James Wharton, University chancellor from 1981 to
1989, remembers the Alley being packed with a couple hundred students
on some days during his tenure.

"In the '80s, war issues had died down, but matters like athletic
ticket policies and student fees were debated," he said.

Wharton said he found an interesting way for the administration to
influence students' activities.

"Occasionally, when students would want to rail about something, I
would provide them with a sound system and podium and a place to make
noise," Wharton said. "That seemed to take the wind from their sails,
when the administration would give them a hand."

Duhe likened his time moderating weekly discussions in the '80s to
producing a variety show. As he opened the session and determined the
speakers' order, Duhe kept entertainment in mind.

"I used to get up and do five or 10 minutes on the topics of the day
at the beginning to get people riled up, like the opening monologue
of 'The Tonight Show,'" Duhe said.

Speakers were supposed to take the podium in the order in which they
signed up, but Duhe said he secretly shifted the order to keep things
interesting.

"You couldn't put three fundamentalist Christians in a row. People
would get bored," he said. "So I would put the communist sandwiched
between two fundamentalist speakers."

Like today, Evangelists arguing with students often drew the most
interest from the crowd because of their "fire and brimstone
message," Duhe said. His memories sound like something that could
have happened any recent day in the Alley.

"They would scream 'whore' at random women walking on the Parade
Ground," Duhe said. "It would get these liberal college students
riled up, and they would want to respond."

MODERN DAY

The days of an official podium and heated, yet organized, debate on
political issues may not be familiar to students who see today's Free
Speech Alley, filled mostly with student organizations and religious
groups promoting themselves. Yet the spirit of the Alley remains ­ a
place where anyone is allowed to speak anything so desired.

Melanie Oubre, College Democrats president, said Free Speech Alley is
an important platform for her organization. Last year Oubre spent
time in the Alley discussing the on-campus gun bill with passing
students and said she was exposed to varied opinions.

"I got to talk to an administrator, a teacher and a student in the
ROTC," she said. "I heard opinions from every side of the spectrum."

Though Free Speech Alley today has changed significantly from the way
it began, Duhe said he doesn't think these differences mean the fire
has dwindled to ashes.

"We had Free Speech Alley, the Reveille, KLSU and the Gumbo to
express ourselves," Duhe said. "This generation has all of those,
plus cell phones, MySpace and Twitter. This generation isn't shouting
at each other less. They're just shouting in invisible waves of
electromagnetism instead of on a bench in front of the Union."
--

Contact Ryan Buxton at rbuxton@lsureveille.com

.

Interview: Rona Elliot, Rock Journalist

Seven Questions:
Rona Elliot, Rock Journalist/Editor - 'The Woodstock Experience'

http://laist.com/2009/08/28/seven_questions_rona_elliot_rock_jo.php?gallery0Pic=2

8/28/09

Today's subject is Rona Elliot.

As a rock journalist, Rona Elliot has had the opportunity to
eyewitness and participate in some of music's most memorable moments.
The former music correspondent for NBC's "Today" show broke the first
Band Aid story in London out of Abbey Road studios in 1984, worked at
historic Live Aid, was the first to interview Tina Turner during her
acclaimed comeback and traveled the world with her. Rona, who
currently teaches music business class at UCLA extension, was on hand
to report on Nelson Mandela's welcoming at London's Wembley Stadium,
she traveled with the Rolling Stones for the first rock concert ever
in then Czechoslovakia, served as VH1's first news anchor and was in
the USSR for the country's first rock concert ever with Billy Joel.

Forty years ago, Rona was working in public and community relations
for a little concert called Woodstock. Her first-hand experience at
what is perhaps the most famous music festival of all time matched
with her incredible ability to interview music legends is on display
in The Woodstock Experience, a remarkable limited edition hand-bound
dual-book package from London-based Genesis Publications featuring
words from the original festival producer Michael Lang and photos
from official Woodstock photographer Henry Diltz.

Rona who currently resides in Los Angeles took some time to speak
with LAist about the making of The Woodstock Experience, working on
the festival, rock journalism and the current state of music.

1) How did you get connected with Genesis Publications?

Genesis Publications is a UK company. What they do is make the most
beautiful and magical limited edition collectible books. The books
are usually between $650 to $1,000 and there's usually only 1,000
copies. Genesis prides themselves on creating books that feature
collections of photographs that nobody has ever seen.

For example, there's a book called T.O.T.A. '75, Tour of the
Americas. The book has a collection of photos from the photographer
who was on the road with the Rolling Stones from 1973-75. The book
not only has his astonishing photos of the Rolling Stones, but it has
every memo, every room key, everything that a collector would truly
love. Because they're limited edition, they have these incredible
photographs, made in the UK, printed in Milan and hand bound, they're
just theses astonishing pieces of collectible art.

I first heard about Genesis because I wrote a story about a book.
This was about 20 years ago, when I was working on the Today show. I
was writing a story about a book called Fifty Years Adrift which was
written by Derek Taylor. Derek was The Beatles' publicist. I was
holding in my hand a book that was a complete history of The Beatles
from someone who was there since day one. Derek had kept every
ticket, every memo, every song note, every lyric, every postcard and
all of his memories. And there was the history of The Beatles in my
hand. I just couldn't believe it. I did my story about the book,
which cost $1,000 at that time.

Genesis had created this treasure, something that someone like me who
cares so much about music would want to own. If a book came along
that was really important, I'd buy it. It just became this incredibly
precious thing to me to have the history of a particular band in my
hand. Little did I know that some years later fate would cause me to
intersect with Genesis in a very LA way.

Henry Diltz who's the famous rock and roll photographer who lives in
North Hollywood, I've known him since before Woodstock. He hired him
to photograph Woodstock. One day back in the 90s, he said to me,
'Some day I want to have a book.'

Henry was the kind of guy who kept notes and scrap papers from
everything he had done. I told Henry, 'If you ever want to do that,
these are the only people (Genesis) in the world who could do that
with you.' I showed him all of the Genesis books I had collected.

Fast forward 12 years, he tells me, 'They're doing a book on me.' I
then contacted Genesis and I end up having a series of conversations
with the owner. We were having a chat one day and without ever
mentioning what I do he asked me, 'Do you know anyone who interviews
musicians?' I said, 'That would be me, it's all I've done for the
past 30 years and I've interviewed many of the legends in Henry's photos.'

From here I started to build a relationship with Genesis both from
working on Henry's book and from having known Henry for so long. The
photos in Henry's book were everyone that was relevant in the Los
Angeles music scene between '68 and '74, Henry documented the whole thing.

I was interviewing John Sebastian for Henry's book who lived with
Henry and my friend during that time period at a place called "The
Farm" off of Barham Blvd. John lived in a tie-dyed tent and wore
tie-dyed clothes. Henry had a lot of pictures of him. John came to
Woodstock, NY to be interviewed and brought with him a piece of
tie-dyed from that time period which Henry had photographed. That
tied-eye became the template for the cover of Henry's book, that
piece of tie-dyed went to Milan where the books are printed. This
piece of tie-dyed which Henry had photographed so many years ago was
now the template for the cover of the book, this is the kind of
veracity that Genesis brings to their books.

These are my kind of people.

2) When did the idea for The Woodstock Experience come along?

In 2004, 2005 we started talking about Woodstock. I had worked at
Woodstock. Many of the people who worked at Woodstock were still in
my life. Michael Lang was still in my life. Brian Roylance who was
the founder of Genesis and we all agreed to do a Woodstock book.
Shortly after we agreed to do the book, Brian passed away. It was in
2005, he died playing soccer or rugby.

Michael Lang and myself set out to record exactly what had happened
there that summer. I personally arrived at Woodstock in May 1969. I
had been in Algeria; I had gotten a telegram from my ex-boyfriend
telling me to come home for a festival in upstate New York. I had
previously worked on the Newport Pop Festival and Miami Pop Festival.
I came back and Michael had hired me to do the local public relations
and community relations.

What was important to me in the book was to tell the story of what
really happened. We weren't interested in the opinions or the
international urban legends. We set out to interview as many
musicians who were still alive, as many people who worked the event
that we could find.

3) What does Woodstock mean to you?

While it's a badge of honor, and always a conversation stopper when I
mention my work on the festival, it's also a part of my personal
history. It's shaped me as a person, and it's shaped the lives of all
the people who were there. From the people on staff to the people
stuck in the mud to the musicians, it's a part of their personal
history as well. I mean it was Santana's first big gig. One of the
guys who played with Jimi Hendrix, had never played in public before.
He was Jimi's roommate. There's just a million stories like that.

The festival was different things to different people. If you were
anti-war, Woodstock was an anti-war festival. If you were a hippie,
Woodstock was a free love festival. For the people who were down by
the lake and never got in, it was three days of being in a lake
naked. For the people who were stuck in the jammed up traffic, it was
a party on a highway. Everyone had their own individual experience.

People often ask me, 'What did it really mean?' Here's what I tell
people - Here we are 40 years later and all the around the world
you'll still hear the festival being mentioned. When Barack Obama was
being inaugurated, you heard CNN, USA Today and other news outlets
refer to the moment as "Obama's Woodstock." That's shorthand for
peaceful gathering, where people get along, nobody gets hurt and a
vision is shared. That's the legacy.

4) Was there anyone, whether that's an artist or a staff member, who
was difficult to track down for an interview but you felt like you
HAD to have them to make the book complete?

There were people who didn't want to talk about it because they were
tired of talking about it. People who didn't have a good experience.
People who were dead. People who were writing their own book. There
were people of various stripes that we came across along the way.

We started out with a complete list of all the people involved and
went through it. Janice, gone. Jimi, gone. And so on. Then there were
those who are still around but are missing in action like Sly (Sly in
the Family Stone) who put on one of the most astonishing performances
of the festival. A lot of the staff isn't around either, which is sad
for me because you know, we all lived together.

5) Since you were working at the festival, how much of the music
performances were you actually able to see?

I didn't get to see much. My greatest recollection was Jimi Hendrix.
I was busy working but I do remember being blown away by Jimi's
performance. It was early in the morning, we were in our trailer and
I just remember hearing these other-worldly sounds from Jimi and his
rendition of the National Anthem. He was unbelievable. One of the
greatest things I've ever heard. That remains for me, I saw Jimi at
Monterey when he set his guitar on fire but that Woodstock set to me
is the best.

I was so focused on my work at the festival, because it really did
take a village to put it all together so I couldn't see much but if I
was going to see anything I'm glad I got to experience that.

6) You were the music correspondent for the Today show on NBC for a
decade. How did you come into that position? Also, currently national
news programs like the Today show have gone away from covering music
and have simply thrown it in with pop culture/entertainment coverage.
What do you think caused this transition in the way music is covered?

I had a long history in music journalism and radio. I was very
involved in breaking the Band Aid and Live Aid stories. There was a
visionary producer at the Today show named Steve Freidman. I had done
a lot of work with Tina Turner in radio, network radio which was in
the same facility as NBC. I went down to the third floor of the
building where the Today show was located and I approached Steve and
said I had this vision for doing something with music on the show. I
told them you may not hire me, but nobody's ever going to do it better.

This was before celebrity journalism and gossip journalism, well I
don't even call it journalism I just call it gossip and junk.My
vision was to do long form sit-down interviews with the musicians,
which is something I had been doing for a long time on the radio. The
Today show says, well if you're so great, get me interviews with Tina
Turner and Bruce Springsteen - mind you this was 1984. So I wrote to
Tina and asked her; she responded to me saying I'd done so much for
her with radio that she'd do whatever I needed.

She agreed to let me interview her for the Today show. That interview
was unlike anything done on television before. I got to travel with
her, go backstage, and did some lengthy interviews with her. Over the
next ten years, I'd do that with pretty much everybody. I got to
travel the world.

I never asked anyone about who they were dating or what they were
wearing because I didn't care. For me it was all about the music and
what this music communicated and where it was coming from. How did
Eric Clapton come up with "Layla?"

I never did what you see on television now. I can't watch that stuff.
I treated the musicians with enormous respect because music was such
a large part of my life. Thanks to NBC, I was able to travel the
world with great musicians and share their gifts and tell their
stories. I felt like it was a privledge, every day that I had that job.

I left the job because I felt like it was time to go. I felt like
things were changing. The value that I ascribed to was moving into a
different world.

The long form interview just isn't valued anymore. I mean you still
see it on "60 Minutes" but fast and cheesy, and drug addictions and
who's sleeping with with who sells. I think if the people were fed
quality work, there would be a marketplace for it. I don't want to
insult anyone's work but I just think that I have a different set of
standards and values and that's not what's being sold to the people
right now. The pendulum will swing back eventually. In this age of
Twitter and tweeting, hearing Eric Clapton describe his writing
process is something different.

7) You've mentioned that much of your career in music was spent in
radio. What do you think of the current state of radio, especially
radio here in Los Angeles, where so many stations have turned to the
"Top 40" format?

I don't think you're going to find good music on any of these
stations. That's just not where good music is. That's where Britney
Spears and the Jonas Brothers are. As I explained to my kids who are
12, there's always going to be people who listen to pop music, and
take nothing away from them.

The difference is, when I was listening to Top 40 you would hear the
1910 Fruitgum Company but you'd also hear Jimi Hendrix. Top 40 back
then was color blind. You had rock and roll, hard rock, you had
Smokey Robinson and Motown records, it was a little bit of
everything. That's not what you hear now. In order to hear Motown
now, you've got to listen to K-Earth or KJLH.

Top 40 today is not what it was back then. You will not hear quality
music there. To me, Mariah Carey, and no offense intended, but that's
not good music. It's just pop music. Britney Spears - forgettable.
Madonna - flushable. This is just an opinion, and opinions are like
assholes but Madonna hasn't made a lasting song. Not saying that we
won't be hearing her music in 40 years, but I'd like someone to
explain to me the long-lasting value, the contribution that her music
has made. Sure, it makes people dance but it's not music from my
point of view.

I just don't see music serving a larger purpose anymore. It's here to
sell commercial time. If I want to find new music,I'll go on Pandora
or some other sites or I'll call up people whose taste in music I trust.

.

Embodying '69 in the Hair & Now

Embodying '69 in the Hair & Now

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/08/27/AR2009082704141.html


By Ann Hornaday
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, August 28, 2009

For "Taking Woodstock," director Ang Lee used three types of film
stocks, negotiated rights for more than 20 songs and orchestrated a
long, complicated tracking shot involving a constantly moving camera,
120 cars and about twice that number of people. But the hardest
technical issue he had to solve? Bodies and hair.

"The biggest challenge was to get extras who were skinny but who were
not working out all the time," producer and screenwriter James
Schamus said to reporters at the Cannes Film Festival in May. "And
who still had pubic hair."

Say what?

"When you think about it, that was really a generation of people who
weren't fat, but who weren't staring at themselves in the mirror all
the time," Schamus observed, "or shaving everything off down there.
It encapsulates the difference in 40 years right there."

Schamus has a point. There's a lot of nudity in "Taking Woodstock."
Hippie nudity. Which means hairy nudity. And some baby boomer parents
-- sorry, grandparents -- may find themselves having to explain to
younger viewers that there was a time long, long ago, when most young
people let their nether regions grow wild.

That little detail turned out to be surprisingly pivotal in "Taking
Woodstock." Perhaps more important than the film's name stars in
establishing period authenticity were the extras who were often
called upon to strip and go naked. (All that skinny-dipping! All that
free love! All that brown acid!) Eventually, their numbers hit
critical mass in the tracking shot that depicted the "half a million
strong" immortalized in story and song.

For Lee, "Taking Woodstock" represented a chance to shake off the
angst and tragedy that have driven so many of his recent films. "I
was yearning to do a comedy-slash-drama without cynicism," he told
reporters at Cannes. "It took me a long way to get there, but I
thought after 13 years I'd earned that right to . . . just be relaxed
and happy and at peace with myself."

Schamus concurred, noting that in many ways "Taking Woodstock"
represents a prequel to their 1997 drama, "The Ice Storm," about
1970s suburban alienation and ennui. " 'The Ice Storm' was really
centered around a very specific technical film problem we wanted to
solve," Schamus said, "which was how to film the least comfortable,
worst sex scene in the history of cinema.

"The technical problem for Woodstock," he continued, "was how you
[depict] sexuality and a real sensuality of life without cynicism."

In many ways, the innocence and optimism epitomized by Woodstock's
"three days of peace and music," was literally embodied by the era's
youth, who weren't toned, waxed or bronzed into taut, narcissistic
perfection. "They were more relaxed," Schamus said simply. "They
didn't always have one eye on the mirror."

The laid-back personal grooming habits and slouchy posture of the era
became a coded way to communicate tribal affiliation, according to
Lee. "I think that relaxation was the way they rebelled against the
establishment and their parents," he said. "And it was a way of
connecting, to nature and to each other, without saying anything."

.

Red Army Faction member arrested

Red Army Faction member arrested

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/8227540.stm

28 August 2009

German police have arrested a former member of the extreme-left
militant group the Red Army Faction for links to three murders 30 years ago.

Verena Becker had played a crucial role in planning and carrying out
the murder of Siegfried Buback, prosecutors said.

The chief West German federal prosecutor was shot dead along with his
driver and guard on 7 April 1977.

DNA evidence implicating Ms Becker was found on a letter in which her
group claimed responsibility, police said.

The three victims were shot dead by two people on a motorcycle as
their car stopped at a traffic lights on route to a Karlsruhe court.

Ms Becker, 57, was arrested in Berlin on Thursday on suspicion of
playing "an active role" in the attack, prosecutors said, although
there was no suspicion that she fired the fatal shots.

Six murders

Although Ms Becker was arrested the month after the Buback
assassination, after a shoot-out with police, there was insufficient
evidence at the time to convict her of his murder.

She was sentenced to life imprisonment for her involvement in six
other murders, but was pardoned by then President Richard von
Weizsaecker in 1989 and released.

The investigation into the murders was recently reopened when it was
found that DNA testing could garner new evidence from the letter
claiming responsibility for Buback's assassination.

The Red Army Faction, also known as the Baader-Meinhof gang, killed
more than 30 people before breaking up 10 years ago.

Along with the principal targets of their terror - bankers,
businessmen, judges and US servicemen - other staff like bodyguards
and drivers were also gunned down.

In one case, the head of a bank was assassinated at his home, after
being presented with a bunch of flowers by the killers.

.

Melvin Van Peebles' Panther

The first of many:
Melvin Van Peebles' Panther

http://www.examiner.com/x-8359-Denver-Books-Examiner~y2009m8d29-The-first-of-many

August 29, 2009
Zack Kopp

Melvin Van Peebles' Panther is a novel about the rise of the Black
Panther Party by an insider. Though never officially a member, Van
Peebles' film, "Sweet Sweetback's Badass Song" was the first movie to
show a black man escaping from oppressors at its close, and as such,
inspired Panthers to turn out in droves for its premier, making it a smash hit.

Such is the disconnect between blacks and whites in modern America, I
never about Van Peebles or his movies and books until seeing a film
written and directed by his son, Mario, also an actor and director
(Carlito's Way, New Jack City) titled "BAADASSSSS!" which chronicles
events from the "Sweetback" period.

Melvin Van Peebles wrote the 1995 film Panther, based on his novel,
which was also directed by Mario. Generally regarded as a director
and screenwriter, he is also an actor, composer, playwright,
novelist, and painter. He says he was more disgusted than inspired to
make films­by the absence of any black characters at all similar to
people he knew.

.

Monday, September 28, 2009

1969 Ann Arbor Blues Festival

Singin' the Ann Arbor Blues

http://annarborchronicle.com/2009/08/27/column-singin-the-ann-arbor-blues/

1969 Ann Arbor Blues Festival was Midwest's Woodstock

By Alan Glenn
August 27, 2009

Forty years ago this month, a great crowd of young people converged
on a small, unsuspecting middle-American town for an incredible
three-day celebration of peace and music. They sat on the cool grass
of an open field, grooved to the tunes of a dizzying array of
legendary performers, smoked pot, drank wine, and generally had a
blast. It was a landmark event that is still spoken of in hushed
tones of awe and reverence among music historians.

No, it wasn't Woodstock. It was something similar, yet very
different, something smaller yet in some ways bigger.

It was something called the Ann Arbor Blues Festival.

In early August 1969, two weeks before the mammoth fete in Bethel,
N.Y., approximately 20,000 eager spectators came to the Fuller
Flatlands on the banks of the lazy Huron River to hear an absolutely
astounding lineup of living legends of the blues ­ B. B. King, Muddy
Waters, Howlin' Wolf, Otis Rush, Magic Sam, Big Mama Thornton, Son
House, T-Bone Walker, Lightnin' Hopkins, and on and on ­ at the first
major blues festival in the United States.

Although the Ann Arbor event has been almost completely overshadowed
by its big brother in New York, to many serious music fans ­
especially blues enthusiasts ­ it is by far the more important of the
two. Writing in the October 1969 issue of Downbeat, critic Dan
Morgenstern made his preference plain, dismissing Woodstock in favor
of the Ann Arbor Blues Festival, which he declared was "without doubt
the festival of the year, if not the decade."

Choosing the Blues

But it wasn't just the cultured music critics for whom the choice was
clear. In the spring of '69, Steve Wanvig was a 19-year-old blues fan
living in Minneapolis. "I was working at an aluminum window and
siding company," he says, "when I heard about this massive rock show
which was to take place in the summer, out in upstate New York."

"I wanted to go," remembers Wanvig, "but I was much more interested
in the massive blues show which was to take place in Ann Arbor,
Michigan, much closer. So I enlisted a high school buddy to drive his
red '67 Chevy Impala over there. Jim V (may he rest in peace) wasn't
even a big blues guy, but he was a good enough friend to provide
transportation. We threw a tent and some sleeping bags in the car and
headed east."

At that time Wanvig was particularly enamored of the magic harp
(blues-speak for harmonica) of Charlie Musselwhite. "Musselwhite was
to play in Ann Arbor; that did it for me," says Wanvig, now an artist
and graphic designer. "But besides him, you had the biggest
collection of blues legends ever to perform on one stage. It was an
absolute, stone-cold MUST for anyone who called themselves a blues
fan. I chose the blues, and I'm glad I did."

While Woodstock was remarkable largely because of the sheer size of
its audience, the Ann Arbor Blues Festival was all about the music.
"This particular happening did not attract even one-tenth of the
300,000-plus that Woodstock could boast," wrote Dan Morgenstern in
Downbeat. "Total attendance for the three evening and two afternoon
concerts at the Ann Arbor Blues Festival was around 20,000. But
everyone there had come to hear the music ­ not to make the scene ­
and the enthusiastic response was a joy to behold."

Baby Boomer Blues

Most writers who attended the festival remarked upon the enthusiasm
of the audience. Many also noted the striking contrast between the
performers on the stage ­ mostly older, impecunious black men, with
roots in the Deep South ­and the spectators on the field, who were
mostly young, white, and well-off. "It was an odd sight to see white
youngsters besieging black men in their sixties and seventies for
autographs," wrote Hollie West in The Washington Post.

In hindsight, however, it shouldn't have seemed all that odd.
Throughout the 1960s there had been occurring what has been termed a
"blues revival" ­ although that is something of a misnomer, since the
blues had never actually died. Instead the phenomenon would be more
accurately described as an awakening of interest in the blues in an
audience that previously hadn't paid it much attention ­ young,
white, educated Americans.

The blues had first started to appear on the radar of the boomer
college crowd in the early sixties, as part of the folk music
explosion. A few African-American country bluesmen were booked into
the coffee houses and were admired by audiences as purveyors of a
truly "authentic" form of traditional American roots music. A number
of popular white folkies, such as Bob Dylan and Dave Van Ronk, also
included blues material in their repertoire.

The rise of interest in acoustic blues was followed by a surge of
enthusiasm for the heavily blues-influenced rock 'n' roll of the
early British Invasion. The Rolling Stones, the Animals, the Who, and
the Kinks were among the many English rock bands that ­ ironically
enough ­ introduced scores of young American listeners to the blues,
via rocking covers of blues standards as well as their own
blues-tinged originals.

By the late sixties a new white blues-rock scene was in full swing on
both sides of the Atlantic. Janis Joplin, Paul Butterfield, Canned
Heat, Steve Miller, Fleetwood Mac, Eric Clapton, and others made
millions with their hybridized versions of black American blues. At
the same time, most freely acknowledged the debt owed their
African-American forbears, who in turn enjoyed an increase of
interest in their work (although nothing on the level of the white performers).

Roots of the Festival

The Ann Arbor Blues Festival was the brainchild of a small group of
University of Michigan undergraduates, led by John Fishel, a
20-year-old anthropology major. Music festivals had become quite
fashionable in the late sixties, and Fishel remembers that there was
interest on campus in putting together some sort of fete.

"Somebody put me in touch with one or two people," he says. "It ended
up with maybe four or five of us getting together. Some of us knew
each other, some didn't. We really didn't have a concept at the time.
We didn't know whether it would be a series or a one-shot deal. We
didn't know whether it was an inside show in an auditorium, or
whether it was an outdoor show. But I agreed to do the entertainment
part of it."

Having been a blues enthusiast from an early age, Fishel naturally
wanted to make it a blues festival. The others were either of like
mind or were easily persuaded, and so, nascent concept in hand, they
set about putting the gears in motion. Fishel and several companions
traveled to Chicago, then probably the biggest blues city in America,
to make key contacts among the performers and promoters, and to get a
better feel for the milieu.

Fishel put his knowledge of the genre to work, and expanded his
horizons in the process. "I had a lot of records at the time and I
had some sense of who was alive, who was still performing. But there
was much more that I didn't know and it sort of took me into a world
that I remain very fortunate to have had the opportunity to be part of."

Easy Money

Probably the most crucial part of the festival's development was
fundraising. In that the organizers were unbelievably fortunate.
Somehow they persuaded two university-connected nonprofit entities ­
the University Activities Center (UAC), and Canterbury House, the
student Episcopalian organization ­ to put up $70,000 for the event.
(That's a jaw-dropping $400,000 in today's money.) "To this day, I'm
still not clear why they said yes," marvels Fishel.

Cash in hand, the small group of organizers began to develop the
festival in earnest. It was decided to hold a try-out of sorts ­ a
small, free blues concert ­ in the spring of 1969 in order to gauge
potential interest. On one of their trips to Chicago they had
discovered the perfect artist for such an event: the then-unknown
guitarist Luther Allison.

"We sort of discovered Luther Allison," says Joel Silvers, another of
the festival's organizers. "He was playing in this very traditional
West Side club where most of the people were fresh from the South. I
don't know who initiated the conversation with him, but he was
absolutely delighted to find any interest whatsoever in a university
or a white audience for the kind of music that he was performing."

Allison came to Ann Arbor in late April for a four-hour free show in
the ballroom of the student union. At first the audience was small.
But, as John Fishel remembers, "he started to play, and it was
electric. People just started to pour in from all over the campus."

As the performance wrapped around midnight, the planning committee
were all smiles. The blues had passed the test; the community had
responded. The show would go on.

Radical Blues

Today many may wonder why Ann Arbor ­ a small, Midwestern town, far
from the South, with a tiny black population ­ should have been the
site for the country's first major blues festival. But consider that
the core of the white awakening to the blues in the 1960s were the
free thinkers, political activists, and countercultural rebels ­ and
that in those days Ann Arbor was a major center of anti-establishment
activity, home to all those types and more.

Festival organizer Bert Stratton recalls that in those days to like
the blues was to be part of an exclusive, rebellious club. "It was
like a secret language. If you were a young white kid who was into
the black blues you thought you were pretty cool. It was an identity
search on our part. We wanted something that was totally authentic,
as opposed to what we were, which was not, I guess," Stratton says
with a chuckle. He explains that listening to performers like Howlin'
Wolf or Muddy Waters was a sure-fire way to annoy the "straights."

Joel Silvers remembers that in the sixties there was a politicized
subculture that followed American roots music. "A lot of these people
were white," he says, "but had their roots in the civil rights
movement. These were people who were both counterculture and highly
politicized in some way or another. I mean they were still college
students. They weren't necessarily marching in Selma, but they were
absorbing this sense of a black-white cultural alliance that was
still possible in 1969."

"Within a couple of years," he adds, "between black power and
whatever happened in terms of a cultural backlash or political
backlash, a lot of white kids were no longer as interested in
authentic black music, so it was a bit of a short-lived phenomenon."

Part of the radical agenda in the late sixties was a rejection of
mainstream white culture in favor of that of minority groups,
especially African-Americans. From early on the festival organizers
had decided that it would feature predominantly black performers.
This decision was made not only to help right the wrongs that black
artists had been suffering for decades, but also to expose
concertgoers to the roots of the blues, with which many were expected
to be unfamiliar. Festival organizer Cary Gordon told The Washington
Post, "I feel the blues is a black phenomenon, and assuming there
will be more blues festivals after this, we felt the first festival
here should be devoted to first-generation blues."

Bert Stratton remembers that at the '69 festival it was unofficially
decided that black attendees would be let in without charge. Not that
it much mattered, he says. "I don't think we had more than 50 black
people in the audience at any one time." He also suspects that
although their hearts were in the right place, the organizers were
unwittingly insulting those they intended to help. "It would have
been totally embarrassing for any black person to say, 'I want to get
in for free,'" he says.

"This Is So Beautiful"

The first Ann Arbor Blues Festival got underway at 7:30 p.m. on
Friday, August 1, 1969. Over the next two days attendees would be
treated to nearly 24 solid hours of the best and most authentic blues
music the country had to offer, old and new, from country blues to
city blues and everything in between. Some reviewers had minor
complaints about one or two of the performances, but overall critical
opinion was glowing. Norman Gibson of The Ann Arbor News perhaps
summed it up best, writing simply that "the first Ann Arbor Blues
Festival in history was a success from almost any point of view and
those who arranged it can be proud of the results."

The audience was, if anything, even more enthusiastic than the
experts. Many performers received heartfelt standing ovations, and
the moving, quiet performance by the venerable Son House that closed
the festival brought tears to the eyes of many. Dan Morgenstern wrote
in Downbeat that "the performers ­ especially the veterans ­ were
treated with respect that bordered on reverence. It added up to a
kind of recognition that blues artists have seldom, if ever, received
from their own people."

For their part the performers were more than happy to bask in the
unaccustomed glow of appreciation that the festival audience gave. To
many it was the most amazing thing in which they had ever taken part.
Michael Erlewine, a guitarist who played in a local blues band,
helped out behind the scenes at the festival and had a chance to
interview many of the performers. He recalls that James Cotton told
him, "I've never seen nothin' like this in my life. This is the
beautifulest thing I ever seen in my life. This is so beautiful."

Festival organizer Ken Whipple related a similar story to The
Michigan Daily, about how he met B. B. King coming off the stage
after finishing his set. "He put his arm around me," Whipple said,
"asked me my name and said what a great thing it was that he was able
to be here. There were tears in his eyes. It's the greatest thing in
the world."

It was also a sad fact that most of the performers were thrilled with
the money. "The Blues Festival is a dream for some of these guys, not
for the prestige but because they need the bread," John Fishel told
The Michigan Daily. "These guys will play two nights a week from 8
until 5 in the morning and only get $30. And even if they do get a
chance to make a record, they usually get screwed."

One of the more significant aspects of the Ann Arbor Blues Festival,
in the opinion of music promoter Dick Waterman, was that it was the
first to pay black bluesmen a commercial wage. "Others such as
Newport, Berkeley, UCLA, Mariposa, et. al., insist on
$50-a-day-plus-travel," wrote Waterman in 1969, "which is fine for an
act that is making a regular living ­ Baez, Dylan, Peter, Paul and
Mary ­ but hard on the bluesman who needs the festival for exposure
but also needs it for actual living money."

In this the Ann Arbor event served as an example to other music
festivals, for even though the dozens of performers were paid a
commercial wage, the first Ann Arbor Blues Festival not only recouped
its original $70,000 investment, when all was said and done it had
made a profit of about $200.

Ann Arbor Blues Part Deux

Following the unprecedented success of the first Ann Arbor Blues
Festival, there was no question that there would be a second. There
was a new group of organizers (including a few of the originals such
as John Fishel), but they planned the second festival to be much the
same as the first, on a slightly larger scale, given the bigger
budget that was allotted by UAC and Canterbury House, who once again
were sponsoring.

The success of the first festival brought more attention from the
media for the second. The 1970 Ann Arbor Blues Festival was another
astounding artistic success, a joyous experience for audience and
performers alike that earned the raves of critics from Downbeat,
Rolling Stone, Billboard, and newspapers across the country.

Financially, however, it was a disaster.

As early as Sunday afternoon, festival organizers realized that they
were going to post a loss of nearly $20,000, an amount that would be
ruinous to the sponsors.

The second festival appears to have suffered much more than the first
at the hands of gate-crashers. It also had the bad luck of taking
place the very same weekend as a giant rock festival near Jackson, at
a park called Goose Lake. That event boasted an impressive roster of
popular acts, including Chicago, Rod Stewart, Bob Seger, John
Sebastian, and Jethro Tull, and would draw an estimated 200,000
attendees over three days. The Goose Lake Festival is an intriguing
story in its own right ­ barbed wire, sanitation problems, emergency
food deliveries, overzealous security, drugs being sold openly like
concessions ­ but in relation to the Ann Arbor Blues Festival it is
usually cast as the grinch who stole Christmas.

Undoubtedly, Goose Lake did have a negative impact on attendance at
the Ann Arbor event. But in fact the figures seem to show that
attendance at the second festival was roughly the same as the first.
What must also be considered is that organizers spent more money on
the second festival, and at the same time lowered ticket prices by
almost 30%. This was done in hopes of attracting more attendees, but
in hindsight may have been a critical mistake.

Moreover, the overwhelming success of the first festival, with its
lineup of performers who were virtually unknown outside the world of
blues freaks, may have led the planners to be a bit overconfident.
Two weeks before the festival, The Washington Post reported that
tickets would be limited to 15,000 "because festival organizers want
to emphasize the music and not the event as a happening." The Post
quoted one of the organizers as saying ­ somewhat ominously, in light
of what would happen ­ that they were trying to make the event "as
esoteric as possible."

This was perhaps not the wisest course of action, especially with so
much money on the line.

Whatever the reason, however, the damage had been done, and the
future of the festival was in peril. In hopes of making up the loss,
and saving UAC and Canterbury House, festival organizers put out a
plea for donations. They also turned to some high-profile
blues-rockers for help. John Fishel explains:

"Johnny Winter came in 1970 as a guest, appeared back stage, hanging
out. He then went on stage with Luther Allison, and they played
together, to the delight of the audience. When the festival lost
money, we went back to him and asked him if he would do a benefit."
Winter readily agreed, and played at the University of Michigan's
Crisler Arena a week later, along with some of the other performers
from the festival. Fishel recalls that enough money was raised to
make good the loss.

Fishel also remembers a tantalizing might-have-been. "We were also
trying to get the Rolling Stones to come and we got pretty close.
Their schedule didn't allow them to do a benefit. Maybe if they had
been there we would have raised sufficient money to not only pay the
debt off, but also to continue the thing in '71 and it might have
been a different reality."

As it was, despite the repayment of the loss, the university was not
about to risk another such financial calamity, and the request for a
third festival in 1971 was turned down. It seemed that the brilliant
light that had shown on the blues in Ann Arbor the two previous years
had been snuffed out.

Rainbows to the Rescue

All was not lost, however. John Sinclair was a hippie activist living
in Ann Arbor who had come to national attention when in 1969 he was
sent to prison for 10 years for giving two joints to an undercover
policewoman. His unusually harsh sentencing became a cause célèbre,
attracting such notables as Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Allen
Ginsberg, Jane Fonda, and John Lennon. The two-year campaign to free
him culminated in a huge rally at the University of Michigan's
Crisler Arena, at which Lennon, Bob Seger, Stevie Wonder and others performed.

Released from prison shortly thereafter, Sinclair was looking to get
back into the fray, but perhaps in a less controversial way. In 1968
he had co-founded the White Panther Party, which was modeled on the
Black Panthers, and adopted that group's highly confrontational
stance toward the mainstream American establishment ­ including,
ironically enough, the condemnation of white culture espoused by the
Black Panthers.

While Sinclair had been in prison, however, the White Panthers had
softened their tone, and changed their name to the Rainbow People's
Party, reflecting a new outlook that promoted peace and brotherhood.
Sinclair had been a fan of black music since early childhood, and
reviving the artistically successful Ann Arbor Blues Festival seemed
like a perfect project for the freshly-minted Rainbows.

So Sinclair joined forces with local music promoter Peter Andrews to
form a company unconnected with the university, Rainbow Multi-Media,
and put on a new festival. But this time around there would be no
talk of being esoteric. Jazz, soul, and blues-rock were added to the
bill, in hopes of attracting a wider audience, and bigger-name acts
were booked, such as Ray Charles, Count Basie, Miles Davis, James
Brown, Dr. John, Bonnie Raitt, and Booker T. & the M.G.'s.

The revamped Ann Arbor Blues and Jazz Festival would run for three
years, starting in 1972. Despite the changes instituted by Sinclair
and Andrews, the new festivals would follow much the same course as
the original two: each would be hailed as an artistic triumph, but
financially would flop. After the disastrous 1974 festival, which had
to be moved to Canada at the last minute because the newly-Republican
Ann Arbor City Council refused to grant a permit, Sinclair called it
quits. Once again it seemed that the light had gone out.

Ann Arbor Blues Redux

Peter Andrews had not given up, however. He kept the artistic ideals
of the festival burning and in 1992 the Ann Arbor City Council was
once again persuaded (without much difficulty: the vote was
unanimous) to grant a permit for a revitalized Blues and Jazz Festival.

This time the festival would have its longest continuous run,
surviving for nearly a decade and a half. But once again the familiar
pattern would emerge: artistic success, financial failure. After the
last festival in 2006 an accumulated debt of nearly $60,000 remained
on the books.

The festival is now on what seems to be permanent hiatus. Peter
Andrews is pessimistic about the possibility of another revival.
There are too many blues and jazz festivals today, and to compete
would require headliners that would make it nearly impossible to make
money ­ a far cry from 1969, when Ann Arbor was host to the first
major blues festival in history, and obscure but talented artists
could draw a crowd.

Legacy

Although the Ann Arbor blues are no longer being sung, the festivals
have left a rich legacy of which all can be rightfully proud.
Especially the first two events, which brought together a lineup of
blues maestros that had never been seen before ­ or will ever be seen
again. The fact that the organizers were barely old enough to vote
makes it all the more amazing.

John Fishel reflects on those early days with a mixture of pride and
nostalgia. "I think the Ann Arbor Blues Festival did many things. It
inspired the many blues festivals that came after. It resulted in a
group of people who were primarily from Chicago creating a magazine,
Living Blues, the first American magazine that was devoted to this
type of music, a magazine that really became sort of the gold
standard for those that were into it."

"A number of labels were created as a result of the festival," he
continues, "people who came and got inspired because they heard
people that they hadn't heard before and went into the business,
somebody like Bruce Iglauer, who created Alligator Records. It was a
catalyst, which is wonderful."

After a pause, he says simply, "It was magic."
--

Alan Glenn is currently at work a documentary film about Ann Arbor in
the sixties. Visit the film's website for more
information. http://www.modernmajorfilms.com/a2/
While there you can contribute your memories of that time ­ and read
those that others have contributed ­ in a public forum set up
expressly for that purpose.

.

Hawkwind: 'It was basically freak-out music'

Hawkwind: 'It was basically freak-out music'

http://www.guardian.co.uk/music/2009/aug/27/hawkwind-dave-brock

They created 'space rock', are probably the most influential British
group ever ­ and prefer picking raspberries to stardom. Hawkwind
explain their 40-year survival

Ed Vulliamy
27 August 2009

The approach to intergalactic headquarters runs along a narrow lane
in Devon, under the bridge of a railway closed decades ago and
through a number of gates with signs warning that "Our Dogs Bite".
There is a carved totem pole in the garden, and a studio like the
Tardis, banked up with electronic equipment and posters for concerts
spanning the four decades since Hawkwind formed. This is the home
world of the band that became a project, the project that became a
tribal gathering, of the tribe that became a great British
institution and probably the most influential group ever in British
music, bar the Beatles ­ only those under the influence often don't
know it. Hawkwind: the band that has impacted on every "genre", hence
the need for a genre all of their own: space rock.

Forty years ago, Hawkwind played their ever first gig, in Notting
Hill in west London. As a local adolescent, it was my first gig, too
­ and as everyone knows, the branding iron of a first love leaves a
mark like no other. As a result, I own more Hawkwind music than any
other band's; I've seen them play more than any other band. And
tonight and tomorrow, Hawkwind will return to their old neighbourhood
­ to Porchester Hall, just up the road from Notting Hill ­ to
celebrate that anniversary and their own endurance. "I suppose we
always kept that down-to-earthness," says singer-guitarist Dave
Brock, "which kept us sane and kept us in touch with our people.
Eating our tea in cafes, kind of thing, so we never got too big-headed."

At the kernel of Hawkwind is Brock, the band's founder, driving
engine and sole remaining original member. If some 50 musicians have
passed through Hawkwind ­ some loyal forever, some dead, others
leaving acrimoniously ­ then "all the more reason for the captain of
the ship to keep it afloat", Brock says. "Because according to the
rules, the crew get to bugger off in lifeboats if it sinks, while the
captain stays aboard." He prefers a different analogy: "I love
football, and don't want to compare myself to Arsène Wenger, but it
is like managing a team. And as a team, we are top of our league,
even if it's not the Premiership."

In the mid-60s, like many of his British rock contemporaries, Brock
was hanging around the blues and jazz clubs of west London. But while
they concentrated on getting their Sonny Boy Williamson licks
perfect, Brock was at work with other forces. He worked at a design
studio and visited Holland with his band Famous Cure, and then the
embryonic Hawkwind investigated psychedelic visual effects and
electronic experiments in German music. By the time of their debut
gig (billed as Group X) in August 1969, Hawkwind had fused blues,
folk, British symphonic rock and a driving electronic pulse into
something of epic proportions.

"Well, it was basically freak-out music, wasn't it?" Brock says. "We
were using plenty of LSD, tape loops, repetitive riffs, colours and
lights. But I was still making more money busking. After Don
Partridge made that bloody song called Rosie, everyone wanted a try,
and there'd be punch-ups for the cinema queue pitches in Leicester
Square. But at some point Doug Smith [the band's promoter] had to
tell me: 'Dave, either you turn up and play in this group or you go
busking.' So I turned up to play, and that became Hawkwind."

The band became the local fixture in turbulently psychedelic Notting
Hill. They were our local band, carving their own furrow, with
politics driving the music and vice-versa. They became the beacon of
the benefit circuit, playing for the White Panthers, Friends of the
Earth, Release and striking coal miners in 1985 ­ so much so that
Brock would tire with band members forever promising his and everyone
else's time: "We had to do something for money, dammit."

Crucially, though, Hawkwind remained the emblematic band of early
Glastonbury and the free festival movement, of the peace convoys and
solstice gatherings at Stonehenge, cut down brutally and bloodily by
the police and Thatcher government at the Battle of the Beanfield in
1985. "I am serious about people's right to make music and dance
where they have made music and danced for centuries," Brock says. "We
are tribal, and want our music to be accessible to all ages. That has
been important to me ever since I saw the West Indian bands in
Notting Hill, grandparents and kids, all together. That is what I
understand by a music festival."

"We never supported a cause which encouraged violence," says the
effervescent Kris Tait, who joined Hawkwind in the 1980s as one of
the famous dancers that became integral to the shows, and is now
Brock's wife and the band's manager. "Well, we did sometimes," chides
Brock. Every attempt to tour America is still dogged not only by
spent marijuana convictions but by the song Urban Guerrilla: "Let's
not talk about love and flowers/ And things that don't explode/ We've
used up all our magic powers / Trying to do it in the road."

But among all this, between the gigs among pagan stones and the
bloody-mindedness and the drugs stories, the music sometimes gets
forgotten. So what is space rock? "Actually," Brock concedes,
"although it was simple to play, it has always been as complicated as
you want it to be, and musically there is rather more there than
meets the eye." Space rock, apparently, has energy and eschatalogical
direction.

"Ultimately, it is optimistic," says Brock, in comparison to, say,
Pink Floyd, whose music is, "Well, a bit doom-laden, isn't it?" Space
rock aligned itself to the writing of ­ and performances by ­ the
poet Robert Calvert and novelist Michael Moorcock. "We were all
reading science fiction and after the first moon landing, exploring
the idea that everything could change," says Brock. "We were taking
LSD, and the journey outward was also an inner journey, I suppose."

Crucial to Hawkwind's endurance has been the group's ability to
connect with successive generations ­ "The audiences are now younger
than ever," says Tait. Rather than try to keep up with the
underground music of the time, Hawkwind have tended to prefigure it.
Punk and grunge listened attentively (John Lydon was a dedicated fan;
Mudhoney have covered Urban Guerrilla). Hawkwind were gurus to the
trance generation, both musically and philosophically ­ pioneers in
both electronic exploration and the connection between ancient ley
lines and psychotropic technology, so much so that the Orb recorded a
tribute called Orbwind. From 2002, as the raves subsided (just as the
free festivals had years earlier), Hawkwind began their annual
Hawkfests, "which was a way," says Brock, "of carrying on free
festivals as a membership occasion, just as you might hold a
gathering of custom car enthusiasts. They are membership occasions,
though the idea is to stay accessible ­ there's no backstage at a Hawkfest."

The band emerges from the studio to join us. "I'm one of those people
who loved Hawkwind before I knew who they were," says the bassist, Mr
Dibs. "I was into the Buzzcocks and Joy Division, but was given a
tape of Hawklords [a pseudonym Hawkwind adopted briefly for legal
reasons in the late 1970s] without knowing what it was, and thought
'This is me.' So I was a fan, then a roadie for 12 years and now I'm
in the band ­ a dream come true."

"We create a sound which is our own, whatever music it is," says
drummer Richard Chadwick ­ at 21 years, the band's longest-serving
member apart from Brock. "The model is the Beatles, in as much as
whatever they did ­ be it the first heavy metal in Helter Skelter or
the first world music on a sitar ­ the sound was the Beatles. That's
our intention: what you hear is Hawkwind and could only be Hawkwind,
whatever we are playing. I came to Hawkwind through the anarcho-punk
scene of the 1980s, so for me the music is the politics and the
politics is the music, which means not becoming a 'star', but playing
what could only be Hawkwind. If you take this sound to the audience
in a stadium or at Glastonbury as it is now, it will inevitably
change. So we survive, with a sense of decency. I've seen Dave
[Brock] turn down those opportunities time and time again ­ his own
show on MTV, this supergroup or that. And that is how this band has
lasted 40 years in the way it has."

"Yes, there have been plenty of chances to become a star," Brock
says. "Just the other day, they wanted me to get together with Lemmy
and that bloke from Jefferson Starship ­ Paul Kantner ­ but I
thought, 'Oh Christ, please no.' If I get pushed into that, they'll
push me into something else, then something else. I've seen people do
it, doing it the way someone else wants it, away from their families,
away from home. Some people like it ­ Lemmy's got his place in Los
Angeles with a pool and that, lives on the road and will die on the
road. But I've got raspberries to pick as well as Hawkwind music to
work on. I mean, we can't play the same old stuff the same every time."

Brock smiles, more to himself than to anyone around the table, and
tells the story about how he found Hawkwind's old red lighting-gear
van for sale in Auto Trader. He bought it ­ and there it is in the
farmyard. "Lots of my friends have got yachts," he says, "but how
many yachts does a person need?"

Then Brock explains what he needs. "First, we bought that field, but
we were still visible, and audible. So we bought that meadow there ­
and Kris and I raised horses for a while. Now, we have that piece of
woodland, and from the top of it, there's a sea view, right as far as
where my parents retired." The idea is, clearly, that intergalactic
headquarters be as close to sealed off as it possible to be on this
crowded island, and thereby as close as possible to ­ to what? Space?
Or something Hawkwind are still looking for.

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