Sunday, December 19, 2010

Jefferson Airplane’s Marty Balin Gets Out of His Own Way

Jefferson Airplane's Marty Balin Gets Out of His Own Way

http://www.crawdaddy.com/index.php/2010/12/16/jefferson-airplanes-marty-balin-gets-out-of-his-own-way/

Andrew Lau
December 16, 2010

In his nearly 50 years of performing and recording, Marty Balin has
seen plenty­mostly ups, a few downs, but hardly a dull moment. After
spending his youth growing up in the tough San Francisco Mission
District, balancing gang life with drama classes, he kick-started his
recording career in 1962 by cutting two perfect pop singles for the
Challenge label ("I Specialize In Love" b/w "Nobody But You"), both
very much indicative of their time with jumpy backbeats, strings,
backup singers, and his swooping, diving vocals, which showcased
unusual confidence from such a young performer.

Balin's knack for adapting musical styles was also evident as he
deftly moved into the folk circuit by joining the Town Criers and,
briefly, the Gateway Singers. He knew that genre was dying, however,
and the future was in electric instruments, so he went and co-founded
the Jefferson Airplane with another folkie, guitarist Paul Kantner.
If that wasn't enough, he also helped finance, build, and run San
Francisco's first rock 'n' roll club, the Matrix. It was 1965, and he
was already a bit of a renaissance man.

His introspective worldview didn't always fit with the increasingly
rocking Airplane; guitarist Jorma Kaukonen referred to Balin's songs
as "trite" (to his face) and thus began inward tensions. With the
arrival of vocalist Grace Slick in late 1966 he withdrew even
further, bristling at the lack of credit given to him. The symbolic
end came at the band's performance at the Rolling Stones' free show
at Altamont Speedway in December 1969, where Balin was stomped by
members of the Hell's Angels after the singer tried to break up a
fight. See? Renaissance man.

The Marty Balin who left the Airplane in 1970 was exhausted and
burned out. But after a few side projects he stepped in ever so
slowly to the world of Jefferson Starship, a band created from the
ashes of the Airplane by Kanter and Slick. Originally, he just lent
his vocals to the epic Kantner single "Caroline", but the response
was overwhelming and he was a full-fledged member of the band for
three albums beginning with 1975's Red Octopus. Within a short span
of time, his songs had raced up the charts into the American
consciousness and pushed the band into arena rock superstardom. The
biggest of these, "Miracles", remains one of the most played songs
from the '70s. His first solo LP, 1981's Balin, contained two hit
singles, establishing a solid solo career that was distinctly
separate from his Airplane and Starship affiliations.

It's been over 30 years since Balin has spoken to Crawdaddy!; one of
the last interviews in January 1977 (with the magazine's title
unpunctuated) was perhaps the most notorious interview of his career.
The writer, Mitchell Glazer, tagged along for a couple of days on
tour with Jefferson Starship, taking place alongside the band in
hotel rooms, a friend's house, backstage, and on stage, giving us a
grand version of their rock 'n' roll behavior. He described Balin as
having "a dancer's body with a gangster's glide," and the singer came
off as both the loner and savior of the group, all the while trash
talking other band members. It was this article in which he uttered
the now infamous words: "I wouldn't let Grace Slick blow me." He was
also misquoted as saying he was "too big for Jefferson Starship."
(Balin actually said, "The Starship isn't big enough to keep me
busy".) All in all, he was painted as a complex figure: Angry and
frustrated with the confines of fame, yet excited over what could happen next.

We caught up with him at his home in Tampa, Florida, where he is
presently in the throes of an unprecedented creative surge having
recently recorded three albums worth of material. The latest, Blue
Highway, came out this summer and will be followed by The Witcher
early next year. He's also started his own label, Balince Music, and
retains creative control of his output and master tapes. He speaks in
a slow and serious voice, taking time to consider the questions and
answering them thoughtfully without candy coating them. When I began
the interview by asking him his thoughts on the current state of the
music industry, he answered with a brisk: "You're talking to the
wrong guy." But it didn't take long for Balin to warm up, using his
charm and nonchalant attitude to prove his point.
--

**Marty Balin vs. the Ever-Changing Music Industry**

Crawdaddy!: Tell me about Balince Music and talking control of your
master tapes.

Marty Balin: Well, I can't find the industry. I don't know anything
about the new world of recording, and everybody told me the album was
dead, [so I] thought I'd make one for the funeral. I just put my own
label on it because I don't know anybody else. Handled it myself.

Crawdaddy!: And you have complete artistic control and distribution?

Balin: Yeah, I've got a major distributor and talked to a few other
people who handle recordings, and they all have the same distributor,
and that's about it. In fact, right now I'm working on a big show
called "Teach The Dream," which is an all-day seminar with people
talking from the industry and different bands playing. I'm playing
towards the evening. They're talking about the situation for
musicians right now and what's going on and how to deal with it. So,
I'm learning as I go.

Crawdaddy!: Is it disheartening seeing the music industry change so
much or do you see this as just another way it's evolving?

Balin: Well, you know, to young kids coming up, they don't know what
went before. They can get everything on their phone and download
everything they want and check things out… People are always coming
up to me and going, "Oh, I saw a clip of you and the Airplane doing
something way back when…" I don't know who puts that stuff up there
and finds it, but seems like there's a lot out there. The musicians
aren't necessarily getting paid for anything anymore, but the access
seems to be a lot. [If] I'm looking for a certain record, [it's]
something I have to really research. We have a couple of really old
stores here where I can go find old recordings, but even that's kinda
hard. Or you can go on the web; I was looking up some Skip James
blues stuff the other day­couldn't find it in the record store, but I
found it on the web. It's a different ball game totally. I put this
record out and I don't know if people are going to hear it. A few
people will, I guess, who like my music, but I don't really know
what's happening out there. I just watch and see and help promote it
the best I can.

I'm working now with a whole big band down here, and doing a bunch of
songs and getting to do a good show, and they're all interested in
the same thing: People are calling from all over the country wanting
the show to come tour. So there are people out there looking for
something more than what you can get on your TV set.

Crawdaddy!: It's almost too immediate these days.

Balin: I used to love to get up and play a set, and I'd tell the
guys, "Hey, let's play this song, I just wrote it today. Key of E,
c'mon guys." Then I go do the next gig and someone says, "Are you
going to play that song you did last time?" And I say, "Oh, you were
there?" and they say, "No, I saw it on YouTube." I've learned to be a
little more careful, but it takes some of the fun away.

Crawdaddy!: The spontaneity goes out the door.

Balin: Yeah. I stayed home from touring with [Jefferson] Starship and
put down about three albums worth of material in the studio, and some
of the guys who came in to do overdubs were such good players, I just
said, "Hey, let's go cut a new album." We went in all together for
three days like the old way, and cut a whole new album and had a real
good time and everyone was saying, "Gee, haven't done it this way in
a long time." The engineer was saying the same thing. It was easy
'cause we did it one time together in the studio. I guess there's
still a lot of ways to record.

Crawdaddy!: How do you feel about the new studio technology?

Balin: What they can do now on a computer is amazing: Cut and paste,
stretch notes, auto-tune a note. Now I gotta make sure the guy
doesn't auto-tune me. If I hit that note, that's what I felt. The
possibilities are endless, but can you duplicate it live? That's what
counts. If you play live, are you as good as your record? It should
be even better 'cause it's kinetic and exciting, and you have an
audience to feed back from, and you're feeding off each other in the
band. I like that, I like the live thing.

**On His New Record**

Crawdaddy!: Are you going to tour behind Blue Highway?

Balin: Well, if anybody wants me to. I don't have any agents. I'm
just working with a band down here. These guys have my songs down and
we're starting to get offers to tour. I'd like to, yeah, but I don't
know yet. If not, I still got my guitar and still writing songs.

Crawdaddy!: You're in a position where you could go out by yourself
with a guitar and do shows that way as well.

Balin: Yeah, I've done that or gone out with just a guitar player or
a few guys. I like to do the big band thing, and then do a few small
clubs in between and make up some extra money and play an intimate
setting. Coming up tomorrow night, we're playing a café just for the
fun of it, 'cause it sounds good broken down like that, too. I like
going back and forth.

Crawdaddy!: The string section on some of the new songs are a really
nice touch. "I Need Love" turns into quite an epic.

Balin: Well, I like some of the string things; they add a lot but I
didn't want them too obtrusive, but a little bit here and there is
good. I couldn't get all the ideas I wanted across, but I got some of
it. I just wanted to reinforce that riff.

Crawdaddy!: I don't think people were expecting that.

Balin: I don't really know what they're expecting. I was working with
[Jefferson] Starship for a couple of years and I'd write a new song,
go to sound check, and play 'em the new songs, and then they turn
around and say, "We're going to go in and do a folk album." I said,
"Well, let's write the folk album." Paul [Kantner] said, "Oh no, I
wanna do a Peter Seeger/Weavers again." I said, "Paul, even
Springsteen didn't have a big hit with his Seeger album." So I said,
"You do that and I'm gonna go in and put down all the songs I've been
sitting on for a while because I'm tired of waiting for you guys." So
I did that and I'm having fun­getting to my show, my way, my songs,
and don't have to wait for the other guys. They wouldn't let me be
involved that much; it was Paul and the manager and I never had a say
in who did what. I earned the right to be the lead singer, but I
guess they didn't feel that way. So now I'm having a ball.

I met this guy in the grocery store [laughs], and he said, "Do you
know who you are?" and I said, "Yeah, do you know who I am?" He said,
"You're Marty Balin!" Turns out this guy's a guitar player and had a
hard-rock band. He asked me over to sing some backgrounds on their record.

Crawdaddy!: The song "Versace" has a strange film noir feel to it,
even though it's a true story, and it's unlike anything you've ever written.

Balin: Actually, I was working off some weird chords, and I love
Versace, his design, his style… thought he was a great artist. I was
just playing these chords and walked into the room and the news was
on and they were talking about the Versace murder. I started singing
[emphasizing the syllables] "Ver-sa-che." I just loved that
word­"Ver-sa-che"­and bam, five minutes later I had that song. The
best kinds of songs come out real quick that way; those have all been
my favorites. "Get out of your own way"­that's always been my
philosophy for songwriting.

You ought to hear the dance mix I did for that­different bass line.
It's really funky. This friend of mine in Boston, he's gay and he
said, "Oh, I love that song, man." And I thought, "Hmm, gay guy,
Versace…" So I went back into the studio and did a whole re-mix of it
for a gay club, and it came out great, and he freaked over it.

Crawdaddy!: And your next record is which one?

Balin: Joe [Vertino, Balince Music manager] came in with this
recording of me in this club with a band I had in Frisco, and he
said, "Do you remember any of these?" And I said, "Jeez, these are
really good songs, I forgot all about them." When I was recording
with the guys, overdubbing, I said, "Hey, would you be game and just
record?" I redid these songs I had done in the '80s, and we did them
live and it was real kinetic. It's called The Witcher. It came off
really hot. I'm ready to record again. I've got so many songs. I've
been inspired by working with these guys, and I've been writing my
head off. Plus, I've got some other songs from friends I've been sitting on.

Crawdaddy!: What do you find easier, writing by yourself or collaborating?

Balin: Either. I like when somebody gives me a challenge, try to hear
what he's sayin' and try to make it work and see if I can hear what
he's playing. Or sometimes I'll have a lyric and I'll give it to a
guy, and they'll collaborate with me. Or I'll have an idea for
myself. Sometimes I'm not even thinking, and I'll play some weird
chord and something pops out­like, I get out of my own way and let it
come through. I like all the different ways of working; it's like a
little game for me. What is this music conveying to me, how can I get
that across and sing it to people?

**On the Repetitions of the Past**

Crawdaddy!: Just before Blue Highway was released, Sony [Collector's
Choice Music Live Series] put out not one, but four archive releases
from one of your old bands.

Balin: Really? Huh. I don't know where they keep finding that stuff.

Crawdaddy!: Do you ever feel you're in competition with yourself?

Balin: No, I'm better than my old self. I'm much better now than I ever was.

Crawdaddy!: Is it frustrating that you're known mostly for something
you did 45 years ago when you've been creating this whole time?

Balin: Not really. The world never catches up with you. I've always
been there, but other people have always taken credit or gotten
credit. I've never had that pressure too much. I'm still doing what I
want to do and still getting by without anyone inundating me with
fame or any of that crap. I've seen too many people under that
pressure take the credit. I don't care; I'll go over here and do my
thing. I just follow the music. I love the idea of singing an old
song, and I love singing the old songs because if they're good, they
always last. I pull out the old ones and people sing with me. I dig
that. If it's a good song, it'll be one forever and ever.

Crawdaddy!: So you don't get sick of singing [Airplane's 1966 single]
"It's No Secret" for example?

Balin: No! It rocks and it works. As long as they still work, I'm
happy. I've played performances where people have come up and said,
"You know when I was a kid I wanted to go see you at the Fillmore but
my parents wouldn't let me go there. But now my kids are really into
you, and they brought me here tonight." I get the whole gamut of
ages. It's fun.

**Marty Balin's Best Bad Day**

Crawdaddy!: One of my favorite Marty Balin moments is your fight at
Altamont. The band was fried from too much touring; no one wanted to
do the show. Tension within the band was peaking, some of which was
due to [guitarist] Jorma Kaukonen referring to your songs as "trite"
a few years earlier. Yet you had the balls to jump into the crowd and
try to break up one of the many fights that had broken out that day.
Was there any reaction from the rest of your band to that move?

Balin: Nobody was listening to me that day. I was kinda angry. I saw
the whole crowd step back en masse and allow these guys to beat this
guy to death in front of me, and I just figured he needed some help,
you know? And nobody was there and nobody was listening to me, that's
for sure, so I joined in the fray. In fact, some of these Hell's
Angel guys had pool cues, and they were like, [adopts tough guy
voice] "Hey Marty, whaddya doin'? You'll get hurt; you should be
singing." I got back up and started singing again, and they're
beating up the guy behind me, and, oh, the hell with it. I guess I
had a few drinks.

I was winning actually, I was backing this guy up, and I'm thinking
to myself, "I'm actually doing pretty good." We were pretty evenly
matched, and I was backing him down and then, boom­I got knocked out.
I woke up from being stomped. I had all these boot tattoo marks all
over my body, and the only person who said anything was Jorma, who
said, "You're a crazy motherfucker." And here's Jorma who travels
with machine guns and knives and guns­big, macho, bullshit lead
guitarist crap. "Where the hell were you? I could've used a machine
gun right there, it would've been great." I just looked at him.
"Sure, thanks a lot for helping."

I remember sitting with Keith Richards and Jagger in [filmmaker D.A.]
Pennebaker's studio in New York; we were looking at the footage.
Keith kept running it back and forth over this little part, the
murder, and I said, "Why do you want to point that out for?" And he
goes [adopts slow Richard's like drawl], "It happened man… It
happened." [laughs]

**Marty Balin vs. Crawdaddy**

Crawdaddy!: One of your most notorious interviews was with this
publication [title unpunctuated] in January of 1977 where you were
misquoted as saying you were "too big for Jefferson Starship," as
well as saying you wouldn't let Grace Slick "blow you."

Balin: [Irritated] Oh right, I remember that. The guy freaked out
over that, all he wanted to do was go to bed with Grace, and that's
all I kept talking about through the whole interview so that became
the big quote. Big deal.

Crawdaddy!: The writer wanted to sleep with her?

Balin: Oh yeah, he was enamored with her; he wanted me to set him up
with her. That was a big thing. I never slept with Grace, I causally
threw that off. I wouldn't let her blow me, and that became the big
thing. [laughs] I didn't mix business with pleasure. We sang on stage
and everybody thought we were married, and I would burn her down,
drive her crazy. Off stage, I couldn't be bothered. [Mitchell Glazer
could not be reached for comment.]

Crawdaddy!: In that interview you seemed both elated with the future
but also really despondent with the present. Do you recall that
period of your life?

Balin: That was a crazy time. I left [Jefferson Airplane in 1970] and
came back [to Jefferson Starship in 1975], and it was the same old
bullshit­a bunch of cocaine and everyone thought they were god's gift
to the world. You couldn't talk to anybody; everyone had their own
entourages. It was boring, everyone was so full of themselves, you
know? I don't really care for that. Once you get that famous they
want to do "Their Thing," and I don't believe in that. I believe in
doing "The Thing." I hate that; it happens every time. Even the
roadies are on coke, and you can't talk to them. And me, I'm a
student of yoga, and I'm meditating and in a calm place. I just… oh well.

Crawdaddy!: What with you bringing in hit songs and all but saving
the band from mediocrity, it's amazing you lasted as long as you did,
considering you could've kept those songs for yourself.

Balin: I was back playing with Paul [in the '90s] after years and
years, and you'd think I could get across to the guy, "hey let's
write together." I sent him songs and demos and lyrics; at soundcheck
I'd give him a couple of songs. He's got that manager guy… I told the
manager, "Hey man, either use me or lose me." I don't like just being
trotted out to sing a few songs, not knowing where we're going or how
much money we're makin' and not being included in anything. So, I had
to go and do something else. It's the same old, same old.

**Marty Balin's Mysterious Autobiography**

Crawdaddy!: There was talk of your autobiography coming out in 2003­

Balin: Really? Hmm.

Crawdaddy!: That's according to the Jeff Tamarkin's book [Gotta
Revolution: The Turbulent Flight Of Jefferson Airplane].

Balin: I'm not writing an autobiography.

Crawdaddy!: There's even a title for it.

Balin: Really? [laughs]

Crawdaddy!: [reading from the book's postscript] "… he also wrote his
autobiography, Full Fight: A Tale Of Airplanes And Starships which
was scheduled for publication in early 2003."

Balin: I've never done an autobiography, and I wouldn't title it Full
Flight, that's for sure.

Crawdaddy!: [laughs] Where'd he get that info?

Balin: I'd probably call it… Best Seat In The House or something.
I've written a play about those old days I'd like to put out. I'd
like to write something some day, but writing is the hardest thing in
the world. You gotta get the seat of your ass to the seat of the
chair long enough to do something. I'm still writing songs. I like
reading books, but I haven't written anything.

Crawdaddy!: Your story would make a pretty good book.

Balin: Oh, it [would be] just one of those books on the shelf. I sit
around and talk to people, and I notice a silence falling over the
room [laughs] when I'm telling stories. [Mockingly] "Then Jim
Morrison and I… then Janis and I… one time Garcia and I…" People hung
on my words, and I think to myself, "Hmm, maybe I should write this
stuff down." Maybe I'll have a last burst [of creativity] and have
some good chapters at the end of the book.

.

How Humboldt voters shot down Proposition 19

Up in smoke
A closer look at how Humboldt voters shot down Proposition 19

http://www.redwoodtimes.com/garbervillenews/ci_16867253

12/15/2010
Thadeus Greenson

There was at least one place on the November ballot where the liberal
bastion of Southern Humboldt voted more conservatively than Fortuna
-- Proposition 19.

The initiative to legalize, tax and regulate marijuana cultivation
and sales in California went up in smoke on Election Day, falling
about 700,000 votes shy of passing statewide and garnering 46.5
percent of the vote. To the surprise of many -- and the anger of some
-- the percentages in Humboldt County fell in line with those of the state.

A Times-Standard analysis of the precinct-level results indicate that
no matter how pot-friendly Humboldt County's reputation may be, its
voters widely rejected the measure on Nov. 2. The county's vote was
received as a sign of betrayal in some pro-legalization circles, and
was noted in numerous national news accounts of Proposition 19's failure.

Comments on some national stories and blogs turned ugly, with posters
talking about boycotting Humboldt County marijuana and even taking
their machetes to the hills in an effort to punish "greedy growers."

A careful look at the precinct-level results, however, indicates it
was far from only growers that shot down Proposition 19 in Humboldt
County. In fact, the county's population centers were fairly
unequivocal in their rejection of the legalization initiative, with
two notable exceptions.

In Eureka, 52.8 percent of voters opposed the measure. That number
jumped to 59.2 percent in the Willow Creek and Hoopa area, 62.9
percent in Fortuna and a whopping 65 percent in Southern Humboldt.

The vote was closer in McKinleyville, where 51 percent of voters
opposed the measure.

The anomalies came in Arcata, where Proposition 19 won nearly every
precinct and was supported by more than 57 percent of voters, and
Trinidad, where 58 percent of voters favored the measure.

Humboldt State University politics lecturer Kathleen Lee said she
wasn't surprised that Proposition 19 lost, largely because voters had
many reasons to oppose it, whether it be that they don't believe in
legalizing any drugs, they didn't like the wording of the initiative
or they are a marijuana farmer and worried the proposition would
deflate market prices that have long been held up by marijuana's illegality.

When it comes to ballot initiatives, Lee said people make their
decisions based largely on four factors: ideology, knowledge of the
issue, demographics and self-interest.

Looking at illegal growers who are making money hand over fist on the
black market, Lee said it's hard to imagine them risking their
livelihood to vote for legalization.

"Sometimes ideology will trump self-interest, but not very often," she said.

As a deputy director for the California chapter of the National
Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws and a Redway resident,
Ellen Komp has her thumb firmly on the pulse of the pro-legalization
community in Humboldt County. Consequently, she said the election
results didn't surprise her. Like Lee, Komp said voters had a host of
reasons for shooting down the initiative.

"It was such a mixed bag," she said. "There were certainly people who
voted against it because of economic self-interest, but there were
plenty of other reasons bandied about.

But with Humboldt, Mendocino and Trinity counties -- the so-called
Emerald Triangle because of the counties' abundant pot production -
all voting against the measure, Komp said the perception is the
counties voted based on greed.

"I really think the Emerald Triangle took a black eye by voting
against the measure," Komp said.

However, the perception that the three rural Northern California
counties somehow killed the legalization initiative is purely myth.
Statewide, the measure lost by almost 700,000 votes -- more than
seven times the number of combined voters in the three counties.

"It would not have put (Proposition 19) over the top," said Michael
Whitney, a spokesman for the marijuana legalization group Just Say
Now. " There were much deeper issues involved."

Nonetheless, Komp said that for a community that is currently
discussing the prospect of " branding" its chief agricultural
product, bad press is bad press.

"This is not the kind of publicity you want," she said.

Moving forward, the pot legalization community is already looking
toward 2012, Whitney said, adding that people are currently poring
through polling data on Proposition 19 and trying to learn from its
mistakes. Early signs, Whitney said, indicate that the next
legalization initiative has to do more to get buy-in from all the
various stakeholders in the issue.

"The key thing here is we need to consult all the stakeholders, which
is something that didn't happen this time around," Whitney said.
"Whether it's the growers in Humboldt, the dispensary owners or the
marijuana activists -- they need to be involved in the very
conception of an initiative."

It seems if marijuana is ever going to be legalized through the
ballot, that much-talked about but ever-illusive youth vote needs to
materialize as well.

Back at HSU, Lee said anecdotal evidence suggests lots and lots of
young people turned out to vote in Arcata -- where Proposition 19 ran
about 11 points higher than the state average. But polling data
indicates the 18- to 24-year-old demographic was largely a no show in
most areas of the state.

Komp said that needs to change.

"If people want legalization -- if marijuana smokers want their full
rights -- they're going to have to participate in the process and
show up to vote," she said.

.

Still in flight [Jorma Kaukonen]

Still in flight

http://www.jpost.com/ArtsAndCulture/Music/Article.aspx?id=200017

Jefferson Airplane's guitarist Jorma Kaukonen will have a smooth
landing in Tel Aviv with his long-time roots band Hot Tuna.

By DAVID BRINN
12/18/2010

In a circuitous manner, the state of Israel can be credited with the
formation of the seminal 1960s rock legends the Jefferson Airplane.
When a young folk and blues guitarist Jorma Kaukonen left his
Washington, DC, home and headed out to San Francisco to attend Santa
Clara University in the mid-1960s, he fell into a hootenanny scene
that included such future stars as Janis Joplin and Jerry Garcia.

As The Beatles' influence spread, and they all started picking up
electric guitars and letting their hair grow, the already virtuoso
Kaukonen was approached in 1965 by some would-be rockers, Paul
Kantner and Marty Balin, who asked him if he wanted to play guitar in
their fledgling band. Caught by the rock & roll bug, Kaukonen
accepted the offer and set out to buy his first electric guitar,
using the only money he had to his name.

"My first Jefferson Airplane electric guitar was bought with
cashed-in Israel Bonds. My grandmother, who was an Russian immigrant
to the United States, was an ardent Zionist, and every year, she
would give me a $100 bond. When I joined the Airplane, I withdrew
something like $500, which was a lot of money back then, and bought a
Rickenbacker," chuckled the 69-year-old Kaukonen, speaking on the
phone recently from his home on a rural farm in Ohio.

Kaukonen invited an old high school friend, Jack Casady, to join the
band as bassist, and the rest, as they say, is history. The Airplane
emerged as one of the most celebrated bands of the San Francisco
scene, epitomizing the counter-culture ethos with its flowing, hippie
appearance and loud, psychedelic-tinged rock music.

When film makers want to portray the turbulent Vietnam/ civil
rights/free love era, more often than not, they'll turn to The
Airplane's oeuvre including "Volunteers," "Somebody To Love" and
"White Rabbit" sung by their siren-like vocalist Grace Slick to
provide the tumultuous soundtrack.

But even at the height of his accomplishments and fame with the
Airplane at the dawn of the 1970s, Kaukonen was also eager to get
back to his folk and blues roots.

So, in one of the first rock & roll spinoffs, he and Jack Casady
formed Hot Tuna to provide a rootsy, low volume outlet to the
electric craziness that permeated their "day job" career with their
mother ship.

Forty years later, the Airplane, which broke up in the early 1970s
and morphed into the more commercially successful but artistically
inferior Jefferson Starship, is just a fond memory. But Kaukonen and
Hot Tuna are still vital, working entities ­ touring and recording
with only sporadic gaps in the ensuing decades.

AND NOW, 45 years after using his Israel Bonds money to make rock &
roll history, the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame 1996 inductee Kaukonen is
going to repay his debt by making his Israel debut with Hot Tuna on
December 22 at Reading 3.

"I'm very excited about coming to Israel for the first time," said
Kaukonen with a relaxed, slightly Southern drawl which hinted at his
upbringing close to Virginia.

While he wasn't raised as a practicing Jew, he was aware that he was
different from his friends from an early age.

"Because my dad was in the State Department and was away a lot of the
time, my mother and I spent a lot of time with my grandparents. And
even though they weren't observant in the home, the culture and the
food was absolutely Jewish," he said.

"My background of family picnics or going to the beach was totally
different than that of my friends, and I didn't know why. So I was
definitely raised in a Jewish cultural atmosphere if not a religious one."

In another twist of fate, Kaukonen, whose Judaism sat dormant for
much of his life, experienced a spiritual renewal of sorts when his
wife, Vanessa, decided to convert to Judaism six years ago.

"She was raised Catholic but this woman was born to be Jewish," said
Kaukonen. "Everyone who meets her says so. Before she converted, we
were in a restaurant in New York with a friend who just happens to be Jewish.

We got a table, and Vanessa came in and right away said, 'Oh no,
that's too small, we can't sit there.

Give us a different table.' My friend turned to me and said, 'I've
never seen a non- Jewish woman do that!'" While the American Jewish
cultural touch points may be intact, the Kaukonens' commitment to
Judaism run deeper, to the extent that they gave their daughter, now
four and a half, the name Israel.

"I had never really practiced Judaism myself, so of course, I got
involved with Vanessa in the Jewish community.

I went along for the ride for with a lot of it, and we studied Hebrew
together even though I haven't kept up with it as much as I did five
years ago," said Kaukonen.

"When I was talking to my rabbi about my learning something about my
cultural and religious heritage, one of her questions was 'why?' And
I said, there's two reasons, one because my wife is so interested in
it and I want to be able to take that journey with her. But the other
one is I always felt comfortable in a Jewish milieu.

I've always felt at home with Jews, and I look forward to having that
feeling in Israel as well," he said, adding that the family was
planning to spend five days in the country around the show.

When he's not touring or recording with Hot Tuna, or performing solo
shows, Kaukonen and his wife spend their time on their 125 acres in
the Appalachian foothills of Southeastern Ohio operating Jorma
Kaukonen's Fur Peace Ranch Guitar Camp Since it opened in 1998,
thousands of musicians whose skills range from basic to highly
accomplished gather for weekends of master instruction offered by
Kaukonen and other celebrity instructors who stop by the center's
200-seat performance hall, like David Bromberg, Roger McGuinn and
Chris Hillman.

"It's a great place for people to get away from their daily work,"
said Kaukonen. "It's mostly adults with time and the money to spend
on themselves, and during the four-day sessions, there's nothing to
do but make music, talk bout the music you play, and eat the great
food we have."

Kaukonen added that all levels of players are welcome, but that he
personally doesn't take on the beginners' class.

"I take too much for granted with them. I forget to teach them little
things like how to tune the guitar," he said.

KAUKONEN HAS no such problem with his musical partner of 53 years,
Casady, the anchor of Hot Tuna who's considered to be one of the most
original and melodic bass players of the rock era. Despite their
familiarity with each other, Kaukonen said that his friend still has
the capacity to constantly surprise him with his musical innovation.

"When I do my thing, I have building blocks I can move around so
things aren't always the same," explained Kaukonen.

"But Jack has this rare talent. When he does a solo, you never know
what he's going to come up with. He has a creative instinct, almost
an insight into a parallel universe, that's just unbelievable. And
that's exciting for me and for the rest of the guys in the band. If
there's a spot in a song for improvisation, it's not like 'oh yeah,
here's that solo again', it's something magical that takes place."

While Kaukonen's 70th birthday will be officially celebrated during
his stay in Israel, he launched his birthday month with two
star-studded Hot Tuna shows on December 3 and 4 at New York's Beacon
Theater. Grateful Dead guitarist Bob Weir, Allman Brothers Band
bassist Oteil Burbridge, and singer/songwriter Steve Earle joined the
band a show of songs that spanned the guitarist's storied career.

"Jack and I certainly felt all the fire from the old days coming out
of our fingers," Kaukonen wrote on his blog.

"Well, I don't want to gush too much, but we sure got to play some
great songs with great people. After the show downstairs they broke
out the cake they presented me on stage and it tasted just as good as
it looked."

Earlier, Kaukonen told The Jerusalem Post that he's grateful for
being in such a good place as he approaches his 70th year.

"I don't know if you can print this, but I'm just glad I can still
wipe my ass by myself," he chortled. "On a more serious note, it feel
great. So many of my contemporaries are gone, as are some of my
younger buddies.

I'm so very fortunate I have strong genetics in my family and I can
still do all this stuff. I'm a lucky guy."

Riding high on a recent acoustic, solo album, River of Time, Kaukonen
is currently recording Hot Tuna's first studio album in many years at
Levon Helm's Woodstock, NY-area studio, with noted Bob Dylan
guitarist Larry Campbell producing.

Despite an ill-advised 1989 reunion album, the legacy of the
Jefferson Airplane is one that Kaukonen takes great pride in. And he
doesn't shy away from identifying with it. Besides Casady, he retains
an ongoing relationship with vocalist Marty Balin, which last year
resulted in another, more organic mini-reunion.

"We were playing in Florida near where Marty lives on the 40th
anniversary of Woodstock, so we called him up, and he came to the
show and we performed "Volunteers," said Kaukonen.

"I'm absolutely proud of the Airplane, it's a part of American
history. I'm not given to listen to my older work much, but the
Airplane has very long legs and the back catalogue is used for movies
sometimes. And when I'm called up to listen to something, my first
reaction is always the same. 'Wow! We were pretty good!"

.

OBIT: Don Van Vliet, ‘Captain Beefheart,’ Dies at 69

OBIT

Don Van Vliet, 'Captain Beefheart,' Dies at 69

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/12/18/arts/music/18beefheart.html

By BEN RATLIFF
Published: December 17, 2010

Don Van Vliet, an artist of protean creativity who was known as
Captain Beefheart during his days as an influential rock musician and
who later led a reclusive life as a painter, died Friday. He was 69
and lived in Trinidad, Calif.

The cause was complications of multiple sclerosis, said Gordon
VeneKlasen, a partner at the Michael Werner gallery in New York,
where Mr. Van Vliet had shown his art, many of them abstract,
colorful oils, since 1985. The gallery said he died in a hospital in
Northern California.

Captain Beefheart's music career stretched from 1966 to 1982, and
from straight rhythm and blues by way of the early Rolling Stones to
music that sounded like a strange uncle of post-punk. He is probably
best known for "Trout Mask Replica," a double album from 1969 with
his Magic Band.

A bolt-from-the-blue collection of precise, careening, surrealist
songs with clashing meters, brightly imagistic poetry and raw blues
shouting, "Trout Mask Replica" had particular resonance with the punk
and new wave generation to come a decade later, influencing bands
like Devo, the Residents, Pere Ubu and the Fall.

Mr. Van Vliet's life story is caked with half-believable tales, some
of which he himself spread in Dadaist, elliptical interviews. He
claimed he had never read a book and had never been to school, and
answered questions with riddles. "We see the moon, don't we?" he
asked in a 1969 interview. "So it's our eye. Animals see us, don't
they? So we're their animals."

The facts, or those most often stated, are that he was born on Jan.
15, 1941, in Glendale, Calif., as Don Vliet. (He added the "Van" in
1965.) His father, Glen, drove a bakery truck.

Don demonstrated artistic talent before the age of 10, especially in
sculpture, and at 13 was offered a scholarship to study sculpture in
Europe, but his parents forbade him. Concurrently, they moved to the
Mojave Desert town of Lancaster, where one of Don's high school
friends was Frank Zappa.

His adopted vocal style came partly from Howlin' Wolf: a deep,
rough-riding moan turned up into swooped falsettos at the end of
lines, pinched and bellowing and sounding as if it caused pain.

"When it comes to capturing the feeling of archaic, Delta-style
blues," Robert Palmer of The New York Times wrote in 1982, "he is the
only white performer who really gets it right."

He enrolled at Antelope Valley Junior College to study art in 1959
but dropped out after one semester. By the early 1960s he had started
spending time in Cucamonga, Calif., in Zappa's studio. The two men
worked on what was perhaps the first rock opera (still unperformed
and unpublished), "I Was a Teenage Maltshop," and built sets and
wrote some of the script for a film to be titled "Captain Beefheart
vs. the Grunt People."

The origins of Mr. Van Vliet's stage name are unclear, but he told
interviewers later in life that he used it because he had "a beef in
my heart against this society."

By 1965 a quintet called Captain Beefheart and His Magic Band (the
"his" was later changed to "the") was born. By the end of the year
the band was playing at teenage fairs and car-club dances around
Lancaster and signed by A&M Records to record two singles.

The guitarist Ry Cooder, then a young blues fanatic whose skill was
much admired by Mr. Van Vliet, served as pro forma musical director
for the next record, "Safe as Milk" (1967), which showed the band
working on something different: a rhythmically jerky style, with
stuttering melodies. The next album, "Strictly Personal" (1968), went
even further in the direction of rhythmic originality.

But it was "Trout Mask Replica" that earned Mr. Van Vliet his biggest
mark. And it was the making of that album that provided some of the
most durable myths about Mr. Van Vliet as an imperious, uncompromising artist.

The musicians lived together in a house in Woodland Hills, in the San
Fernando Valley; what money there was for food and rent was supplied
by Mr. Van Vliet's mother, Sue, and the parents of Bill Harkleroad,
the band's guitarist (whom Mr. Van Vliet renamed Zoot Horn Rollo).
One persistent myth has it that Mr. Van Vliet, who had no formal
ability at any instrument, sat at the piano, turned on tapes and
spontaneously composed most of the record in a single marathon
eight-and-a-half-hour session.

What really happened, according to later accounts, was that his
drummer, John French (whose stage name was Drumbo), transcribed and
arranged music as Mr. Van Vliet whistled, sang or played it on the
piano, and the band learned the wobbly, intricately arranged songs
through Mr. French's transcriptions.

"Trout Mask" offers solo vocal turns that sound like sea shanties;
intricately ordered pieces with two guitars playing dissonant lines;
and conversations with Zappa, the record's producer. But its most
recognizable feature is its staccato, perpetually disorienting melodic lines.

Band members' accounts have described Mr. Van Vliet as tyrannical.
(Both Mr. French and Mr. Harkleroad have written memoirs with dark
details about this period.)

Mr. Van Vliet's eccentricity and his skepticism about the music
industry had much to do with why his music remained mostly a cult
obsession. His band was offered a slot at the Monterey International
Pop Music Festival in 1967, but Mr. Cooder had quit a week before,
and Mr. Van Vliet was too spooked to perform. In the following years,
when the band was at its creative peak, it played relatively few concerts.

The Magic Band's first records after "Trout Mask Replica," starting
with "Lick My Decals Off, Baby," had a more mature sound, but by
"Clear Spot," in 1973, the band had turned toward blues-rock. It
later made a few ill-conceived concessions to commercialism, and in
1974 the band quit en masse after the critically panned
"Unconditionally Guaranteed."

After a long falling-out, Mr. Van Vliet reunited with his old friend
Zappa to tour and make the album "Bongo Fury" in 1975, then assembled
a new band to record "Bat Chain Puller," which was never released
because of contractual tie-ups. Parts of it were rerecorded in 1978
for an album released by Warner Brothers, "Shiny Beast (Bat Chain Puller)."

When his business affairs cleared in the early 1980s, Mr. Van Vliet
made two albums for Virgin, "Doc at the Radar Station" and "Ice Cream
for Crow," with a crew of musicians who had idolized him while
growing up. The albums were enthusiastically received.

But "Ice Cream for Crow" was his last record; in 1982 he quit music
to focus on his painting and moved to Trinidad, near the Oregon
border, with his wife, Jan, who is his only survivor.

In the exhibition catalog to a show at the San Francisco Museum of
Modern Art, the museum director, John Lane, wrote of Mr. Van Vliet's
work, "His paintings ­ most frequently indeterminate landscapes
populated by forms of abstracted animals ­ are intended to effect
psychological, spiritual and magical force."

Some of the images were a continuation of his songwriting concerns,
especially those involving animals. A lot of his work dwells on the
beauty of animals, on animals acting like humans and even on humans
turning into animals. In "Wild Life," he sang, "I'm gonna go up on
the mountain and look for bears," and in "Grow Fins," an
extraordinary blues from the album "The Spotlight Kid" (1972), he
threatened a girlfriend that if she didn't love him better he would
turn into a sea creature.

Mr. Van Vliet had rarely been seen since the early 1990s and seldom
at his gallery openings.

"I don't like getting out when I could be painting," he told The
Associated Press in 1991. "And when I'm painting, I don't want
anybody else around."

.

Elaine Brown on Georgia Prison Strike

Prisoner Advocate Elaine Brown on Georgia Prison Strike:
"Repression Breeds Resistance"

http://www.democracynow.org/seo/2010/12/14/prisoner_advocate_elaine_brown_on_georgia

December 14, 2010

At least four prisons in Georgia remain in lockdown five days after
prisoners went on strike in protest of poor living and working
conditions. Using cell phones purchased from guards, the prisoners
coordinated the nonviolent protests to stage the largest prison
strike in U.S. history. There are reports of widespread violence and
brutality by the guards against the prisoners on strike. We speak to
longtime prison activist Elaine Brown of the newly formed group
Concerned Coalition to Respect Prisoners' Rights.

AMY GOODMAN: "Seize the Time" by Elaine Brown, who is our next guest.
That's right.

At least four prisons in Georgia remain in lockdown five days after
prisoners went on strike in protest of poor living and working
conditions. Using cell phones purchased from the guards, the
prisoners were able to coordinate the protests across Georgia. On
Monday, Georgia officials confirmed four prisons are still in
lockdown: Hays State Prison in Trion, Macon State Prison in
Oglethorpe, Telfair State Prison in Helena, and Smith State Prison in
Glennville. There have also been reports of prisoners going on strike
in several other facilities.

The prisoners say they'll continue refusing to leave their cells or
perform their jobs until they receive better medical care and
nutrition, more educational opportunities, payment for the work they
do in the prisons. In addition, they're demanding just parole
decisions, an end to cruel and unusual punishments, and better access
to their families.

Well, joining us now is the longtime prison activist Elaine Brown.
She's a member of the newly formed group Concerned Coalition to
Respect Prisoners' Rights. She's the former chair of the Black
Panther Party. She's joining us from Berkeley, California. Up until
recently she lived in Atlanta, Georgia.

Elaine Brown, it's being called the biggest prison strike in U.S.
history. Explain what's happening.

ELAINE BROWN: These men created what is effectively a spontaneous
decision by networking with each other and saying, you know, "We're
tired of all of the abuse we've been suffering here," as so many
other prisoners before them have said. "We're going to do something,
but the something we're going to do is not to try to initiate a
violent response or initiate violence, but to simply say we will not
work until we're paid," and the other demands and petitions that they
have made, as you've outlined. And they made a decision that that
would be on December 9th.

I have no idea why they picked that date and how they ended up
getting perhaps ten prisons involved. But at that point, of course,
the guards and the administration became aware of their intention.
And so, when they locked down on the night of the 8th, their decision
was to not get up. And they didn't. But the prison pretends, and the
administration has pretended, that they locked the men down. But
they're talking about four prisons, and there were probably ten in
the initial one-day strike, as it was slated to be. They have
refused­we're in day six, and they are still holding out and saying
they will not come out and work unless they can sit down at the table
and begin to get their demands met and their issues dealt with.

AMY GOODMAN: Elaine Brown, your son is in the Macon State Prison? He
is there, still on lockdown there?

ELAINE BROWN: Not only is he on lockdown, but he's in the hole right
now, because from almost day one or so, I was informed that he was
taken off to the hole, deemed some sort of leader. Just for the sake
of the record, because somebody asked­well, said, "Well, I understand
Elaine Brown doesn't have a son." Well, I didn't give birth to this
boy. I have known him for 15 years, and I have been with him for that
long, since he was incarcerated and put into an adult facility at 14
years old. And he's done 14 years now. And so, he is my son for
all­in all meaningful ways.

AMY GOODMAN: Can you describe the conditions in the Georgia state
prison system, Elaine Brown?

ELAINE BROWN: Well, I'm sure they're not very much different from
other prisons, I mean, or as the men would say, the chain gang or the
camp they're in. You know, you have overcrowded conditions. There is
no activity other than the work tasks that they're assigned to do. In
other words, there's no real educational opportunities. There's no
exercise. There's nothing else. The food is bad. They have poor
nutrition. They have crowded­overcrowded cells. A lot of the
day-to-day thing, I think the most important part is that, as it was
outlined many years ago in a Stanford study conducted by Dr. Phil
Zimbardo, one of the most important things is that the constant
violence being perpetrated against them by guards, who with their own
idle time look to try and instigate an incident here or there, so
there's a lot of screaming, hollering, you know, aggressive behaviors
that go on. And so, there's always some incident jumping off, as it
were, and so forth and so on. It's just a life of idle­idleness and
violence and a lack of any basic human condition.

AMY GOODMAN: Talk about what they do in their work. I mean, among the
conditions, the demands of the prisoners are a living wage for work,
talking about being a violation of the Thirteenth Amendment of the
Constitution that prohibits slavery and involuntary servitude. What
are the work conditions? What are they paid? Are they paid? What are they­

ELAINE BROWN: No, in Georgia, they're not even paid. They're not paid
one dime in the state of Georgia. I mean, the State Department of
Corrections would like to say they have some workers that are paid.
There are probably some people doing life without parole who work at
the Governor's mansion, maybe 15 of them who might be getting some
money. But the prisoners in the state of Georgia are paid nothing at all.

Now, that's not to say that the prisoners in other states are being
paid. They're mostly being paid a dollar a day to 50 cents an hour.
That would probably be the maximum. So they're not exactly being paid
enough money to accumulate anything over the years of their
incarceration and maybe come out of the prison with more than the $25
check they give them upon release in the state of Georgia. So, they
are not paid one single dime, and they are required to clean the
floors, clean the showers, do the yard work, do the dishes, cook the
food­in other words, to maintain the prison itself.

AMY GOODMAN: I'm looking at a report out of the Black Agenda Report,
and it talks about how there's no educational programs available
beyond GED with the exception of a single program that trains inmates
to be Baptist ministers.

ELAINE BROWN: That's absolutely correct. I believe that's at Phillips
State Prison, and it's a school out of Louisiana. And I think there
are about 20 people even enrolled in that program. So, it's almost
pointless to even mention it.

AMY GOODMAN: Talk about how this largest prison strike in U.S.
history was organized, sort of redefining the term "cell phone," Elaine Brown.

ELAINE BROWN: Well, you know, a lot of people have been fascinated by
this, and I'm glad that you made note immediately that­you know, so
many people say, "Well, these guys have contraband." Well, the
greatest avenue for their obtaining these cell phones is by sales
from guards, and these guards are selling these phones at exorbitant
prices. I learned the other day that one guy said he paid $800 to a
guard for a cell phone that was probably worth about 50 bucks. So,
that's the first point that has to be made, because people imagine
that there's all this smuggling going on­and there is, but it's on
the part of­in the main, on the part of guards that are inside these
facilities.

The cell phone played a part, but the other part was that there are
leaders of different factions in the prison, and they were able to
sort of discuss what could they do. Instead of fighting among
themselves, is there anything that they could do to try to change the
conditions of being just constantly bombarded with violent attacks,
with, you know, idle time, and so forth and so on? And they­at some
point, a number of them just decided, "Well, we just shouldn't work."
And it just became a prairie fire. It was truly the spark that lit
the prairie fire. And everybody was saying, "Well, I'm down with
that. We're not going to get up." And each group­you know, you have
blacks in various subsets, and you have Muslims, you have Mexicans
and other Latinos, Hispanics, you have Whites, you have Rastafarians,
you have Christians­all of them, for reasons that I cannot explain
how they suddenly understood how to be unified, decided, "Yeah, we're
not working, and we're down with this, and we're not going to get up,
and we're going to stay united." And across the prisons, in the
various sets, they called each other, sent text messages, and they
all agreed to do it. And they agreed on the date, and that was December 9.

AMY GOODMAN: Elaine, I interviewed you a long time ago when your
memoir came out, A Taste of Power: A Black Woman's Story. You're the
former chair of the Black Panther Party. Can you tell us a little bit
about your life and how you came to be a prison activist today?

ELAINE BROWN: Well, it's pretty­you know, it's sort of organic, very
much like this prisoner strike. You know, we used to say in the Black
Panther Party, "Repression breeds resistance." Pardon me. I was born
in the ghettos of North Philadelphia­I was raised, rather, in the
ghettos of North Philadelphia. Even though I went to sort of
privileged schools and so forth and so on, I was very conscious of
that. When I ultimately joined the Black Panther Party at around 24
years old, I knew then that I was fully conscious that the things
that I experienced in my life were a part of a larger picture and
that I was a part of a group of people who were an oppressed group.
From that point on, the question was liberation. The aspects of
our­of liberation and the ending of all exploitation, as we would say
it, was just a matter of looking at all the various aspects of our
oppression and how it played itself out. In the Black Panther Party,
there was a 10-point platform and program that articulated some of
the manifestations of our general oppression, talking about lack of
education, as a matter of fact, not having enough food and housing.
In essence, what we called for was freedom and right of self-determination.

We recognized that our plight was not much different as black people
than other oppressed people, and we joined arms and forces with a
variety of other groups like the Brown Berets, the Red Guard, the
Young Lords, the Young Patriots, and so forth. And then we linked
ourselves to the international struggle of people around the world
for national liberation in Vietnam, throughout the continent of
Africa, and in Latin America, South America. So, we became internationalists.

And I remain that person. So it isn't complicated to draw the line
from that struggle to the struggle of the most oppressed group in
America: the prisoner class. The prisoners in this country, as you
know, make up the largest prisoner group in the world. America
confines more people than any single country at a higher rate and a
higher­and the largest number. Fifty percent of those prisoners, or
nearly 50 percent of them, are black men. And so, we have to ask the
question, how did that come to be? Either the black men are the only
people­when we consider that we black people make up approximately 12
to 13 percent of the overall population and yet almost 50 percent of
the prison population, we have to ask the question, is this the
result of some genetic flaw in black people? Are we obviously some
sort of criminally minded? Or is there something wrong in the scheme
of things? Obviously, the latter is what I would say. And so, I've
committed myself to bringing people out of prison.

I have a very close friend who was a member of the Black Panther
Party here in California, who has been in prison since 1969, over 41
years, Chip Fitzgerald. So I helped to organize the Committee to Free
Chip Fitzgerald. These people have been buried in prison for their
political beliefs, and they've been buried in prison for their
poverty. There are no rich people languishing in the prisons of
America. So, there's a class question. There's a race question. And
this is just a continuation of expressing my efforts or of continuing
my efforts toward the goal of the liberation of all oppressed people.

AMY GOODMAN: Elaine Brown, I want to thank you very much for being
with us and just ask you a final question about what you expect the
outcome of­it was planned as a one-day strike, December 9th, biggest
strike in U.S. history in prisons. But with the lockdown continuing
in a number of the state prisons in Georgia, what's going to happen?

ELAINE BROWN: Well, we­this coalition that you have mentioned, the
Concerned Coalition to Respect Prisoner Rights, which includes
everything from the NAACP national office and the state office to the
Nation of Islam and a number of other organizations, All of Us or
None, so forth, across the country, we've been talking in conference
calls over the last two days. We are having a meeting at this point
with either the commissioner or deputy commissioner of the Department
of Corrections. We plan on imploring them to first stop instigating
the situation and trying to escalate it to a violent confrontation,
which is what they are doing by prodding men with everything, turning
off the heat, beating people, forcing them out of their cells,
turning off the hot water, destroying and trashing people's property,
not feeding them, and so forth and so on, all kinds of tactics to
instigate a violent response. So our first goal is to make sure this
does not become Attica, although it is not like Attica because the
prisoners have not taken hostages or anything of this sort. They are
simply not leaving their cells.

AMY GOODMAN: Elaine Brown, we're going to have to leave it there.

ELAINE BROWN: And then the next step­

AMY GOODMAN: But I thank you very much for being with us.

ELAINE BROWN: Alright, thank you.

AMY GOODMAN: Longtime prison activist­

ELAINE BROWN: OK, thank you.

AMY GOODMAN:­former chair of the Black Panther Party. Thank you so
much. We'll continue to follow the Georgia strike.

.

FBI in Memphis

[2 articles]

Former '70s activist recalls Memphis police surveillance was all over the place

http://www.commercialappeal.com/news/2010/dec/19/former-activist-recalls-memphis-police-surveillanc/

'It's just like in the movies,' former '70s activist recalls. 'You
could spot them a mile away.'

By Marc Perrusquia
December 19, 2010

Slow and steady, the marchers made their way down Main Street, then
over to Front.

They were a collection of black militants, white war protesters and
self-proclaimed socialists, banded together on a march through
Downtown Memphis on April 4, 1973, the fifth anniversary of Dr.
Martin Luther King's assassination.

One marcher, Allan Fuson, a young activist with a bulging FBI file,
was used to being followed around by men in dark suits who would
often take his picture. They were out again this day. So Fuson
decided to take his own pictures: On the plaza in front of City Hall
he captured three plainclothes police officers, one with a long-lens
camera around his neck -- Jerry Davis, a commander with the Memphis
Police Department's domestic intelligence bureau.

On Front Street, Fuson shot another picture: Ernest Withers, the news
photographer who doubled as an FBI informant, staring into the
viewfinder of a camera dangling from his neck. "I could tell when
they were watching. It's just like in the movies,'' said Fuson, now
61. "You could spot them a mile away."

Fuson, now a Cincinnati businessman, became very familiar with MPD's
intelligence bureau, known as the Red Squad. Working in tight
collaboration with the FBI, MPD's squad kept files on numbers of
citizens from the late 1960s until 1976, when a leak forced it to
close. A subsequent lawsuit led to a federal order in 1978 banning
political surveillance at MPD. For Fuson, a conscientious objector
and the son of Quakers, that surveillance included teams of
plainclothes officers who often tailed him and his associates as well
as an undercover cop who grew long hair and infiltrated Fuson's small
band of activists, the Young Workers Liberation League.

That officer, Byron "Gene'' Townsend, followed a typical path for
undercover political agents: Graduating from high school in 1964 in
Parsons, Tenn., he was drafted into the Army, served two years in
Vietnam, then took a job at MPD. From his first day on the force in
July 1969 he was placed undercover, police records show, working
under a code number -- Agent 503 -- as he infiltrated a range of
left-leaning groups at Memphis State University, including the local
chapters of Students for a Democratic Society and Vietnam Veterans
Against the War.

Paydays consisted of secret meetings in parking lots where an MPD
official handed him an envelope stuffed with cash. They wanted no
paper trail linking Townsend to MPD.

"It got to a point where it wasn't the money anymore, it was the
thrill,'' said Danny Townsend, brother of Gene, who died in 2003
following a 33-year career at MPD in which he rose to the rank of captain.

Townsend's undercover reports, filed with MPD and, in turn, given to
the FBI, show the agent was a regular at Fuson's small strategy
sessions where four or five Young Workers members discussed issues
like the war and police shootings of black citizens. In separate
reports in July 1970, the undercover agent noted that Fuson owned
books by Communist leader Gus Hall, that he shared an apartment with
a black activist and that he was a supporter of liberal U.S. Sen.
Albert Gore Sr.

Once, Fuson believes, someone at MPD or the FBI took things so far as
to interfere with a job he'd lined up as a medical assistant at
Methodist Hospital.

"Here I was, clean cut. No drugs. They were excited about it. They
said, 'Shoot, this is our boy,' " Fuson recalled. "The FBI, the Red
Squad, somebody went to them the day I was to report. The lady who
had been so excited about me was so cold on the phone. Like water
frozen in a glass. I lost the job."

MPD's intelligence bureau continued operating until war protester
Eric Carter learned the department had a file on him. Like the file
on Fuson, there was nothing criminal in it -- just reports on his
activism. When Carter asked for a copy under the state open records
act, MPD burned it. Then, as the American Civil Liberties Union
prepared a lawsuit, MPD burned the bulk of its intelligence files --
six filing cabinets' worth.

Then-U.S. Dist. Judge Robert McRae ruled in 1978 that MPD could no
longer "engage in political intelligence." His consent order forbids
any electronic or covert surveillance, the keeping of files or "any
law enforcement activities which interfere with any person's rights
protected by the First Amendment."

"They, by God, ran me out of Tennessee,'' said Carter, now a Houston
attorney. Carter said he believes his applications to law school in
Memphis and Knoxville were sabotaged because of his political
beliefs, and he eventually went to law school in Texas.

"Those were dangerous times. Everybody has to realize that."
--

-- Marc Perrusquia: 529-2545

--------

Memphis FBI agent led cadre of informants that included Ernest Withers

http://www.commercialappeal.com/news/2010/dec/19/memphis-fbi-agent-led-cadre-ernest-withers/

By Marc Perrusquia
December 19, 2010

Seven times he called that night. No answer. Then again in the
morning -- still no luck.

An obviously anxious William H. Lawrence, a retired FBI agent, seemed
to fear the worst -- that a key confidential informant was about to be outed.

Lawrence, the puppet master over a web of informants in Memphis
during the 1950s and '60s, had gone to great lengths to protect
Ernest Withers' identity.

To an unsuspecting public, Withers was the celebrated photographer
whose iconic images of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., the Montgomery bus
boycott and the Memphis sanitation workers' strike helped propel the
civil rights movement.

To Lawrence, he was confidential informant ME 338-R.

Now, their secret seemed imperiled by a Congressional committee
investigating FBI surveillance surrounding King's 1968 assassination
in Memphis.

As Withers was headed to a closed-door appearance before the
committee on Nov. 22, 1978, the two Memphians -- informant and
handler -- finally connected by phone.

"I told him ... that I had never revealed or disclosed his identity &
did not know how committee learned of his identity," Lawrence wrote
in a forceful, urgent scrawl on scratch paper.

In his notes, which alternately refer to Withers by name and by his
informant number, Lawrence cleverly advises the photographer not to
lie about his spying while simultaneously scripting out a set of
answers for him.

"...I could not tell him what to say -- However, IF his confidential
relationship with me had been based on and motivated by his concern
for the peaceful and effective preservation of the Civil Rights
movement ... and that IF his purpose in cooperating with FBI was to
detect and deter violence ... and not for mere monetary gain, that he
should say so."

Saved by the agent's family following his death in 1990 at age 70,
the handwritten notes provide further insight into Withers' covert
work for the FBI. The notes identify Withers as a rare breed of
informant, one of only five "racial" informants in Memphis in 1968
who were paid, and confirm what sources have said -- that he was
nearly revealed in the 1978 probe.

More significantly, they allow a first-ever glimpse into the private
world of William Harvey Lawrence, the shadowy, resolute intelligence
agent who had Memphis wired in a relentless search for Communists,
militants and subversion in the 1950s and '60s.

Together with family photos, letters of commendation from FBI
director J. Edgar Hoover, internal bureau memos and an assortment of
personal writings -- he saw King as an "irresponsible" radical who
encouraged riots -- the notes paint a complex portrait.

At home, Lawrence was an everyday Memphis family man. In a
cookie-cutter ranch house in the suburbs near Getwell Road and Park
Avenue, he lived with his wife, Margaret, and their two daughters. A
Chevy-driving, church-going Republican, he enjoyed an occasional
cigar, listened to jazz, watched baseball on TV and regularly walked
his basset, Beulah around the neighborhood.

At work, he became the quintessential Cold Warrior. Heading the FBI's
Memphis domestic intelligence operations, he battled communism during
the '50s, rooting out subversive influences in trade unions and civil
rights organizations, and fighting social disorder through the
turbulent '60s. His large stable of sources involved not only a
handful of paid informants such as Withers, who were supervised and
given assignments, but dozens of unpaid sources in the black
community, including the leadership of the local NAACP and key
members of the ministry, as well as moles within the ranks of the
white media and in politics.

"They were just A-plus performers. (Lawrence and his FBI colleagues)
had the entire black Memphis community wired,'' said David Garrow,
the Pulitzer Prize-winning historian who said the FBI's inroads into
the civil rights movement are believed to have been far more limited
in cities such as Atlanta and Birmingham.

Reverberations of that spy network are still felt today. The FBI's
domestic spying and its treatment of King, including a fierce,
five-year counterintelligence effort to "neutralize'' the leader,
have left many Americans believing the agency had a hand in his
murder, despite three formal investigations that found the FBI played
no role in the assassination.

Lawrence's legacy is especially palpable in Memphis. He helped set up
a separate domestic intelligence bureau at the Memphis Police
Department, a sort of FBI Lite, where undercover agents infiltrated
organizations such as the Invaders, a black-power group, and anti-war
groups at Memphis State University. When activists learned of the
spying, which included keeping dossiers on hundreds of Memphis
citizens, they sued, winning a judge's order that banned MPD from
conducting political surveillance -- a ruling that still affects the
police agency when investigating street gangs and terrorism.

"The extent of spying in this town was enormous," said Bruce Kramer,
a Memphis attorney whose suit led to the order. Kramer sees parallels
between the '60s surveillance and the current war on terrorism, with
its unprecedented searches and alleged profiling of Americans of
Middle Eastern descent, and he questions if anything's been learned
from history.

"The extent of the paranoia of the '60s seems to be an echo and a
reoccurring theme from the House Un-American Activities Committee.
They saw a Communist under every bush. They saw a threat from every
group that, when they looked in a mirror, didn't look like them."

* * *

Betty Lawrence pulled out a pile of papers from a dusty box.

They were the remnants of her father's 27 years in the FBI, a career
that started in 1943 after a shaky start in life. Lawrence was
attending private college in his hometown of Marietta, Ohio, and
failing, when an FBI recruiter paid a visit. Suddenly, he had a
purpose. His F's became straight A's. Once in the bureau, he was
assigned to a series of small offices before landing in Memphis in
October 1945 -- with a $3,976-a-year salary.

"Daddy believed in what he did,'' said Betty, his younger daughter,
recalling the agent's long work days and modest pay.

True to her memory of her father's work ethic, she came across of
photo of him coming home through the back door with a bundle of files
under his arm, dressed in a suit and one of those famous skinny FBI
ties. At home, in his shirt sleeves, agent Lawrence reviewed the
day's reports or curled up with a copy of the Daily Worker, the
Communist Party newspaper he subscribed to under a thinly veiled
alias, William Harvey, his first and middle names. A tender father,
and an animal lover, he regularly walked his dog around the Park
Crest subdivision, trailed, like the Pied Piper, by his two girls and
a line of neighborhood children. But often his job dominated his time.

"Work was a big part of his life," recalled daughter Nancy Mosley,
64, a retired librarian in Charlotte, N.C.

In the stack of papers was a small notebook agent Lawrence kept,
filled with his handwritten impressions of King. Titled, "BLACK POWER
MEMPHIS & M.L. KING Aspects prior & after 4-4-68," the notes reveal
no personal animosity for King. Yet, they make clear that, despite
the leader's nonviolent views, Lawrence believed he was the very sort
of dangerous radical the government needed to watch.

"(The) dividing line between super-militant nonviolence and
super-militant violence is often very thin -- King tried to straddle
and bridge the two. Success depended on the charisma of one man
(King)," he wrote. "His concept that each man had the right and moral
duty to accept or reject laws that met with his favor or disfavor
confused the ignorant and confused and gave a license to those prone
to violate the law anyway."

Betty Lawrence cringed as she handed the notebook to a visitor.

"If you read this, you'd think Daddy hated Dr. King," she said.

In truth, her father supported civil rights, she said. While a fan of
arch-conservatives like William F. Buckley, Lawrence was fiscally
conservative and socially tolerant. He eagerly worked civil rights
cases throughout the Memphis FBI office's broad jurisdiction in West
Tennessee and North Mississippi. Daughters Betty and Nancy recall
hardly seeing their father in the summer of 1964, following passage
of the landmark Civil Rights Act that outlawed discrimination in
voting and segregation in public accommodations.

Lawrence also led the FBI's local war on the Ku Klux Klan,
splintering the terrorist organization with seeds of distrust spread
with help from informants who handed over the United Klans of
America's secret mailing list.

In 1966 the FBI mailed klansmen a series of anonymous postcards, the
first featuring a cartoonish sketch of a hooded klansman on a
barstool with a martini and a hooded female beside him. "Which Klan
leaders are spending your money tonight?" the card asked. "Think!"

On its heels came another, drawn in the same lampooning style,
depicting a surprised klansman as his hood is suddenly lifted from
his face by a set of robed arms reaching from behind. "Someone is
peeking under your sheet," the card says.

"Daddy never left the slightest doubt that (discrimination) was
wrong," said Betty Lawrence, 61, an attorney in Asheville, N.C.

But it was the Cold War that defined Lawrence's career -- and it
would propel him on a path toward Withers and King.

In the anti-Communist fervor that gripped America after World War II,
domestic security became a top priority at the FBI. By the early
'50s, Lawrence and a partner were running the bureau's domestic
intelligence operations in Memphis, earning kudos for their efforts.
Much of it was tedious work. Lawrence paid regular visits to the
offices of the NAACP and checked in with labor union officials to
counteract the American Communist Party, which was recruiting in the
area. Occasionally, there was a true spy adventure.

One such incident occurred on a rainy night in November 1954 when
Lawrence, then 35, tapped informants to apprehend Junius Scales, a
fugitive Party official who had been hiding out in the Communist
underground for three years, fleeing from town to town. Lawrence and
his colleagues surrounded Scales as he stood at the corner of Jackson
Avenue and McLean -- the very spot where a Memphis couple, both
secret members of the Party, were to pick him up. The effort earned
praise from director Hoover.

"The manner in which you developed information establishing the
whereabouts of Scales, making possible his apprehension, is certainly
worthy of special recognition," Hoover wrote Lawrence in a personal
letter of commendation on Nov. 30, 1954. "It is a pleasure to commend you."

The Scales case would become a landmark in the great American battle
pitting national security against civil liberties. Among mementos
Lawrence saved was a program from a play, "The Limits of Dissent,"
written in 1976 about Scales' life.

Although other Communists were prosecuted under the Smith Act, which
made it a crime to advocate overthrowing the U.S. government, Scales
was the only one imprisoned under its membership clause, which
criminalized simply joining the Party. Convicted in two sensational
trials, he was sentenced to six years in prison. He served 15 months
before President John F. Kennedy commuted his sentence in 1962
following protests from a range of celebrities and political figures
-- King among them.

"It was really the fight against racism, and fascism, and the
struggle for trade unionism that led me to the Party," Scales later
wrote of his conversion to communism. "It made me believe in
socialism, believe that socialism could make manual labor more
meaningful... But I would say it was the Negro Question that really
got to my consciousness."

The "Negro Question" troubled the FBI, too. The term would appear
repeatedly in the title of FBI reports filed by domestic intelligence
agents assigned to keep watch on black Americans. The fear was that
years of mistreatment would propel African-Americans toward
communism, revolution or some other form of subversion. Vigilant
agents, Lawrence among them, were on orders to develop sources to
help keep watch -- sources like Withers.

* * *

Withers' intersection with the U.S. House of Representatives' Select
Committee on Assassinations in November 1978 was a product of two
interlinking concerns: The FBI's long harassment of King, and the
suspicion of many Americans that the agency had a hand in his death.

Congress moved in 1976 to re-examine King's assassination following
disclosures that the FBI waged a five-year counterintelligence effort
against the civil rights leader that included tapping his phones,
bugging his hotel rooms and leaking information to discredit him. In
1963, agents mailed secretly recorded audiotapes to King's office
along with an anonymous letter that seemed to suggest he commit suicide.

The campaign started as a national security investigation after an
informant told the FBI one of King's key advisers, New York attorney
Stanley Levison, had been a Party fundraiser. The investigation never
revealed any Communist involvement by King. Historians believe it
morphed into harassment, in part, because of Hoover's animosity toward King.

When the assassinations committee reviewed King's murder, the
overwhelming evidence against King's confessed assassin, James Earl
Ray, led to a question: Did the FBI somehow influence Ray to kill
King? Pursuing that theory, the committee reviewed scores of FBI
files, including numbers of informant files, looking for any link
between the FBI and Ray, who was a racist and career criminal.

"We were highly motivated to find it ... but we couldn't link him up
with the FBI, directly or indirectly,'' said the committee's chief
counsel, G. Robert Blakey, now a law school professor at Notre Dame University.

But with the FBI on trial, Lawrence was subpoenaed on Nov. 21, 1978,
when he testified that the agency had conducted no electronic
surveillance on King while he was in Memphis.

Lawrence also was asked about a key, unnamed informant. Part of the
committee's interest in the informant involved reports he'd given the
FBI on two meetings King had with members of the militant black-power
group, the Invaders, one on the day before his assassination.

Lawrence's personal writings, as well as FBI reports, show the bureau
feared King's associations with a militancy rising within some
circles of the civil rights movement. King's meetings with the
Invaders alarmed the FBI, yet his purpose was purely peaceful. He
hoped to secure the group's cooperation in leading a peaceful march
in support of the city's striking sanitation workers. Just a week
earlier -- on March 28, 1968 -- King led a march through Downtown
Memphis that dissolved into a riot, and many blamed the Invaders for
the disorder.

Lawrence closely monitored it all, and he testified in 1978 that
during the sanitation workers' strike he and the informant spoke
almost daily, sometimes in carefully arranged face-to-face meetings.

"Periodically, we would meet in person under what we hoped were safe
conditions to personally exchange information, go over descriptions,
any photographs, things of that nature," the agent testified, saying
the informant was paid as much as $200 a month -- $15,000 a year in
today's money.

Lawrence's notes identify the informant as Withers, the ubiquitous
Beale Street photographer whose freelance news coverage provided a
perfect cover.

Lawrence testified that only "four or five" of his informants were
paid to report on racial matters. A Justice Department report said
there were in fact five such informants in Memphis. The identities of
the other four remain unknown.

Lawrence's notes say Withers was to testify in a closed session on
the day after the agent's public testimony. The committee's records
are sealed, and The Commercial Appeal couldn't independently verify
Withers in fact made it before the committee. However, details in the
notes indicate Withers was in Washington that day.

Two members of the assassinations committee listed in Lawrence's
notes, Louis Stokes, now 85, and Walter Fauntroy, 77, said they have
a faint recollection the committee was interested in Withers. That
interest wasn't central to King's murder and its focus has faded from
memory, they said.

* * *

"I knew Daddy had such things as informants," said Betty Lawrence,
who, as a teenager, saw a range of her father's "friends'' come in
and out of the Lawrence home. Once, when she did a college paper on
civil rights, her father sent her to interview two of his friends --
Kay Pittman Black, the venerable reporter at the old Memphis
Press-Scimitar newspaper, and Maxine Smith, the longtime executive
secretary of the Memphis NAACP.

FBI records show Smith was coded as an "extremist informant" or one
reporting on extremist organizations. She says although she talked
with Lawrence many times, she never considered herself an informant,
and was never paid. Black died in 1997 at age 61. FBI reports
indicate she wrote numerous articles focusing on violence and
criminal acts within the Invaders. She received assistance writing
those stories from the FBI as it tried to undermine community support
for the group.

Among Betty Lawrence's keepsakes is a family portrait shot in the
living room of their East Memphis home at Christmas 1967: Her father
sitting in a cushy armchair, daughters Nancy and Betty sitting on
either side on the armrests, and wife Margaret standing behind them.
Nancy and Betty say they have a clear memory of the photographer --
Ernest Withers.

"This was a fellow Daddy worked with. And he was introduced to us as
Mr. Withers. He was Daddy's black photographer friend,'' Betty Lawrence said.

She's one of four people -- a former FBI employee and three surviving
relatives of agents -- who've shared accounts in recent weeks that
further explain Withers' affiliation with agent Lawrence and his
domestic intelligence unit.

Though each was familiar with the relationship between Lawrence and
Withers, none could say exactly when and how it started. Trying to
determine the full scope of Withers' informant activities, The
Commercial Appeal sued the FBI last month in Washington for access to
his informant file.

Federal law allows the FBI to protect identities of informants even
after death, and the agency is asking U.S. District Judge Ricardo M.
Urbina to dismiss the suit. Withers died in 2007 at age 85. The
11-page answer by Justice Department attorney Wendy M. Doty contends
the newspaper is seeking records "protected from disclosure.'' Doty's
answer also denies the newspaper's allegation that documents already
released by the FBI confirm Withers was an informant.

"They seem to be straining very hard not to admit what was clear from
the FOIA documents -- that Ernest Withers was an FBI informant," said
Charles Tobin, the newspaper's attorney.

Betty Lawrence said she believes Withers helped the FBI investigate
racial crimes in the early 1960s before he was asked to monitor the
civil rights movement as militants on its outer fringes began to
advocate violence.

"I don't see it as a great betrayal on the part of Mr. Withers. A lot
of my father's work was focused on the white extremist threat. I
don't think there was much reason to be conflicted early on," she said.

Barbara Sullivan, the daughter of Lawrence's longtime domestic
intelligence partner, Hugh Kearney, has a similar theory. She recalls
a warm reception when she and her father ran into Withers at a
Midtown drug store a couple of years before Kearney died in 2005 at age 89.

"He said (Withers) was a fine gentleman. He always tried to do the
right thing,'' said Sullivan, 56.

She believes Withers first had contact with the FBI as agents
investigated a series of civil rights crimes starting in the '50s.

Sullivan played a video, shot in 2000, of 84-year-old Kearney
discussing his career with a granddaughter for a school project. On
the tape, Kearney talks of forays into the hinterlands on civil
rights cases, including Fayette County's 1960 Tent City crisis, in
which landowners threw black sharecroppers off their land in
retaliation for registering to vote, and another involving a white
mob that stormed a jail and kidnapped a black rape defendant, shot
him and threw his body in a river -- an obvious reference to the 1959
lynching of Mack Charles Parker in Poplarville, Miss. As a
much-in-demand freelance photographer for America's black press,
Withers covered both cases extensively.

Regardless of how the connection was made, FBI records show domestic
intelligence agents such as Lawrence were under constant pressure to
develop racial informants -- those who could help monitor racial
politics and disorder -- particularly following the riots of the mid-
to late-'60s.

Finding a well-connected informant like Withers, who could help
connect the dots between subversives and their sympathizers, was
especially productive.

"I don't want to be a source for anything. But I knew that (Withers)
and Bill (Lawrence) were very good friends. You can take from that
what you want,'' said Betty Norworth, a secretary for more than 50
years in the FBI's Memphis office.

Lawrence's success in recruiting informants stems in part from his
long tenure in Memphis. Many agents receive regular transfers, yet he
built relationships in Memphis over 25 years. His first partner,
Kearney, grew up in Memphis and graduated from Catholic High School;
his second partner, Howell S. Lowe, also spent years in Memphis
before retiring here.

Norworth attributed something else to Lawrence's success recruiting
informants -- a genuine warmth.

"He was just everybody's friend. And you could believe everything he
said,'' she said. "He dropped little gifts by. But all of that came
out of his pocket. He got to be real fond of people who worked with him."

* * *

Lawrence retired in 1970, ironically, to the home state of Junius
Scales -- North Carolina -- where the agent had been taking family
vacations for years in the mountains around Spruce Pine. For all his
years of spying, of suspicions and keeping secret files, his final
years were quite public, volunteering for the Special Olympics and
teaching Sunday school.

"He wasn't always the most forgiving person. ... He learned Christian
forgiveness. The last 20 years of his life was committed to community
service,'' daughter Betty said. "I never saw someone grow so much spiritually."
--

­ Marc Perrusquia: 529-2545

.

The Liberal Rape Connection

The Liberal Rape Connection

http://www.rightsidenews.com/2010121812368/editorial/us-opinion-and-editorial/riday-afternoon-roundup-the-liberal-rape-connection.html

18 December 2010
Daniel Greenfield

When lefty stalwarts Michael Moore and Keith Olbermann decided to
jump to the defense of an accused rapist, relying on such authorities
as Bianca Jagger, they were either thinking that whether Julian
Assange raped two women was irrelevant, because he was doing more
important progressive duty. That was the same justification used to
support Roman Polanski for his brutal rape of a 13 year old girl.
It's more convenient to claim that the rape thing was a CIA plot, as
Bianca Jagger did (while keeping "rape" in quotation marks) and
Olbermann retweeted.

Predictably thin-skinned, Olbermann reacted to a feminist Twitter
campaign with shrill insults, before eventually huffing and puffing
and abandoning Twitter. Michael Moore penned an open letter to the
Swedish government accusing it of ignoring rapes in general. It's a
cynical pose that lets him play rape victim advocate, while defending
a particular rapist. What Moore ignored is that most of those rapes
in Sweden come from Muslim immigrants anyway. Image courtesy of the
Daily Gator)

Neither Olbermann or Michael Moore could wrap their heads around the
idea that the US government likely pressured Sweden to bring Assange
in-- and that Assange is still an accused rapist. That both can be
true at the same time.

The ideological paradigm has trouble coping with contradictory
information like that. If the evil US government is hunting Assange
then he must be a saint, and all accusations directed at him are the
product of a vast conspiracy to silence him. But Olbermann and Moore
should know better than anyone else that it's entirely possible to
push interested allegations that are actually true. They've done it
themselves when going after Republicans. More often though they've
lied. And that may help Moore and Olbermann believe that everyone lies.

So first they lied about the charges that Julian Assange is accused
of. They misrepresented the charges against Assange as not really
being rape-rape. When in one case it's pretty clear cut rape from the
start, and in the other it turned into rape. Whether Assange is
guilty of those charges is for a court to determine, but Olbermann
and Michael Moore are making a mockery of their own claims to be
protectors of women by defending Assange by mocking his accusers and
insisting that he can't be guilty because he's on our side. And
therefore a victim of "The Man."

This same kind of defense was used for Roman Polanski. The charges
against him were misrepresented. And the pro-Polanski documentary
Wanted and Desired (it deserves to be called a documentary about as
much as Moore's documentaries do) painted a portrait of Polanski as
the well-meaning victim of ruthless prosecutors. Polanski couldn't be
a rapist because he was one of us. Just like Assange is one of us.

One of the progressive good guys who see the world for what it is.

Let's take the case of Ira Einhorn, the Unicorn Killer, a leftist
radical who murdered his ex-girlfriend, and stuck her body in a
trunk. He managed to convince enough liberals that he was the victims
of a CIA conspiracy, that they helped him escape and continued
protecting him. He married a Swedish woman and parties around Europe.
This went on for a long time, until the US finally managed to extradite him.

Michael Moore and Keith Olbermann will ignore the obvious parallels
with the defenders of Iran Einhorn, who treated Holly Maddox as
another inconvenient victim. And why shouldn't they? This kind of
thing has been going on for a long time now.

David Horowitz of Front Page Magazine broke with the left over a case
like this. The murder of Betty Van Patter. But most liberals have
been willing to treat the Black Panther movement as heroes.

"I became a rapist. To refine my technique and modus operandi, I
started out by practicing on black girls in the ghetto... and when I
considered myself smooth enough, I crossed the tracks and sought out
white prey.

Rape was an insurrectionary act. It delighted me that I was defying
and trampling upon the white man's law, upon his system of values and
that I was defiling his women...

Recently I came upon a book of quotations from one of LeRoi Jones'
poems, takes from his book The Dead Lecturer.

"A cult of death need of the simple striking arm under the street
lamp. The cutters from under the rented earth. Come up black dada
nihilismus. Rape the white girls. Rape their fathers. Cut their
mothers' throats."

I have lived those lines and I know that if I had not been
apprehended I would have slit some white throats. There are, of
course, many young blacks out there right now who are slitting white
throats and raping the white girl.

That's from Eldridge Cleaver's Soul on Ice, the man that liberals
turned into an icon, along with his Black Panther thugs.

By presenting his rapes as a response to racial oppression, Cleaver
legitimized them in the eyes of white liberals. But the not so hidden
truth is present all along. Cleaver did not just rape white girls. He
raped black girls. Because he was first of all, a rapist.

By passing off his rapes as revolutionary acts, he got liberals to
champion him and treat him as a hero. And his victims as irrelevant
details. The same way Ira Einhorn did. Or Julian Assange.

Of course it doesn't end there. You could easily write a book on this
sort of thing. It just wouldn't make for very pleasant reading. Some
time ago I wrote about the liberal love affair with Caryl Chessman

Caryl Chessman was a rapist who became the star of a worldwide campaign

"Telephone callers from Western Europe, Latin America, Africa and
Australia have importuned Governor Brown to spare Chessman's life.
Brown has received save-Chessman pleas from Belgium's Queen Mother
and from the Social Democratic members of Italy's Chamber of Deputies.

Secretary of State Christian Herter told his press conference last
week that the Chessman case had stirred up "quite a surprising amount
of interest" in South America. In Brazil, circulators of a
save-Chessman petition claim more than 2,500,000 signatures. In The
Netherlands, record dealers are profiting from brisk demand for a new
platter, in Dutch, called The Death Song of Chessman.

The London News Chronicle recently editorialized that "the great
American nation is humiliated because of the agony of Chessman," and
the London Daily Herald added that the day Chessman is executed "will
be a day when it will be rather unpleasant to be an American." Buenos
Aires' Critics called the Chessman case "the most terrible case that
has faced the world in recent history." - Time Magazine, Mar 21, 1960

Neil Diamond wrote a song about Chessman. So did Phil Ochs.

Then there's that all time hero of gonzo journalism, Hunter S.
Thompson, who made his reputation by mythologizing and defending the
Hell's Angels biker gang on charges of rape. He did it for that
incredibly progressive magazine. The Nation.

Thompson himself was on charged with rape. An unsurprising factoid,
but one that the liberals who treat him as a hero avoid discussing.

Again it's possible to keep going with this forever. But let's bring
it back to Sweden.

In his thoroughly cynical open letter, Michael Moore charges the
Swedish government with loving rapists. When actually he's talking
about himself. But he's not completely wrong. The Swedish government
does love and cover up for rapists. So do most European governments.
Why do they do it? Because the rapists are Muslim.

Most rapes in Sweden and Norway are carried out by Muslims against
the natives. And it isn't talked about anywhere. It's certainly not
mentioned by progressives. The French Arab and African of Eldridge
Cleaver create rape songs turning their rapes into an act of cultural warfare.

And so we're back where we started. Assange and the Muslim rapists
who boost Sweden's rape statistics have one thing in common. Liberal
defenders who lie for them and cover up for them.

...

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